SECTION III. Transactions during the Government of Martin Alfonso de Sousa, from 1542 to 1543
   In the year 1542, but whether under the government of De Gama or De Sousa is uncertain, Antonio de Mota, Francisco Zeymoto, and Antonio Peixoto, while on a voyage to China, were driven by a storm among the islands of Nipongi or Nijon, called Gipon by the Chinese, and known in Europe by the name of Japan. They were well received in one of these islands, of which they had the honour to be the first discoverers, though accidentally. These islands of Japan are far to the eastward of all India, being even beyond China, and lie between the latitudes of 30° and 40° N359. These islands are numerous, the principal and largest island being that peculiarly called Niphon, Nifon, Nipongi, or Japan, which gives name to the group, and in which is the city of Meaco the imperial residence. According to the natives this principal island is 366 leagues in length, but by our computation only 266360. The chief islands around the large one, are Cikoko, Toksosi, Sando, Sisime Bacasa, Vuoki, Taquixima, or Takishima, and Firando361. Fernan Mendez Pinto in his travels assumes the merit of this discovery to himself; pretending that he came to the island of Tanixima, by which I suppose he meant Taquixima, not by stress of weather, but by design, in the service of a pirate who had relieved him and his companions when cast away, naming Christopher Borallo and Diego Zeymoto as those who accompanied him. In both relations three names are mentioned as the discoverers of Japan, one only, Zeymoto, being the same in both, and both agree in the date of the discovery being in 1542. According to Pinto, the prince of the island of Tanixima was named Nautaquim who stood amazed on seeing the three Portuguese strangers, and uttered the following mysterious words: "These are certainly the Chinchicogies, spoken of in our records; who, flying over the waters, shall come to be lords of the lands where God has placed the greatest riches of the world. It will be fortunate for us if they come as friends!"
   The first action of the new governor De Sousa was to diminish the pay of the soldiers. The saving of charges is a great means of gaining the favour of princes; yet ministers never express their zeal by retrenching their own large allowances, but by cutting off the small ones from the poor; and, as was natural, this alteration occasioned much discontent among the troops. At this time the queen of Batecala, a well-built city on the banks of a river, on the coast of Canara, in a fertile country, refused to pay her tribute, and entertained pirates in her port to the great prejudice of trade; on which account De Sousa went with 2000 men in 60 vessels of different kinds to reduce her to obedience. On entering the port of Batecala where he demanded payment of the tribute, and that the pirate ships should be delivered up, the queen endeavoured to procrastinate till such time as she knew it would be necessary for the governor to retire with his armament to Cochin. But being aware of this artifice, the governor landed with 1200 men in two battalions, and ordered twenty light vessels to go up the river to attack the city on that side, while he assailed it on the land side. While marching through a wood, the governor was opposed by a body of musqueteers; but his troops drove them to the gates of the city, which they entered along with the fugitives, in spite of every opposition from the enemy who were encouraged by the queen in person. It was night when the Portuguese got possession of the city; and in the morning they began to plunder, not even sparing the Portuguese who were settled there. They even fell out among themselves, and came to blows, in which all were hurt and none enriched. The enemy noticed this contention among the Portuguese from a neighbouring hill to which they had retired, and endeavoured to take advantage of this circumstance, by discharging incessant flights of arrows into the town. On receiving orders from De Sousa to march against the enemy, the discontented troops exclaimed, "That the rich gentry might march if they would; but that they only came to make up by plunder for the pay of which they had been unjustly deprived." Gracia de Sa went out against the enemy with a few lances; but after several charges, almost the whole of the Portuguese shamefully took to flight, endeavouring in such haste to reimbark that several were drowned in the confusion. Indignant at this cowardice, the governor reproached them as not being the same brave men he had left in India only two years before. To this they answered, thinking he meant it as a reflection on his predecessor, "That the men were the same, but the governor was changed; and that this was the fruit of lessening their pay, to enable him to give gratuities to those who knew better how to beg favours than to deserve them." De Sousa retired to the ships for the night, but landed next day, when he utterly destroyed the city and surrounding country with fire and sword, and made all the woods be cut down362. Unable any longer to resist, the queen purchased peace by submitting to a heavier subjection than before.
   The king of Ormuz had fallen into arrears of life tribute, and was due 500,000 ducats, which he was unable to pay; for the tribute had been successively raised from 12,000 ducats originally imposed by Albuquerque, to 100,000, so that from a tributary he became a slave, not having even a competent maintenance remaining. Finding him unable to discharge the debt, De Sousa proposed to him to make over the customs of Ormuz to the Portuguese, which he agreed to, that he might get rid of the oppression. But the Persians soon afterwards deprived them of this source of revenue, which they had unjustly appropriated to themselves.
   In the year 1544, De Sousa fitted out a fleet of 45 sail, in which were embarked 3000 seamen and soldiers. The design of this armament was kept a profound secret, which was to rob the pagoda of Tremele, 12 miles inland from St Thomas of Meliapour, in the kingdom of Bisnagar, for which express orders had been given by King John, under pretence that India was wasted, as if any pretence could justify robbery. The design was however discovered, or as others say it was disappointed by contrary winds. Yet the governor was persuaded to plunder other pagodas, where it was thought there were equal riches. By the way, he sent a message to the king of Jafnapatam in the island of Ceylon, commanding him either to become tributary to the crown of Portugal, or to prepare for opposing the armament. The king agreed to pay 4000 ducats yearly, glad to get off so easily. A king called Grande near Cape Comorin, being in fear of the Portuguese, sent a present to the governor. De Sousa proceeded to a pagoda named Tebelicate363, near Calecoulam, although the Portuguese were at peace with the king of that country, and went into it with a small number of his confidants, whence they brought out two casks so heavy that they loaded many men. These casks were reported to contain water, though some affirmed that it was gold and jewels; but the truth was never known. It has been alleged by some writers that nothing was found but a golden vessel worth 4000 crowns, in which the idol used to be bathed, and which was ordered to be restored by the king of Portugal, who was much displeased at the conduct of De Sousa on this occasion; as if it were a greater crime to rob the pagoda of Tebilicare without orders, than that of Tremele with orders. While the Portuguese were returning to their ships, the town and pagoda were set on fire, and they were attacked in a narrow defile by 200 Nayres, who killed 30 of them; but on getting into the open field, the Nayres were put to flight. No danger terrifies avarice. The Portuguese went on to another pagoda, from which a chest was brought out and opened publicly, and some silver money which it contained was distributed among the troops; but of so small account, that many believed the liberality was owing to that circumstance.
   De Sousa was obliged to return in all haste to Goa, owing to the following circumstance, communicated to him by a message from Don Garcia de Castro. Aceda Khan, lord of the lands around Goa, intending to depose Adel Khan, prevailed on Don Garcia, by means of presents to deliver up to him Meale Khan the brother of Adel Khan, pretending that he held the kingdom wrongfully. This gave just cause of complaint to Adel Khan, and occasioned considerable danger to the Portuguese. The governor listened to the arguments and offers of both sides; but inclined more to favour Aceda Khan, who offered to cede the kingdom of Concan, giving a revenue of about a million, then possessed by Abraham, a good man and a friend of the Portuguese. As this territory was very valuable, particularly from its neighbourhood to Goa, the governor declared in favour of Meale Khan, and prepared to possess himself of the Concan which was offered by Aceda Khan. This was a notorious act of injustice; and as De Sousa was naturally of a haughty disposition, none of his officers dared to remonstrate; but Pedro de Faria, then four-score years of age, trusting to his quality and the great offices he had held, repaired late one night to the governors tent, and prevailed upon him to desist from so unjust an undertaking. Next day the governor abandoned his design, pretending various reasons of delay, and returned to Goa, carrying Meale Khan along with him.
   At this time Aceda Khan died, who was the contriver of this discord, and Adel Khan descended the gaut mountains with a powerful army to reduce the rebels, recovering possession of the Concan in a few days. But as Adel Khan was still fearful of Meale Khan, he offered the lands of Salsete and Bardez to De Sousa, on condition of delivering him up, which were valued at 50,000 ducats of yearly revenue. De Sousa refused to give up this man who had confided in him for protection; but offered, if put in possession of these districts, that he would remove Meale to some place where he could give no disturbance to Adel Khan. These conditions were agreed to and performed by Adel Khan, but evaded by De Sousa, who sent Meale to Cananor and brought him back to Goa. Some alleged that this was done to overawe Adel Khan, while others said it was meant as a bait to extort presents; and it was certain that some were actually sent.
   In this treaty, Adel Khan had agreed that De Sousa was to be put into possession of the vast treasures which had been left by the rebel Aceda Khan, said to amount to ten millions of ducats, and which at his death had fallen into the hands of Khojah Zemaz-oddin, who persuaded De Sousa that it was only one million, and delivered that sum to him. Adel Khan afterwards gave notice to De Sousa of the vast fraud which had been used in the pretended delivery of the treasure; but all his efforts to secure the defaulter were in vain.
   Sultan Mahmud, sovereign of Cambaya or Guzerat, was desirous of recovering possession of the castle built by the Portuguese at Diu, and of freeing himself by that means from the trammels which had been thrown in the way of the trade of his dominions. In the late treaty between him and the Portuguese, it had been stipulated, with the consent of the viceroy Don Garcia, that the government of Cambaya might erect a wall between the city of Diu and the castle. This wall was accordingly commenced; but as Emanuel de Sousa, who commanded in the castle of Diu, considered that the wall now building was of a very different description from a mere boundary, as intended in the treaty, and appeared to be destined for hostile purposes, he drove away the workmen, threw down the wall, and made use of the materials for strengthening the defences of the castle. Mahmud was highly offended at this procedure, and at the instigation of his great minister Khojah Zofar, he secretly used every possible means to stir up enemies to the Portuguese, endeavouring to form an union of the Indian princes to expel them not only from Diu but from all India.
   In the course of this year 1544, the great Khan of the Tartars invaded China and besieged Peking with a prodigious army, amounting to millions of men. A large detachment from this vast army, among which were 60,000 horse, was sent against the city of Quamsi, which was plundered, and an immense number of the inhabitants put to the sword. While on his return with this part of the army, Nauticor the Tartar general attempted to reduce the fortress of Nixiancoo, but was repulsed with the loss of 3000 men, on which he was disposed to desist from the enterprise, deeming the place impregnable. Among the prisoners taken at Quamsi were nine Portuguese, one of whom named George Mendez made offer to the Tartar general to put him on a plan for gaining the fortress of Nixiancoo, on condition that he and his companions were restored to liberty. The general agreed to his proposal, and gained the fort by the advice of Mendez, with the slaughter of 2000 Chinese and Moguls. In pursuance of his promise, the general obtained the liberty of the Portuguese from his sovereign, but prevailed on Mendez to continue in his service by a pension of 6000 ducats. The Tartar emperor was constrained to raise the siege of Peking and retire to Tuymican his residence in Tartary, after having closely invested the metropolis of China for almost seven months, with the loss of 450,000 men, mostly cut off by pestilence, besides 300,000 that deserted to the Chinese.
   In 1545, Martin Alfonso de Sousa became exceedingly dissatisfied with his situation as governor-general in India, being threatened on every side by a combination of the native princes, and having no adequate means of defence either in men or money. Only a few days before the arrival of his successor, he declared to Diego Silveyra who was going to sail for Portugal, that if the king did not immediately send out a successor, he would open the patents of succession, and resign the government to whoever he might find nominated for that purpose. He was soon afterwards relieved by Don Juan de Castro, whose journal of the expedition into the Red Sea we have laid before our readers in the preceding chapter, and who arrived at Goa in August or September 1545, to assume the government of India.

SECTION IV. Government of India by Don Juan de Castro, from 1545 to 1548
   Khojah Zofar, who was now chief minister and favourite to the king of Cambaya, though he continued to keep up a fair correspondence with the Portuguese, yet, with the perfidy so natural to a Moor, never ceased persuading his sovereign to endeavour to shake off the yoke by a second attempt to reduce the castle of Diu. For this purpose he collected a powerful army, yet endeavoured in the first place to attain his ends by the most infamous means of secret policy. With this view he gained over a Portuguese of a base character, named Ruy Freire, to poison the great cistern or reservoir of water, to set the magazine of the castle on fire, and to admit him by a concerted signal into the place. But this treacherous design was frustrated by the information of an Ethiopian, a Turk and a female slave, who revealed the plot to the commander, Don Juan Mascarenhas, who had succeeded Emanuel de Sousa. As Mascarenhas became aware of the storm that was gathering against him, he prepared to meet it as well as possible, and sent notice of his danger to the governor-general, Don Juan de Castro, and to all the neighbouring Portuguese commanders. The garrison in the castle of Diu at this time amounted only to 210 men: Of these Mascarenhas assigned 30 for the defence of each of the four bastions; his lieutenant had charge of a tower or bulwark over the gate with 20 men; other 20 were placed in a small detached work; and he retained 50 men as a body of reserve under his own immediate command, to act wherever the greatest danger might call for his presence.
   By this time a considerable number of men were collected by the enemy in the city of Diu, among whom were 500 Turks sent from Mokha by the king of Zabid, and Khojah Zofar came on with all his power, resolving to attack the sea bastion by means of three castles well stored with cannon and ammunition, which were built upon a ship of vast size; within the castles were 200 Turks, who were intended to distract the attention of the defendants by continually pouring in all sorts of artificial fireworks. This device was however abortive, as Jacome Leite went by night in two small vessels with twenty men, and though discovered he succeeded in setting the floating castle on fire, a great part of which blew up with all the Turks, and the remainder of the ship burnt with so great a flame that the enemy was seen in whole battalions running to quench the fire. Seeing the enemy in clusters, Jacome pointed his cannon among them and killed many: After this exploit, he proceeded to the mouth of the river, where he took some vessels loaded with provisions belonging to the enemy, with which he returned to the fort to the great admiration of the whole garrison, having seven of his men wounded in this gallant and successful exploit.
   Though frustrated in this design, Khojah Zofar persisted in his intentions of besieging the castle, for which purpose he began to rebuild the wall which had been destroyed by De Sousa.364 This could not be prevented, though many of the workmen were killed by the cannon of the fort, and being at last brought to perfection Zofar planted upon it sixty pieces of large cannon, besides many of a small size. One of these cannons was of such extraordinary magnitude that it shook the whole island every time it was discharged, and it was managed with much expertness by a renegade Frenchman in the service of Zofar. At this time Don Ferdinand de Castro, son to the governor arrived with a reinforcement. Mascarenhas having expressed a desire of acquiring some intelligence from the enemys camp, one Diego de Anaya Coutinno, a gentleman of note and of great strength, put on a helmet with a sword by his side and a spear in his hand, and let himself down from the wall under night. He soon discovered two Moors at some distance from the fort, one of whom he slew with his spear, and taking up the other in his arms ran with him to the gate of the fort, calling out for admission, and threw him in, to the great surprise and admiration of his companions. Coutinno had borrowed a helmet, which he had engaged his word to restore or die in its defence. It happened to fall off in the scuffle, and he did not miss it till demanded, by its owner. He immediately let himself down again from the wall to look for the helmet, which he found and restored.
   Shortly afterwards an extraordinary movement was observed in the besieging army, of which Mascarenhas was desirous to know the cause. On this account six men sallied out at night from the castle, and fell upon an advanced party of sixty Moors, some of whom they killed; but the rest awaking, and being joined by others, the Portuguese were forced to retreat after losing two of their number; but the remaining four brought in a prisoner along with them, who reported that the king of Cambaya was arrived from Champanel with 10,000 horse, on purpose to see the capture of the castle, which he was assured by Zofar must soon fall. This exploit so incensed the king and Zofar, that they pressed the siege with the utmost fury, and did much harm to the works of the castle by incessant discharges from their numerous artillery. But the renegade Frenchman, who managed their greatest gun, was slain by a chance shot, and the gunner who succeeded him was so ignorant that he did more harm to his own party than to the Portuguese. All the neighbourhood continually resounded with the incessant noise of the cannon, mixed with the cries and groans of dying men; when a ball from the fort happened to go through the kings tent, and sprinkled him all over with the blood of one of his favourites, who was torn to pieces close by him. This so terrified the king, that he immediately abandoned Diu, leaving the command of the horse to Juzar Khan a valiant Abyssinian.
   Khojah Zofar continued to press the siege, and there was much slaughter and destruction on both sides; but this was more evident and prejudicial in the castle, owing to the small space and the weakness of the garrison. Mascarenhas on his part exerted every means for defence, always repairing to wherever there was most danger, as desirous of gaining equal honour with Silveyra who had so gallantly defended the same place only a few years before. He was no less fortunate in courageous women than Silveyra, as those now in the castle encouraged the men to fight valiantly, and both assisted and relieved them in the labour of repairing the walls. On one occasion that some Turks had got within the walls and had taken post in a house, one of these valiant females ran there with a spear and fought against the enemy, till Mascarenhas came up with his reserve and put them all to the sword. Zofar used every effort and device to fill up the ditches and to batter down the walls of the castle; but equal industry was exerted by the besieged to repair the breaches and to clear out the ditches, the prime gentry doing as much duty on those occasions as the private soldiers and masons; repairing every night such parts of the walls and bastions as had been ruined in the day.
   Astonished to see all the defences thus restored, and angry at the obstinate resistance of so small a garrison, Zofar made a furious assault upon the castle, but had his head carried off by a cannon-ball. "In this violent death he fulfilled the prediction of his mother at Otranto, who having in vain endeavoured to prevail upon him to return into the bosom of the church, used to superscribe her letters to him in the following manner. To Khojah Zofar my son, at the gates of hell. " He was succeeded by his son Rumi Khan, who inherited his fortune and command, and was as eager as his father to reduce the castle of Diu. Being in great straits, Mascarenhas was under the necessity of applying to the governor-general at Goa and the commanders of the neighbouring garrisons for reinforcements, on which occasion a priest was employed, who run great danger, as the sea was at this season scarcely navigable: But then Portugal had some decii and reguli, while it now has only the grief of wanting such patriots365.
   In the mean time Rumi Khan and Juzar Khan gave a general assault, particularly directing their efforts against the bastions of St John and St Thomas, where they found a vigorous resistance and lost a prodigious number of men. Yet numbers at length prevailed, and the enemy gained a temporary possession of the bastion of St Thomas. The garrison adding fury to despair, made so desperate an effort to recover the bastion, that they made a wonderful slaughter of the numerous assailants who had penetrated their works, throwing headlong from the wall such as had escaped the sword, insomuch that the bastion and the ditch below were heaped with dead bodies. Rumi Khan spent the succeeding night in prayers and processions to propitiate Mahomet, and next morning renewed the assault with equal fury. But after mounting the two bastions, he was at length forced to retreat with the loss of near 2000 men, among whom was Juzar Khan the Abyssinian general, who was succeeded in his command by his uncle of the same name. In this action the Portuguese lost seven men. Several other assaults were given with similar success. In one of these the fire was so close and furious that several of the Portuguese who were clad in cotton garments had their clothes set on fire, on which they ran and dipt themselves in water, after which they returned to their posts. Such as happened to have skin coats escaped this danger; and as Mascarenhas noticed this circumstance, he caused the gilt leather hangings of his apartments to be made into coats for his soldiers.
   As the enemy had raised a mount near the castle which overlooked the walls, whence they greatly annoyed the enemy, Don Juan and Don Pedro de Almeyda sallied out with an hundred men and destroyed that work, killing 300 Moors. At another time Martin Botello went out with ten men to endeavour to make some prisoners, to procure intelligence. This party fell upon a post of the enemy occupied by eighteen men, all of whom fled except one Nubian, who bravely endeavoured to defend himself against the whole eleven. Botello closed with him, and finding him hard to overcome while he touched the ground with his feet, raised him in his arms as Hercules did Anteus, and carried him to the fort by main strength. The assaults were frequently renewed, and the besieged were worn out with fatigue and reduced to the last extremity by famine, being forced to feed even upon naseous vermin. A crow or a vulture taken while feeding upon the dead bodies was so great a dainty for the sick that it sold for five crowns. Even the ammunition was almost spent. In this extremity, the enemy gave a fresh assault and forced their way into the bastion of St John, whence they were driven out. Scarcely had they retired when the bastion blew up with a vast explosion, carrying up 73 of the garrison into the air, ten of whom came down alive. Among these was Diego de Sotomayor, who fell into the fort with his spear still in his hand. One soldier fell in a similar manner among the enemy, and was immediately slain. It was no fable that armed men were seen in the air on this occasion366. Foreseeing the danger, as he believed from the retirement of the enemy so suddenly that they had secretly caused it to be undermined, Mascarenhas gave orders for the Portuguese soldiers to retire from the bastion; but one Reynoso prevented them from doing so, unaware of what was intended, upbraiding them for cowardice.
   Thirteen thousand of the enemy immediately attacked the breach which was formed by the explosion, and were at first resisted only by five men, till Mascarenhas came up with fifteen more. Even the women came forward to assist in defending the breach: and the priest, who had returned from carrying advice to the neighbouring Portuguese forts, appeared carrying a crucifix aloft, and encouraging the men to behave themselves manfully. After a long and furious contest, the enemy retired on the approach of night, after losing 300 men, and Mascarenhas employed the whole night in repairing the breach. The enemy renewed their attacks every day, but with no better success, trusting to their vast superiority in numbers, that they would at last wear out and destroy the garrison. Rumi Khan began again to undermine the works, even piercing through rocks that were in the way; but Mascarenhas by means of a countermine disappointed his expectations, as the mine exploded back upon the enemy and killed many of their own men.
   Don Alvaro de Castro, son to the governor-general, was at this time sent with supplies and reinforcements, and had to contend against the winds and waves through almost incredible storms, yet arrived at Bassen without loss. From thence Antonio Moniz Baretto with eight gentlemen crossed over to Diu in a boat, being the first reinforcement; who though few were no small comfort to the besieged by their bravery. Next came Luis de Melo with nine men; then Don George and Don Duarte de Menezes with seventeen; after them Antonio de Ataide and Francisco Guillerme with fifty each; and Ruy Freyre the factor of Chaul with twenty-four. With these reinforcements Mascarenhas fell upon the enemy who then possessed some of the works of the castle, and had even established themselves in the bastion of St James. The enemy had now lost 5000 men and the besieged 200, but having as many more left, scarcely half of whom were fit for duty, when Don Alvaro de Castro arrived with 400 men and a sufficient supply of ammunition, having taken by the way a ship belonging to Cambaya richly laden.
   The joy of this relief was soon damped by the mutinous disposition of the soldiers brought by Don Alvaro; who fearful of the mines of the enemy, clamorously demanded to be led into the field against the enemy; and when the governor prudently refused compliance, they broke out into open mutiny in defiance of all discipline, then scarce known or at least not respected by the Portuguese. Being in danger of perishing in the castle by his own men, Mascarenhas chose rather to die in the field among the enemy, and made a sally with almost 500 men in three bodies. At the first push the advanced post of the enemy was gained, and they were forced to retire to their main works. Those who had insolently compelled their commander to this extravagant measure, now stood heartless at the foot of the trenches, while others who had taken no part in the mutiny acted courageously. After a severe reproof from Mascarenhas they took heart and mounted the works, but the whole army of the enemy attacking them, the Portuguese were forced to retire in disorder. The enemy followed up the runaways, and 5000 of them under Mojate Khan endeavoured to gain possession of the bastion of St Thomas, but were bravely repulsed by Luis de Sousa. In this action sixty men were slain on the side of the Portuguese, among whom were Don Alvaro de Castro, who was mortally wounded in the head. About this time likewise the enemy gained temporary possession of the bastion of St James and even turned its cannon against the garrison, but were driven out by Vasco de Cuna and Luis de Almeida, who had just arrived with a reinforcement. The latter went out soon afterwards with Payo Rodriguez and Pedro Alfonso in three caravels, and soon returned with two great ships belonging to Mecca and several other vessels, whose cargoes were worth 50,000 ducats.
   In the beginning of October 1545, when the siege had lasted eight months, Don Juan de Castro set out from Goa with a powerful armament for its relief. As the fleet, consisting of above 90 vessels, was scattered during the voyage, Don Juan put in at Baseen to wait for its reunion, and sent in the mean time Don Emanuel de Lima with a squadron to scour the coast, who took several vessels. At length the Portuguese fleet made its appearance in the sea of Diu, to the great amazement and dismay of the enemy, who had recently received a supply of 5000 men from the king of Cambaya. Having landed his troops, it was resolved by Don Juan de Castro to march and attack the enemy, chiefly on the suggestion of the experienced Don Garcia de Sa. The Portuguese army was accordingly marshalled in the following order. Don Juan Mascarenhas, the valiant defender of the castle, led the van consisting of 500 men. Two other bodies of equal force were led by Don Alvaro de Castro367, and Don Emanuel de Lima. Don Juan de Castro led the reserve, composed of 1000 Portuguese and a body of Indian soldiers. Among the men were several Portuguese women in men's clothes, who went principally to assist those that might be wounded. The lieutenant-governor was left in charge of the fort with 300 men.
   Having prepared for battle by the sacraments of the church, this small army marched out at break of day of the 11th November 1545, to attack the numerous forces of the enemy, who were strongly entrenched and defended by a powerful train of artillery. At this time two Portuguese gentlemen who had challenged each other, agreed that he who first mounted the works of the enemy should be deemed conqueror: both honourably strove to gain the victory, and both died gloriously in the attempt. After a severe conflict, in which the Portuguese sustained some loss, they at length mounted the works, and Mascarenhas and Don Alvaro de Castro, having each gained possession of a tower or bulwark, made room for the army drawing up in the open field in the rear of the hostile works. Twice was the ensign carrying the royal standard thrown down from the enemy's works, and twice remounted. Rumi Khan used every effort, backed by his numerous army, to drive the Portuguese from his entrenchments, but unsuccessfully. Being joined by Juzar Khan, who had been worsted by Mascarenhas, they united their troops and renewed their fight, and distressed the Portuguese exceedingly, when father Antonio de Cazal appeared in the ranks carrying a crucifix aloft on the point of a lance, encouraging the troops to behave courageously. By great and valiant exertions, after covering the field with dead and wounded Moors, Rumi Khan was constrained to retreat in disorder; but having rallied his troops, the Portuguese in their turn were thrown into disorder. Don Juan, however exerted himself to admiration, and restoring his men to order renewed the battle. At this time a stone or bullet broke off an arm from the crucifix, and the priest calling on the soldiers to avenge the sacrilege, they fell on with such fury, that after incredible efforts they drove the enemy into the city with vast slaughter. Mascarenhas, Don Alvaro de Lima, and Don Juan de Castro, successively forced their way into the city with their respective battalions, by several avenues, making the streets and houses run with blood. The women shared the fate of the men, and even children were slain at their mothers breasts. In plundering the houses, gold, silver, and jewels were alone attended to by the soldiery, other things though of value being slighted as cumbrous.
   Rumi Khan and the other officers of the enemy sallied with about 8000 men, against whom Don Juan de Castro, with the assistance of his son and Mascarenhas again engaged, and after a bloody battle gained a complete victory. In this last engagement, Gabriel Teixeyra killed the standard-bearer of the enemy, and dragged the standard of Cambaya about the field proclaiming victory. George Nunez brought out the head of Rumi Khan from among the dead, and presented it to Don Juan. Juzar Khan was wounded and made prisoner. In this great battle the enemy lost 5000 men, among whom, besides Rumi Khan, Azede Khan, Lu Khan, and other men of note were slain. The Portuguese, according to one account, lost 100 men, while others say only 34. Many thousands were taken, with forty pieces of cannon of extraordinary size, besides 160 others, and a prodigious quantity of ammunition. Free plunder was allowed to the troops, by which many acquired great riches and all were satisfied. Many of the Portuguese signalized their valour in this action. The governor-general acted the part of a valiant soldier, as well as that of a prudent general. Mascarenhas, after sustaining a siege of eight months, distinguished himself above all others. Of Don Alvaro de Castro, it is sufficient to say that he acted like his father. The ensign Barbado, though several times thrown down, as often remounted the works of the enemy. Father Antonio del Cazal, by presenting to view the image of life banished the fear of death. Many others distinguished their valour, some of whom survived and others were slain. The enemy confessed that, one day during the siege, they saw over the church in the castle a beautiful woman in the air, clothed in white, and so brilliantly illuminated with rays of light that they could not look upon her; and that this day there were some men in the field armed with lances who did them much harm. The king of Cambaya was so enraged with the loss he had sustained in this siege, that he ordered twenty-eight Portuguese prisoners to be torn in pieces in his presence.
   Great was the joy at Goa on the news being received of the events at Diu, which were carried thither by Diego Rodriguez de Azevedo, who likewise carried a message from Don Juan de Castro requesting the city to lend him 20,000 pardaos for the use of the army, sending a lock of his whiskers in pawn for the faithful repayment of the money. The city respectfully returned the proposed pledge, and sent him more money than he wanted, and even the ladies of Goa on this occasion sent him their earrings, necklaces, bracelets, and other jewels to be applied to the public service. But the governor punctually restored all exactly as sent, having been amply supplied by the capture of a rich ship of Cambaya. Having restored the castle to a better condition than before the siege, Don Juan de Castro sailed for Goa, leaving a garrison of 500 men in the castle under Don George de Menezes, with six ships to secure the coast. The city also was now better inhabited than ever, through the good usage of the governor to the Moors.
   Don Juan de Castro returned from Diu to Goa on the 11th of April 1546, where he was received with universal demonstrations of joy, and was conducted into the city in a splendid triumph, prepared on purpose after the manner of the ancient Romans. The city gates and the houses of the streets he had to pass through were hung with silk, all the windows were thronged with women splendidly dressed, and every part of the city resounded with music and the din of cannon, all the ships in the bay being richly adorned with numerous flags and streamers. Don Juan entered the city under a splendid canopy; and at the gates his hat was taken off, and his brows adorned by a crown of laurel, of which likewise a branch was put into his hand. Before him went the priest, carrying the crucifix, as he had done in the late battle, and next to him was the royal standard. Juzar Khan followed with his eyes fixed on the ground, perhaps that he might not see the standard of his sovereign trailing in the dust, while those of the Portuguese floated triumphant in the air. After him came 600 prisoners in chains. In the front were all the captured cannon, and great quantities of arms of all sorts in carts artificially disposed. The governor walked upon leaves of gold and silver and rich silks, all the ladies as he passed sprinkling him from their windows with odoriferous waters, and strewing him with flowers. On hearing an account of this triumph, queen Catharine said "That Don Juan had overcome like a Christian, but had triumphed like a heathen."
   Scarcely was this triumph ended when the governor found it necessary to send a force of 120 horse, 800 foot, and 1000 Indians, to expel some troops sent by Adel Khan to possess the districts of Salsete and Bardes, because the conditions on which he had ceded these to the Portuguese had not been fulfilled. Diego de Almeyda, who commanded these troops, easily executed his commission, as 4000 men belonging to Adel Khan, who were stationed at Cowlii fled at his approach. Adel Khan however sent them back again, with 9000 additional men, together with a company of renegado Portuguese, commanded by Gonzalo Vaz Coutinno, who, to avoid the punishment due to his crimes, had deserted to the enemy. As Almeyda found himself too weak to resist this great force, he was forced to retire; on which the governor marched in person against the enemy with 3000 men in five battalions, and was soon afterwards joined by Francisco de Melo with about 1500 more. On the approach of this force the enemy retired to the fort of Ponda followed by the Portuguese army, on which occasion Don Alvaro de Castro, who led the van, gained possession of a ford defended by 2000 musqueteers. The main body of the enemy, twelve or thirteen thousand strong, were drawn up in good order about the fort, but fled at the first fire, leaving the fort entirely empty.
   The victorious are sure to find friends. Cidoza king of Canara sent to congratulate Don Juan de Castro upon this victory, and to propose a new alliance with the Portuguese, which was accordingly concluded upon advantageous terms, as always happens upon such occasions. This kingdom of Charnataca, corruptly named Canara, had no sovereign prince before the year 1200, when one Boca, a shepherd, assumed the government, styling himself Rao which signifies emperor, a title that has been continued by all his successors. This king, in memorial of a victory gained by him over the king of Delhi, built the famous city of Visajanagur, corruptly called Bisnagar. The crown continued in his line till usurped by Narsinga, from whom the kingdom took that name, having been formerly called Bisnagar from that of the city. Afterwards king Malek sent also to confirm the peace between him and the Portuguese, more through hatred to Adel Khan who was defeated, than from love to the victorious Portuguese.
   Hearing in 1546 that the king of Cambaya intended again to besiege Diu with a larger army than ever, Don Juan de Castro prepared with all diligence to relieve it, borrowing money from the city of Goa for the expences of the expedition; and on this occasion the women of Goa sent him their jewels by the hands of their young daughters, complaining that he had not used them before, and requesting him to do so now; but he sent all back accompanied with presents. Having fitted out 160 sail of various kinds of vessels with a large military force, Don Juan sailed for Basseen and thence to Surat, where Don Alvaro had arrived before the fleet, and had taken a work with several cannon from the Moors. Sailing thence to Baroch, the army of the king of Cambaya was seen covering the whole plain, to the amount of 150,000 men, with 80 large cannon in front. Don John was anxious to land with his small army of 3000 men to give battle to the king, but was dissuaded from the rash attempt by his most experienced officers. He went on therefore to Diu, where he appointed Luis Falcam to command the castle, as Mascarenhas was then about to return to Portugal. After this he went along the coast of the Guzerat dominions, landing in many places, and destroying every thing with fire and sword. The strong and beautiful cities of Pate and Patane, being abandoned by the inhabitants, were utterly destroyed; two hundred vessels were destroyed in their ports, and a prodigious booty was obtained. Dabul also, though in the dominions of Adel Khan, was treated in a similar manner, in revenge for the ravages committed by the orders of that sovereign in the districts of Salsete and Bardes, which were occupied by Calabate Khan at the head of 20,000 men.
   As Calabate Khan seemed disposed to retain possession of these districts, Don Juan went against him with 1500 horse and 4000 foot; but the enemy fled in all haste to the gauts, leaving their tents and baggage behind. The Portuguese army pursued; and being resisted by Calabate Khan in person, with 2000 horse at a ford or pass, that general was unhorsed and slain by a Portuguese officer named Almeyda, after which the enemy were defeated with great slaughter. The cymeter, dagger, chain, and rings of the slain general were estimated at the value of 80,000 crowns. After this victory, Don Juan ravaged the whole country below the gauts belonging to Adel Khan, destroying every thing before him, burning all the towns and woods, and carrying off the cattle and provisions. From this destructive expedition he returned to Goa, which he again entered in triumph.
   About this time the king of Acheen in Sumatra, an irreconcilable enemy to the Portuguese, sent a fleet of sixty vessels against Malacca with 5000 soldiers, among whom were 500 men called Orobalones or the golden bracelets, from wearing that ornament in distinction of their bravery; but the principal force consisted of a regiment of Turkish janisaries commanded by a valiant Moor. This man landed in the night near Malacca, and it is said that the garrison was alarmed and put on their guard by a flock of geese, as the capitol was in ancient times. The garrison of Malacca was then very weak, yet the enemy were forced to reimbark, after burning two Portuguese ships then ready to sail. On returning from their intended attack on Malacca, the enemy took seven poor fishermen, whose noses, ears, and feet they cut off and sent them in that mutilated condition to the commander at Malacca, George de Melo, with a letter written with their blood, challenging him to come out and fight them at sea. Melo was by no means disposed to accept this challenge, having a very inadequate force, and because he had only eight small vessels which lay aground in a state unfit for service. But the great St Francis Xavier, who was then in Malacca, prevailed on some merchants to be at the expence of fitting out these vessels, and upon Melo to go out against the enemy, promising that two galliots would come by a certain time to his aid. When the time was near expired, two galliots actually made their appearance and came into the harbour, though intended upon a different course. The saint went on board, and found that they were commanded by Diego Suarez de Melo, commonly called the Gallego, and his son Baltazar, whom he prevailed upon to join in the attack of the Acheenese. The ten small vessels were accordingly fitted out and manned by 230 men, and set sail in search of the enemy under the command of Don Francisco Deza. After ranging about for two months in search of the Acheen fleet, when at length about to return to Malacca, Deza found them in the river Parles, where he resolutely attacked them one Sunday morning, and, after an obstinate engagement, gained a complete victory, in which 4000 of the enemy were slain. Several of the Acheen ships were sunk, and almost all the rest taken, of which the Portuguese brought in twenty-five to Malacca, with 300 pieces of cannon, and about 1000 firelocks, having only lost twenty-five men according to one account, while some said only four. St Francis was preaching at Malacca when this battle took place, and suddenly pausing in the middle of his discourse, he distinctly related all the particulars of the victory to his auditors, who were in great anxiety for the fate of their ships, having received no news of them during two months. His prophecy was verified a few days afterwards by their triumphant arrival.
   Don Juan de Castro began his operations in January 1548, by the entire destruction of all that part of the western coast of India which belonged to Adel Khan. From the river Charopa two leagues from Goa, to that of Cifardam, which divides the dominions of Adel Khan from that of the Nizam, he spared neither living creature, vegetable, nor dwelling of any kind.
   When the news of the glorious termination of the siege of Diu was received at Lisbon, the king sent out a greater fleet than usual to India, and honoured Don Juan with extraordinary favours for his good services. Besides a present in money, he continued him in the government, raising his rank from governor-general to the dignity of viceroy, and appointed his son Don Alvaro admiral of the Indian seas. But Don Juan was almost dead when these honours reached him, being sick of a disease which now-a-days kills no one, for even diseases die! He was heart-broken by the cowardly behaviour of a Portuguese force that had been sent to Aden, and the rash conduct of his son at Xael, in both of which they had suffered severe losses. Finding himself dying, he publicly asked pardon of many for having written against them to the king; and being unable to manage the affairs of government, he appointed a select council to supply his place. Calling the members into his presence, he said "Though he neither hoped nor wished to live, yet it behoved him to be at some expence while he remained alive; and having no money, he entreated they would order him a small supply from the royal revenues, that he might not die for want." Then laying his hand on a missal, with his eyes lifted up to heaven, he solemnly swore, "That he had on no occasion converted the money belonging to the king, or to any other person, to his own use; and that he had never engaged in trade to increase his own fortune." He desired that this his solemn declaration might be recorded. He soon afterwards expired in the arms of St Francis Xavier, on the 6th of June 1548, in the 48th year of his age. All the treasure found in his private cabinet was three ryals and a bloody scourge.
   Don Juan was an excellent scholar, being particularly skilled in Latin and the mathematics. During his government of India he did not allow himself to be actuated by pride, as others had done before and after him, and always valued and promoted his officers for their merits. He so much loved that every one should act becomingly, that seeing one day a fine suit of clothes on passing a tailors shop, and being told that it was intended for his son, he cut it in pieces, desiring some one to tell the young man to provide arms, not fine clothes.

SECTION V. Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1548 to 1564, under several Governors368
   Immediately on the death of Don Juan the first patent of succession was opened, in which Don Juan Mascarenhas was named; but he had gone to Lisbon to seek the reward of his gallant defence of Diu, which he now missed. The second named Don George Telo, who was also absent. In the third, Gracia de Sa was nominated to the succession, an officer of much experience in the affairs of India. Soon afterwards, he received an embassy from Adel Khan to solicit peace, which was concluded much to the advantage of the Portuguese. The Zamorin, Nizam-al-mulk, Kothb-al-mulk king of Golconda, the Rajah of Canara, and several other princes of India sent splendid embassies to confirm the peace; and at length, Sultan Mahmud king of Guzerat or Cambaya, tired of the unfortunate war in which he had been long engaged with the Portuguese, made pacific overtures, and a treaty was concluded to the credit and advantage of the Portuguese.
   In the course of this year, 1548, a bloody war broke out between the kings of Siam and Pegu on the following occasion: The king of Siam happened to possess a white elephant, a singular curiosity, much coveted by all the princes of the east, and the king of Pegu demanded that it should be given up to him in token of superiority. This was refused by the king of Siam, and the king of Pegu invaded Siam with a numerous army, reducing the king of Siam to such straits that he was willing to make peace on any conditions, except delivering up the white elephant, even agreeing to give up one of his own daughters, and to send a woman of noble birth yearly as an acknowledgement of vassalage. But as the terms were not performed, the king of Pegu again marched into the kingdom of Siam with a prodigious army of a million and a half of men and 4000 elephants. Above 2000 workmen preceded the king, and set up every night for his lodgment a stately wooden palace, richly painted and adorned with gold. On this march the king of Pegu constructed a prodigious bridge of boats over the rapid river Menam, a full league in length, for the passage of his army.
   In the course of this march, the army of Pegu was obstructed by a strong entrenchment defended by 25,000 Siamese troops. Diego Suarez de Melo, who served in the army of Pegu with 180 Portuguese, went against this entrenchment with his own small battalion and 30,000 Peguers; and carried the work with a prodigious slaughter of the Siamese. The army of Pegu at length besieged the city of Odia, in which the king of Siam resided. Odia is eight leagues in circumference, and was surrounded by a strong wall on which 4000 cannon were mounted, and was farther defended by a wide and deep wet ditch, and by a garrison of 60,000 combatants, among whom were 50 Portuguese commanded by Diego Pereyra. After continuing the siege for some time, being unable to prevail on the Portuguese under Pereyra to desert the service of the king of Siam, the king of Pegu abandoned Odia, and besieged the city of Camambee; in which the treasures of Siam were deposited. That place was strongly fortified, and defended by 20,000 men with so much valour that the Peguers were again obliged to desist. At this time Xemindoo rebelled against the king of Pegu, who sent Diego Suarez against him with 200 Portuguese. Suarez pursued the rebel to the city of Cevadi, but Xemindoo slipped past him and took possession of the city of Pegu, where he was favoured by the inhabitants. The queen fled into the castle, where she was defended by twenty Portuguese, till the king came up with his army and put the rebels to flight. The army then entered the city, and put all to the sword, men, women, and children, and every living thing, sparing those only who took refuge in the house of Suarez, which the king had ordered to be exempted from this military execution, and in which above 12,000 saved themselves. The plunder on this occasion was immense, of which three millions fell to the share of Suarez, who was so much in favour with the king, that he pardoned a Portuguese at his intercession who had supplied the rebels with ammunition.
   The king of Pegu was soon afterwards murdered in the beautiful city of Zatan by the Ximi or governor of that place, who immediately had himself proclaimed king; but was in his turn taken and beheaded by the former rebel Xemindoo, who usurped the crown. One Mandaragri, who had married a sister of the former king, raised an army and claimed the crown in right of his wife; and having defeated that first rebel in battle, he fled to the mountains, where he married the daughter of a peasant, to whom he revealed his name and rank. She communicated this intelligence to her father, who delivered him up to the new king by whom he was beheaded. Being much displeased with the people of Pegu, Mandaragri built a new city near that place. He soon afterwards raised an immense army, with which he reduced many of the neighbouring provinces. But a new rebellion broke out at Pegu in his absence, by which the queen was forced to take refuge in the castle, where she chiefly owed her safety to about forty Portuguese, who defended her till the king came up and vanquished the rebels; after which he rewarded the brave Portuguese with riches and honour.
   About this time likewise, the inhabitants of Chincheo, the second Portuguese colony in China, being in a flourishing condition, became forgetful of the sad fate of Liampo, formerly mentioned, which had been destroyed through their insolence and cupidity. Ayres Coello de Sousa, who was judge of the orphans and proveditar for the dead, committed many villanies to get hold of 12,000 ducats belonging to an Armenian merchant who had died there, and of 8000 ducats from some Chinese merchants, under pretence that this sum was due by them to the deceased. By these and other insolencies, the Chinese were so provoked that they destroyed Chincheo, as they had formerly done Liampo, only 30 Portuguese escaping out of 500 who lived there. These and some other Portuguese went over to the island of Lampezau; and they afterwards, in 1557, obtained leave to settle in the island of Goaxam, where they built the city of Macao.
   While endeavouring to devise means for the relief of the soldiers, who were in great want, Gracia de Sa died suddenly in July 1549, at 70 years of age, being much regretted for his prudence, affability, and integrity. On the patents of succession being opened, George Cabral was found first in nomination. This officer was a man of good birth and known worth, and had gone a short while before to assume the command at Basseen. He was very unwilling to assume the government, as it deprived him of the command which he was to have held for four years, and was afraid that another would soon come from Portugal to supersede him in the supreme authority; but his lady Donna Lucretia Fiallo, prevailed upon him to accept the honour to which he seemed so averse, and which she ardently desired; and he accordingly returned to Goa to assume the high office. Cabral deserved to have long enjoyed the post of governor-general, and Portuguese India was indebted to his wife for the short period of his rule. Soon after his installation, news was brought that the Turks were fitting out an hundred sail at Suez to transport an army to India; on which Cabral diligently prepared to meet the storm, by collecting ships from the different ports.
   At this time the zamorin and the rajah of Pimienta entered into a league against the rajah of Cochin. The rajah of Pimienta took the field with 10,000 Nayres, and was opposed by the rajah of Cochin with his men, assisted by 600 Portuguese troops under Francisco de Sylva, who commanded in the fort at Cochin. Sylva pressed for an accommodation, which was consented to by the rajah on reasonable terms; but the treaty was broken off by the rash and violent conduct of Sylva. The armies engaged in battle, in which the rajah of Pimienta was mortally wounded and carried off the field, upon which his troops fled and were pursued into their city with great slaughter, and the royal palace set on fire. This was considered as a heinous affront by the Nayres of Pimienta, who rallied and fell with such fury on the victors that they were forced to a disorderly retreat, in which Sylva and above fifty Portuguese were slain. About 5000 of the Pimienta Nayres, who had taken an oath to revenge the death of their rajah or to die in the attempt, made an irruption into the territory of Cochin where they did much damage; and while engaged with the Cochin troops, Henry de Sousa marched against them with some Portuguese troops, and defeated them with great slaughter. The joy occasioned by this victory was soon damped by the approach of the zamorin at the head of 140,000 men. The zamorin encamped with 100,000 of these at Chembe, while the tributary or allied Malabar princes with the other 40,000 took post in the island of Bardela.
   Upon the first advice of this invasion, Cabral collected the armament which had been destined against the Turks, consisting of above 100 sail of different kinds, with 4000 soldiers. He sent on Emanuel de Sousa with four ships, ordering him with these and the force already at Cochin to use every effort to confine the Malabar princes to the island of Bardela, till he should be able to get there with the main army, which orders he effectually executed. Having destroyed Tiracole, Coulete, and Paniane, Cabral landed at Cochin, where his army was increased to 6000 men, and where the Rajah, was ready with 40,000 of his subjects. Being ready to attack the island, the Malabar princes hung out a white flag for a parley, and even agreed to put themselves into the hands of the governor on promise of their lives; but they delayed, and Cabral resolved to attack them next day. When next day came, he was again hindered by a violent flood. And the next day after, when on the point of performing one of the most brilliant actions that had ever been done in India, he was stopt by the sudden arrival at Cochin of Don Alfonso de Noronha as viceroy of India; who would neither allow him to proceed, nor would he execute what was so well begun, but allowed the Malabar princes to escape with their whole army369.
   While Cabral remained at Cochin, waiting for an opportunity to embark for Portugal in the homeward bound ships, there was a report one night about the middle of February 1550, that 8000 sworn Nayres were on their march to assault the city. He hastened to the gates with Emanuel de Sousa, intending to march against the enemy at day-break; but being hindered by the council of Cochin, he remained with a competent force to defend the city, and sent Emanuel with the native troops and 1500 Portuguese against the invaders, who were doing every thing that rage and malice could suggest in a neighbouring town. After a desperate engagement, the amoucos or devoted Nayres were defeated with great slaughter with the loss of 50 Portuguese. Cabral embarked well-pleased with this successful exploit against the sworn Nayres, and was well received in Portugal, as he justly merited, though contrary to the usual custom of that court.
   This year there was born at Goa, of Canarin parents, a hairy monster like a monkey, having a round head and only one eye in the forehead, over which it had horns, and its ears were like those of a kid. When received by the midwife, it cried with a loud voice, and stood up on its feet. The father put it into a hencoop, whence it got out and flew upon its mother; on which the father killed it by pouring scalding water on its head, and could scarcely cut off the head it was so hard. He burnt it. But when the story came to be known, he was punished for the murder, and the body was exposed to public view370.
   Don Alfonso de Noronha was promoted to the viceroyalty of India from being governor of Ceuta, but was subjected to the control of a council, by whose advice he was ordered to conduct the government of India. He had orders from court to send back to Portugal all the new Christians or converted Jews, many of whom had gone out to India with their families. It had been better to have banished them from both countries. The new viceroy was received at Goa with universal joy, more owing perhaps to the general dislike towards him who lays down authority than from love for him who takes it up. The Arabs of Catifa in the Persian Gulf had admitted the Turks to take possession of the fort in that city, to the great displeasure of the King of Ormuz, on whom it had been dependent, and who therefore applied for aid to the viceroy to reduce the refractory or revolted vassals. The king of Basrah had also been expelled from his kingdom by the Turks, yet kept the field with an army of 30,000 men, and sent for assistance from the viceroy, to whom he offered leave to erect a fort at his capital, and to grant many valuable privileges to the Portuguese. The viceroy accordingly sent his nephew, Antonio de Norenha, to the assistance of these two kings with 1200 men in nineteen vessels. Antonio was joined at Ormuz by 3000 native troops, in conjunction with whom he besieged Catifa, which was defended by 400 Turks. After a brave but unavailing resistance, the garrison fled by night, but were pursued and routed. As the general of the troops of Ormuz was unwilling to engage for the future defence of this fort, it was undermined for the purpose of destroying it; but being unskilfully managed, the mine exploded unexpectedly, and forty of the Portuguese were buried under its ruins. Noronha then sailed to the mouth of the Euphrates, on purpose to assist the king of Basrah; but he was induced to believe, by a cunning Turkish pacha, that the king of Basrah meant to betray him, on which he ingloriously returned to Ormuz, where he learnt the deceit when too late.
   The sultan of the Turks was so much displeased with the Portuguese for what they had done at Catifa and attempted at Basrah, that he sent an expedition against Ormuz of 16,000 men, commanded by an old pirate named Pirbec. The Turk in the first place besieged Muscat for near a month, and at length obliged the garrison to capitulate; but broke the articles and chained the captain and sixty men to the oars. He afterwards proceeded against Ormuz, where Don Alvaro de Noronha commanded with nine-hundred men in the fort, where he had provided ammunition and provisions for a long siege, and into which the king with his wife and children and some of the chief people of the court had gone for shelter. The Turk landed his men and raised batteries against the fort, which he cannonaded incessantly for a whole month; but finding that he lost many of his men and had no prospect of success, he plundered the city, and went over to the island of Kishom, to which many of the principal people of Ormuz had withdrawn, where he got a considerable booty and then retired to Basrah. The viceroy had been informed of the danger to which Ormuz was exposed, and fitted out a fleet in which he embarked in person for its relief; but hearing at Diu, on his way to the Persian Gulf, that Ormuz was out of danger, he sailed back to Goa. On his return unsuccessful from Ormuz, Pirbec was beheaded for having acted beyond his instructions, and Morad-beg was sent in 1553 with fifteen gallies to cruise in the Persian Gulf against the Portuguese. An encounter took place between this Turkish squadron and one belonging to the Portuguese under Don Diego de Noronha, which ended without material loss on either side; but the Turks were forced to take shelter in the Euphrates, where the water was too shallow to admit the Portuguese galleons. In the course of this year 1553, Luis Camoens, the admirable Portuguese poet, went out to India, to endeavour to advance his fortune by the sword, which had been so little favoured by his pen.
   About this time new troubles took place at Diu in consequence of the death of Sultan Mahmud, king of Guzerat or Cambaya. Like Mithridates, he had accustomed himself to the use of poison, to guard against being poisoned. When any of his women happened to be near their delivery, he used to open them to take out their children. Being one day out hunting accompanied by some of his women, he fell from his horse and was dragged by the stirrup, when one of his women boldly made up to his horse and cut the girth with a cymeter; in requital for this service he killed her, saying "that a woman of such courage had enough to kill him." He was at length murdered by a page in whom he had great confidence. For tyrants always die by the hands of those in whom they repose most trust. He was succeeded by a child who was his reputed son; but the nobility of the kingdom, offended by the insolence of Madrem-al-mulk who acted as governor of the kingdom, rebelled in several places. Abex Khan, who commanded in the city of Diu, was one of these, and in consequence of some disagreement between his soldiers and the Portuguese garrison, Don Diego de Almeyda made an assault on the city with 500 men, in which many of the Moors were slain and their houses plundered. Though late, Abex Khan saw his error, and made proper concessions. Soon afterwards, when Don Diego de Noronha succeeded Almeyda in the command of the castle of Diu, fresh troubles broke out at Diu, which were not appeased, till a good many men had been skin on both sides, chiefly owing to the rashness and obstinacy of Diego de Noronha, for which he was afterwards excluded from the appointment to the viceroyalty of India.
   In 1554 Don Alfonso de Noronha was superseded in the government of Portuguese India by Don Pedro de Mascarenhas, who was 70 years of age when appointed viceroy. Soon after his arrival at Goa, some of the great subjects of Adel Khan, king of Visiapour, made proposals for raising Meale Khan, who had long resided at Goa, to the musnud, and offered to cede the Concan to the crown of Portugal, in reward for assistance in bringing about that revolution. That province, which produced a million of yearly revenue, was so great a bait, that the enterprise was engaged in without consideration of its difficulties. Meale Khan was immediately proclaimed king of Visiapour, and a force of 3000 Portuguese infantry with 200 horse and a body of Malabars and Canarins was immediately sent to reduce the fort of Ponda; after which, leaving his family in Goa as hostages for the faithful performance of the treaty, Meale Khan was conducted thither by the viceroy and placed at the head of his new subjects. Leaving Ponda under the charge of Don Antonio de Noronha, with a garrison of 600 men, the viceroy returned to Goa, where he soon afterwards died, having enjoyed the viceroyalty of India only ten months.
   On the death of Mascarenhas, which happened some time in 1555, Francisco de Barreto succeeded to the government by virtue of a patent of succession. He immediately proceeded to Ponda to support the cause of Meale Khan, who was soon afterwards taken prisoner, and the Portuguese were utterly disappointed in the hopes of profiting by this intended revolution.
   In the beginning of 1556, Juan Peixoto sailed with two gallies for the Red Sea, to examine if the Turks were making any preparations at Suez for attacking the Portuguese in India. Finding every thing quiet, he landed unperceived during the night in the island of Swakem, whence he carried off a considerable booty and many prisoners, and returned to Goa with much honour.
   About this time the king of Sinde sent an embassy to the governor general, desiring assistance in a war against one of his neighbours, and 700 men were dispatched for that purpose in 28 vessels under the command of Pedro Barreto, who arrived safe at Tatta in the delta of the Indus, the residence of the king of Sinde. The prince immediately visited the Portuguese commander, and sent notice of his arrival to the king his father who was absent in the field against the enemy. As the king made peace with his enemy, Barreto desired leave to depart, and required that the Portuguese should be reimbursed for the expences of the expedition, as had been agreed upon, by the ambassador who solicited it. Receiving an unsatisfactory answer, Baretto landed his men and entered the city, where he slew above 8000 persons, destroyed to the value of above eight millions in gold371, and loaded his vessels with the richest booty that had ever been made in India, without losing a single man. He afterwards spent eight days destroying every thing within reach on both sides of the river. On this occasion one Gaspar de Monterroyo, going accidentally into a wood, killed a monstrous serpent thirty feet in length and of prodigious bigness, which had just devoured a bullock. Thus victorious over men and monsters, Barreto returned to Chaul, whence he and Antonio Pereyra Brandam went and destroyed Dabul in revenge for the injury done by Adel Khan to the Portuguese possessions on the coast.
   In the year 1557, Nazer-al-mulk, the general of Adel Khan, invaded the districts of Salsete and Bardes with 2000 horse and 81,000 foot. Francisco Barreto, the governor-general, went against him with 3000 Portuguese infantry, 1000 Canarins, and 200 horse, and defeated him in the plain country near Ponda. In the district of Bardes, Juan Peixoto was opposed to another general of the enemy named Murad Khan, and being much incommoded by a Portuguese renegado who had fortified himself, assaulted and routed him twice with considerable slaughter. As the governor-general had retired to Goa after his late victory, Nazer-al-mulk returned to the flat country and intrenched his army near Ponda. About the same time an officer of Adel Khan waded the ford of Zacorla into the island of Choram with 500 men, and did considerable damage; but on the arrival of assistance from other parts was repulsed with considerable loss, and Francisco de Mascarenhas was left for the defence of the island with 300 men. Being desirous to secure the promontory of Chaul, the governor asked leave to fortify that place from Nizam Shah372, who not only refused permission, but sent 30,000 of his own men with orders to build there an impregnable fort. On this the governor went there in person with 4000 Portuguese troops besides natives, and a pacific arrangement was entered into, but without liberty to build the fort. A miracle was seen at this place, as the Moors had been utterly unable to cut down a small wooden cross fixed upon a stone, or even to remove it by the force of elephants. Likewise about this time a Portuguese soldier bought for a trifle from a jogue in Ceylon, a brown pebble about the size of an egg, on which the heavens where represented in several colours, and in the midst of them the image of the holy Virgin with the Saviour in her arms; this precious jewel fell into the hands of Franciso Barreto, who presented it to Queen Catharine, and through its virtues God wrought many miracles both in India and Portugal.
   About the end of the government of Franciso Barreto, Joam III, king of Portugal died, in whom ended the good fortune of the Portuguese. In 1558 the regency, during the minority of King Sebastian, sent out Don Constantin de Braganza as viceroy to India. Don Constantin was younger brother of Theodosius duke of Braganza, and was only 30 years of age when appointed to that high office. He arrived at Goa in the beginning of September 1558, with four ships and 2000 men, having performed the voyage with unusually favourable weather; and, contrary to the usual practice, he assumed the government without affronting in any way the person whom he superseded. Soon after his arrival he went upon an expedition against Daman, which had been ceded to the former governor by the king of Guzerat, but which was still retained by Side Bofata, who was in rebellion against his own prince. On the arrival of the Portuguese armament, Bofata abandoned the city and fort, which the viceroy took possession of, as a post of importance to secure the district of Basseen, and converted the mosque into a Christian church. Bofata encamped at a place named Parnel, two leagues from Daman, whence with 2000 horse he infested the Portuguese in their new possession; but was driven from his encampment by Antonio Moniz Barreto, leaving thirty-six pieces of cannon, several cart-loads of copper money, and other plunder. The viceroy behaved with such liberality and discretion, that he soon attracted abundance of inhabitants to this new acquisition, and reduced the neighbouring island of Balzar, which he deemed necessary for the security of Daman, of which he gave the command to Don Diego de Noronha with a garrison of 1200, appointing Alvaro Gonzales Pinto to command in Balzar with 120 men and some cannon.
   In 1560, the viceroy went against Jafnapatam in the island of Ceylon, because the king of that place, who was likewise lord of the isle of Manar, persecuted the Christians, and had usurped the throne from his brother, who fled to Goa, and was there baptised by the name of Alfonso. After some considerable successes, and having even forced the king of Jafnapatam to cede the island of Manar, and to submit to the vassalage of Portugal, the viceroy was obliged to desist from the enterprise with considerable loss, but retained the island of Manar, where he built a fort. Among the treasure belonging to the king of Jafnapatam, taken in this expedition, was an idol, or relic rather, which was held in high estimation by all the idolaters on the coast of India, and, in particular, by the king of Pegu, who used to send ambassadors yearly with rich presents, merely to get a print of the precious relic. This holy relic was nothing more than the tooth of a white monkey; and some say that the cause of its being so much admired was owing to the rarity of the colour, like the white elephant of Siam. Others say that the monkey was held in such veneration for having discovered the wife of an ancient Indian king who had eloped from her husband. Some again alleged that it was the tooth of a man who had performed that service. However this may have been, when the king of Pegu heard that this tooth was in possession of the viceroy, he made an offer of 300,000 ducats for it, and it was believed his zeal would extend to a million if the bargain was well managed. Most of the Portuguese were for taking the money, and some wished to be employed in carrying the tooth to Pegu, expecting to derive great profit by shewing so precious a treasure by the way. But in a meeting of the principal clergy and laity of Goa, held on purpose, it was determined that the tooth should be destroyed; and it was accordingly pounded in a mortar in presence of the assembly, and reduced to ashes. All men applauded this act; but, not long afterwards, two teeth were set up instead of one.
   Madrem al Mulk, king of Cambaya, desirous of recovering Daman, was ready to march against that place with a numerous army; but Don Diego de Noronha, getting intelligence of the design, contrived to persuade Cedeme Khan, lord of Surat, that the expedition was intended against him. Cedeme Khan, giving credit to this fiction, went to visit his brother-in-law, Madrem al Mulk, and persuaded him, with the principal leaders of his army, to visit him in the city of Surat, where he killed them all, and falling upon the camp put the Guzerat army to the rout with great slaughter. Zingis Khan, the son and successor of Madrem al Mulk, marched with a numerous army to Surat to revenge the death of his father. Cedeme Khan abandoned the city and retired into the fort, where he was besieged by Zingis Khan, and reduced to great extremity; but hearing that his dominions were invaded by a new enemy, Zingis Khan patched up an agreement with Cedeme Khan, and returned to defend his own country. Soon afterwards, Don Diego de Noronha, commandant of Daman, died poor, having expended all his substance in the service of his king and country. Don Antonio de Noronha, who was afterwards viceroy, used to say "That a man must be mad who practised that kind of liberality." Now-a-days all men are very wise in that respect.
   Some time afterwards, Cedeme Khan sent notice to the viceroy, that Zingis Khan was again marching against Surat, which he was in no condition to defend, and offered to deliver up the fort at that place to the Portuguese, on condition of being carried with his family and treasure to such place as he should appoint. The viceroy accordingly sent fourteen ships under the command of Don Antonio de Noronha to Surat, accompanied by Luis de Melo, who was appointed to succeed Diego de Noronha in the command of Daman. Coming to Surat, they forced their way up the river through showers of bullets, and landing with only 500 Portuguese troops, defeated Zingis Khan, who had an army of 20,000 men, but were unable to drive him from the city of Surat. Cedeme Khan however refused to deliver up the fort of Surat according to agreement, alledging that his own men would kill him if he did so. This is very likely; for, on the retirement of Antonio to Goa, Cedeme Khan was forced to make his escape from his own people, and, being made prisoner by Zingis Khan, was put to death. Caracen, who succeeded Cedeme Khan, contrived to patch up an agreement with Zingis Zhan, who left him in possession of Surat.
   The conduct of Don Constantin de Braganza gave so much satisfaction to King Sebastian, that he offered to continue him as viceroy of India for life; but on his refusal, Don Francisco de Cotinho, count of Redondo, was appointed his successor. This nobleman, who was no less distinguished for his witty sayings than for his conduct in peace and war, arrived at Goa in the beginning of September 1561. Nothing worth relating happened during his government of India, which lasted two years and five months, except the ordinary occurrences of petty wars on the Malabar coast, in Ceylon, Malacca, and the Moluccas, not worth relating. In his time, the famous poet Camoens was in Goa, where he had been favoured by the two last viceroys. The former governor, Francisco Barreto, had imprisoned and banished him for getting into debt, and other youthful extravagancies; and, being given up to the law by the count towards the end of his government, he was thrown into prison. We shall afterwards see him deceitfully carried to Sofala, and there sold as a slave. About the end of February 1564, the viceroy died suddenly, much lamented by all, being a great lover of justice, and so happy in his witticisms that all pleasant sayings were fathered upon him.

SECTION VI. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1564 to the year 1571
   On the death of the count of Redondo, Juan de Mendoza late governor of Malacca succeeded to the command in India with, the title of governor. A short while before his accession, some Malabar pirates had committed hostilities on the coast of Calicut upon the Portuguese; and when complaints were carried to the zamorin, he alleged that these had been done contrary to his authority by rebels, and that the Portuguese were welcome to punish them at their pleasure. The late viceroy had accordingly sent Dominic de Mosquita to make reprisals, who took above twenty sail of Malabar vessels, the crews of which he barbarously put to death. Immediately after the accession of Mendoza to the government an ambassador was sent to him from the zamorin, complaining of the conduct of Mosquita; when the governor, in imitation of the answer given on a similar occasion by the zamorin, said that it had probably been done by Portuguese rebels whom he might punish if taken. As Mosquita came to Goa while the Calicut ambassadors were still there, the governor thought it expedient to apprehend him in their presence; but as soon as they were departed, he released Mosquita and rewarded him. His conduct, however, soon afterwards occasioned a long war with the zamorin. Mendoza only enjoyed the government for six months, as, in the beginning of September 1564, Don Antonio de Noronha arrived at Goa with the title of viceroy.
   It is the received opinion in India, that the apostle St. Thomas was slain at Antmodur, a mountain about a league and half from Meliapour, where were two caves into which he used to retire for prayer and meditation. The nearest of these caves now belongs to the Jesuits, and the other has been converted into a church dedicated to our Lady of the Mount. According to the legend, the apostle being one day at prayers in the former of these caves, opposite to a cleft which let in the light, a bramin thrust in a spear at the hole and gave the saint a mortal wound, part of the spear breaking off and remaining in his body. The saint had just strength enough remaining to go into the other cave, where he died embracing a stone on which a representation of the cross was engraved. His disciples removed his body, and buried it in the church which he had built, where the body was afterwards found by Emanuel de Faria and the priest Antonio Penteado, who were sent thither on purpose by king Emanuel. When, in the year 1547, the Portuguese were clearing out the cave or oratory in which the apostle died, a stone was found which seems to have been that he clung to at his death. This stone is about a yard long and three quarters broad, of a grey colour with some red spots. On its middle there is a carved porch, having letters between two borders, and within two banisters, on which are two twisted figures resembling dogs in a sitting posture. From their heads springs a graceful arch of five borders, between every two of which are knobs resembling heads. In the hollow of this arch or portal is a pedestal of two steps, from the upper of which rises a branch on each side, and over these, as if hung in the air, is a cross, said to resemble that of the military order of Alcantara; but in the print the ends resemble three crescents with their convex sides outwards and their points meeting, like those in many old churches in Europe. Over all is a dove on the wing, as if descending to touch the cross with its beak.
   When, in the year 1551, this oratory was repaired and beautified, this stone was solemnly set up and consecrated; and when the priest was reading the gospel, it began to turn black and shining, then sweated, and returned to its original colour, and plainly discovered, the red spots of blood, which were before obscure. The letters on this stone could not be understood till the year 1561, when a learned bramin said they consisted of 36 hieroglyphic characters, each containing a sentence, and explained them to this effect: "In the time of the son of Sagad the gentile, who reigned 30 years, the one only GOD came upon earth, and was incarnate in the womb of a virgin. He abolished the law of the Jews, whom he punished for the sins of men.373, after he had been thirty-three years in the world, and had instructed twelve servants in the truth which he preached. A king of three crowns Cheraldcone, Indalacone, Cuspindiad, and Alexander; king of Ertinabarad, with Catharine his daughter, and many virgins, with six families, voluntarily followed the law of Thomas, because the law of truth, and he gave them the sign of the cross to adore. Going up to the place of Antenodur, a bramin thrust him through with a lance, and he died embracing this cross which was stained with his blood. His disciples carried him to Maiale, where they buried him in his own church with the lance still in his body. And as we, the above mentioned kings, saw this, we carved these letters." Hence it may be inferred, that Maiale was the ancient name of Meliapour, now called St Thomas. This stone afterwards sweated sometimes, which, till the year 1561, was a good omen, but has since been a bad one.
   There were likewise found three brass plates, about a span long and half a span broad, shaped like scutcheons, having rings on the top. On one side was engraven a cross and peacock, the ancient arms of Meliapour, and on the other side certain characters which were explained by another learned bramin to the following effect: "Boca Rajah son of Campula Rajah, and grandson of Atela Rajah, who confesses one GOD without beginning, creator of all things, who is greater than the beast Chigsan, and one of five kings who has conquered ninety and nine, who is strong as one of the eight elephants that support the world, and hath conquered the kingdoms of Otia, Tulcan, and Canara, cutting his enemies to pieces with his sword." This is the Inscription on one of these plates. The others contain grants of lands to St Thomas, directed by the king to himself, and calling him Abidarra Modeliar; whence it may be inferred, that these kings reigned at the time when Christ was crucified. One of these grants begins thus: "After the year 1259, in the first year called Icarana Rachan, and on the 12th day of the new moon of the good year, I give in alms to the saint Abidarra Modeliar," &c. The other begins in this manner: "This is a token of alms-deeds to purchase Paradise. All kings that perform them shall obtain much more than they give; and he who disannuls them shall remain 60,000 years with the worms in hell," &c.
   It has been disputed by what road St Thomas came into India. The heathen history says, that he and Thaddeus being in Mesopotamia, they parted at the city of Edessa, whence St Thomas sailed with certain merchants to the island of Socotora where he converted the people, and then passed over to Mogodover Patana, a city of Paru, in Malabar, where he built a church. When at this place, a heathen, who had struck St Thomas in the king's presence, going to fetch water had his hand bitten off by a tiger; and running to the palace to tell his misfortune, a dog followed him with the hand in his mouth, on which the saint set on his hand again, so that no mark remained. He went afterwards to Calicut, where he converted king Perimal. There is an account that he went to the Moguls country, where Chesitrigal then reigned, whence going into China, he returned through Thibet into India, and went to Meliapour, where he ended his days.
   In the year 800, a rich Armenian Christian, named Thomas Cananeus, arrived at Mogodover or Patana. Having acquired the favour of the king by his presents, he received a grant of Cranganor and the city of Patana, in which there were scarcely any vestiges remaining of the church there established by St Thomas. On these foundations the Armenian built a new church, and another at Cranganor, which he dedicated to St Thomas, and which is still standing on the outside of the Portuguese fort. He likewise built two other churches, one dedicated to the Holy Virgin, and the other to St Cyriacus. All of these have been erroneously ascribed to St Thomas, when in fact they were the works of Thomas Cananeus, the Armenian. It may reasonably be believed that the temple or pagoda, into which Vasco de Gama entered, as he went from Calicut to the palace of the zamorin, may have been one of these churches, because the image of the Virgin was there called Mary by the heathens. It is believed that one of the three kings who went to Bethlem, at the nativity of our Lord, was king of Malabar. The heathens celebrate yearly a festival in honour of St Thomas, for the preservation of their ships, because formerly, every year, many of them used to be lost while sailing to Parvi.
   From this long digression we return to the government of the viceroy Don Antonio de Noronha, who arrived in the beginning of September 1564, as formerly mentioned. In consequence of the cruelties exercised on the Moors of Malabar by Mesquita, as formerly mentioned, those of Cananor had besieged the Portuguese fort at that place, and had destroyed above thirty vessels which were under its protection. After a siege of some endurance, the Portuguese fleet destroyed many of the paraos belonging to the enemy, while the besieged garrison of Cananor killed great numbers of their assailants, besides cutting down above 40,000 palm trees374 to the infinite injury of the natives, who depend upon these trees as their principal sustenance. The natives were so exasperated at this that, collecting forces from all the surrounding districts, to the amount of 90,000 men, they assaulted and even scaled the walls of the fort and city; but after fighting from day-break to sunset, during which time they lost about 5000 men, they were forced to retire to their camp, resolving to protract the siege, or rather to convert the siege into a strict blockade. In the farther prosecution of this war, the Portuguese utterly destroyed the city belonging to Adderajao375, who commanded the besieging enemy, and cut down a large wood of palm trees, making great slaughter of the enemy, without any loss on their own side, so that the natives were constrained to raise the siege.
   About this time the fort of Daman, towards the frontier of Guzerat, was threatened by a detachment of 3000 Mogul horse. Juan de Sousa stood immediately on his defence, and sent advice to the viceroy and the neighbouring commanders of his danger, trusting however to the strength of his defences, and particularly to a pallisade or bound hedge, which he had made of the plant named lechera or the milk plant, which throws out when cut a milky liquor which is sure to blind any one if it touches their eyes. On receiving reinforcements, De Sousa marched out against the Moguls, who were encamped about three leagues from Daman; but they fled precipitately, leaving their camp and baggage, in which the Portuguese found a rich booty.
   During the year 1566, the trade of India was reduced to a very low ebb, owing to a desolating war in the rich and extensive kingdom of Bisnagar, which then reached from the frontiers of Bengal to that of Sinde. The kings of the Decan, Nizam al Mulk, Adel Khan, and Cuttub Shah, envious of the power and grandeur of the king of Bisnagar, entered into a league to partition his dominions among themselves, and took the field with 50,000 horse and 300,000 foot. To repel this formidable invasion, the king of Bisnagar, who was then ninety-six years of age, met his enemies with an army double their numbers. At first the confederates seemed to have the worst of the war; but fortune favoured them in the end, and the ancient king of Bisnagar was defeated and slain. The confederates spent five months in plundering the capital of Bisnagar, although the natives had previously carried off 1550 elephants loaded with money and jewels to the value of above an hundred millions of gold, besides the royal chair of state, which was of inestimable value. Among his share of the plunder Adel Khan got a diamond as large as an ordinary egg, with another of extraordinary size though smaller, and other jewels of prodigious value. The dominions of the old king were partitioned by the victors among his sons and nephews.
   In the year 1567, the great poet Camoens being extremely poor though he had served sixteen years in India, was prevailed upon to go to Sofala along with Pedro Barreto, who was going there with the command, and promised to do great things for him; but after waiting long and receiving nothing, Camoens resolved to return to Portugal in a ship which put in at Sofala, in which was Hector de Silveyra and other gentlemen. Barreto, however, opposed his departure, having promised him promotion without any intentions of doing so, but only to procure his company for his own gratification, and now detained him under pretence of a debt of two hundred ducats. Silveyra and the other Portuguese gentlemen paid this money and brought Camoens away, so that it may be said, that the person of Camoens and the honour of Barreto were both sold for that money. Camoens arrived at Lisbon in 1569, at which time the plague raged in that city; so that in flying from one plague our great and famous poet fell into another.
   In 1568, Don Antonio de Noronha was succeeded as viceroy of India by Don Luis de Ataide, count of Atougaia, who arrived at Goa in the October of that year. At this time Itimi Khan held the administration of the Kingdom of Guzerat, having by great artifice persuaded the chiefs that his own son was son of the former king; but the kingdom was in great confusion. One Rustum Khan had usurped Baroch, in which he was besieged by the Moguls, and being in alliance with the Portuguese, a force was sent to his assistance, which succeeded in obliging the Moguls to raise the siege; but Rustum now forgot his promises, and refused to become tributary. At Surat the government had been usurped by one Agalu Khan, who was loading two large ships at that port without licence from the Portuguese viceroy; on which the commander of the Portuguese fort at Daman seized both ships, which were valued at 100,000 ducats. Nunno Vello de Pereyra, who had gone from Daman to clear the bay of Cambaya from pirates that infested the Portuguese trade, burnt two villages and several vessels, and carried away many prisoners. He then landed with 400 men, and went against a body of Moguls who had taken post on the mountain of Parnel, about three leagues from Daman, a place almost impregnable by its situation and the strength of its works. Although unacquainted with the strength of the place or the number of its defenders, who exceeded 8000 men, Nunno immediately began to climb up the steep ascent, whence the enemy rolled down great stones upon the assailants. The soldiers however clambered up on their hands and knees, and reached the first entrenchment which they carried after a vigorous opposition; but were forced to retire from the fort after a desperate assault, in which the Portuguese lost seven men. In their retreat the Portuguese carried off a considerable quantity of provisions, with fifty horses and several camels and oxen, and were pursued on their retreat by 500 of the enemy, 100 of whom were cavalry. From Daman, to which he had retreated, Nunno marched again against the enemy, having now 100 Portuguese and 50 native horse, with 650 foot, half Portuguese, and half native, and three pieces of cannon. In this new, attempt, they had to climb the mountain by roads never trod before, and against considerable opposition from the enemy, who had five pieces of cannon. After three days of severe labour and almost continual fighting, in which he lost eight men, six of whom were slain and two made prisoners, Nunno at length gained the summit of the mountain, and planted his cannon against the fort, which he battered with such fury, that the enemy abandoned it on the sixth night, and the fort was razed.
   In the year 1580, a dangerous war broke out in India against the Portuguese, by a confederacy which had been negotiating for five years with wonderful secrecy. The confederated princes were Adel Khan, Nizam al Mulk, the Zamorin, and the king of Acheen, and they flattered themselves in the hope of extirpating the Portuguese from India, making themselves so sure of success, that they agreed beforehand on the division of their expected conquests. Adel Khan was to have Goa, Onor, and Barcalor; Nizam al Mulk to have Chaul, Daman, and Basseen; and Cananor, Mangalor, Cochin, and Chale were to become the share of the Zamorin. At the same time, the king of Acheen was to attack Malacca, that the Portuguese, assailed at once on every important point, might be incapable of sending succours to the different places. Adel Khan was so confident of success, that he had assigned the different offices at Goa among his chiefs, and had even allotted among them certain Portuguese ladies, who were celebrated for their beauty.
   In pursuance of this league, Adel Khan took the field to besiege Goa, and Nizam al Mulk marched against Chaul. In this great emergency, it was recommended by many to abandon Chaul for the greater security of Goa; but the viceroy undauntedly resolved to defend both. Don Francisco Mascarenhas was sent with six hundred men in four gallies and five small vessels for the relief of Chaul, about the beginning of September, and the viceroy took proper precautions for the defence of Goa. The pass of Benastarim was committed to the care of Ferdinand de Sousa y Castellobranco with 120 men. Paul de Lima had charge of Rachol with sixty, and fifteen hundred native troops were distributed in different parts of the island under approved commanders. At this time there were only 700 Portuguese troops in Goa, which were kept as a body of reserve, whenever their services might be most wanted. The defence of the city was confided to the monks and clergy, to the number of 300, assisted by 1000 slaves. Juan de Sousa with 50 horse was ready to give assistance where wanted. Don George de Menezes had the defence of the river with 25 vessels; and the viceroy, having procured ammunition and provisions from all quarters, took post about the middle of December on the bank of the river.
   These measures of defence were hardly completed, when several bodies of the enemy were seen descending from the gauts, and taking up a camp at Ponda, under the command of Nori Khan, general of the army of Adel Khan. About the end of December, Nori Khan advanced from Ponda, and encamped, facing the pass of Benastarim, where he pitched the royal tents of Adel Khan, who spent eight days in descending the gauts, so vast was the army which now came against Goa. At night, so many fires were lighted up to illuminate the passes of the mountain, that, though at a great distance, the multitudes of the enemy could be distinctly seen from the island. The army of Adel Khan, on this occasion, amounted to 100,000 fighting men, of whom 36,000 were horse, with 2140 war-elephants, and 350 pieces of cannon, most of which were of an extraordinary size; and some barks were brought upon mules to be launched into the river to assist in getting into the island. The chief commanders of this vast army were Nori Khan, Rumer Khan, and Coger Khan; the former of whom commanded in chief under the king, and the other two had charge of advanced posts on the side of the river. Their encampment was so extensive and regularly arranged that it resembled a regularly built city. Adel Khan took up his quarters at Ponda with 4000 horse, 6000 musqueteers, 300 elephants, and 220 pieces of cannon. Rumer Khan, Coger Khan, and Mortaz Khan were stationed near the mouth of the Ganja channel, with 3000 horse, 130 elephants, and nine cannon. Nori Khan commanded opposite the island of Juan Lopez with 7000 horse, 130 elephants, and eight large cannon. Camil Khan and Deliren Khan faced the pass of Benastarim with 9000 horse, 200 elephants, and 32 pieces of battering artillery. Solyman Aga took post on a hill above Benastarim with 1500 horse and two field-pieces. Anjoz Khan, opposite the island of Juan Rangel, with 2500 horse, 50 elephants, and six cannon. Xatiaryiatan in sight of Sapal, with 1500 horse, six elephants, and six cannon. Daulate Khan, Xetiatimanaique, Chiti Khan, and Codemena Khan faced the pass of Agazaim with 9000, 200 elephants, and 26 cannon. The rest of the army, with innumerable followers, covered the mountains to a vast extent, sufficient to strike terror into the boldest spirits.
   Having carefully examined the dispositions of the enemy, and naturally considering the means he possessed for defence, now somewhat increased by the arrival of reinforcements from different quarters, the viceroy made a new distribution of his force to various posts, his force in all amounting to 1600 men; besides several small armed vessels, which were directed to guard the river, and to relieve the several posts as occasion offered or required376. The enemy spent their first efforts against the fort at the pass of Benastarim, where they did considerable damage by the constant fire of their heavy guns; but whatever injury they did during the day was repaired in the ensuing night. Such was the extent of their cannonade, that only in one small post, occupied by Alvaro de Mendoza with ten men, 600 bullets were picked up, some of which were two spans diameter. The Portuguese were unable to answer with any thing like a correspondent fire, but, being well directed, their shot did great execution, and the small armed vessels plied from place to place with much diligence, doing great injury with their small guns. One night an officer of the enemy was seen with a great number of torches passing a height opposite the fort of Benastarim, having a number of young women dancing before him. On this occasion, Ferdinand de Sousa caused a cannon to be so exactly pointed among them, that the officer, with several of his torch-bearers and two couple of the dancers were seen to fly into the air. As this was the time for dispatching the homeward-bound trade to Portugal, the governor was anxiously advised to stop that fleet, as it would deprive him of 400 men, who might be of great use in defending Goa; but ambitions of acquiring greater glory by conquering every difficulty, he ordered the ships to sail at their usual time, alleging that their cargoes were much wanted in Portugal, and that he trusted he should have a sufficient force remaining to defend the seat of government.
   The Portuguese had often the boldness to cross over and attack the enemy in their posts in the main-land, whence they brought away many prisoners and many heads of those they slew, with various arms and standards. On one occasion, Don George de Menezes who commanded the armed vessels, and Don Pedro de Castro who landed with 200 Portuguese, made so great slaughter that the viceroy sent two carts loaded with heads to the city, to animate the inhabitants with this barbarous proof of the energy of the defence. One night Gaspar and Lancelot Diaz penetrated four or five miles up the country with eighty men, burnt two villages with many detached houses, and brought away many prisoners, many heads of the slain enemy, and much cattle. At another time these two brothers, with one hundred and thirty men, attacked the quarters of Coger Khan and Rumer Khan, where they made great havock, and destroyed all the preparations they had made for passing over into the island of Juan Lopez. The enemy were astonished at the exploits performed by such small numbers, and still more so when they learnt that the viceroy had sent off Don Diego de Menezes with his squadron to the Malabar coast, and Don Ferdinand de Vasconcellos with four gallies and two small vessels, on an expedition to destroy Dabul.
   Don Ferdinand burnt two large ships belonging to Mecca at that place, where he likewise landed and destroyed several villages, and would even have done the same to Dabul if he had not been opposed by his officers. On his return to Goa he attacked the quarters of Anjoz Khan, which were three miles from the post of the viceroy. He forced an entrance with great slaughter of the enemy; but his men falling into confusion for the sake of plunder, the enemy rallied and fell upon them, so that they were constrained to seek their safety in flight, with some loss, while Don Ferdinand was weakened with loss of blood and wearied by the weight of his armour, so that he was surrounded and slain. On this occasion 40 of the Portuguese were slain, and the ship of Don Ferdinand was taken by the enemy; but the viceroy sent Don George de Menezes with 100 men, who set the ship on fire, and brought away her guns.
   At this time the zamorin made proposals for renewing the peace, either in hopes of deriving some advantage during the present state of affairs, or of covering his real designs of hostility; but the viceroy replied, that he would not yield a single point of difference, and even persisted in that resolution, although the queen of Quarcopa declared war at Onor. Even under all the difficulties of his situation, the viceroy sent succours to Onor to oppose this new enemy, to the great astonishment of Adel Khan, who thought the force in Goa had been already too small for defence against his numerous army. At this time likewise, the viceroy sent reinforcements to the Moluccas and Mozambique, both of which places were much straitened by the enemy. The grand object of the enemy was to get across into the island of Goa, for which purpose the great general Nori Khan began to construct a bridge, in which he employed a vast number of workmen; but the viceroy fell upon them and made great havock, destroying all their preparations and materials. It was reported that Adel Khan designed to go over into the island in person, and that he was extremely desirous to get possession of a fine horse belonging to the viceroy, for which he had formerly offered a large sum of money. On this being made known to the viceroy, he sent the horse as a present to Adel Khan, with a complimentary message, saying "that it would give him much satisfaction to see his majesty on the island." Adel Khan accepted the horse, and caused him to be bedded with silken quilts, under a canopy of cloth of gold, to be covered with embroidered damask, and all his caparisons to be ornamented with massy gold, while his provender was mixed with preserves and other dainties. But the horse was soon afterwards killed by a cannon-ball.
   After the siege had continued above two months to the beginning of March, during which time many of the buildings in the island had been beaten down by the cannon of the enemy, who had lost numbers of their men, Adel Khan began to despair of success, especially as the Portuguese were now considerably increased in strength by the arrival of several squadrons from different places. He wished, therefore, for peace, yet was loath to propose it himself; but the viceroy was acquainted with his most secret councils, as he used all possible means to procure intelligence from the hostile camp, where he had in his pay several renegado Portuguese who served under Adel khan, and had even corrupted the favourite wife of Adel Khan. He so converted these secret advices to advantage, that he contrived to get a treaty of pacification begun without its appearing who was its author, and at length even Adel Khan stooped to make proposals. Still, however, the siege was continued unto the month of April, at which time considerable reinforcements arrived at Goa, under Don George de Menezes, who brought back 1500 men from the Moluccas, and Lorenzo de Barbuda from Cochin. At one time, 3000 of the enemy began to enter the island of Juan Lopez, but were repulsed with great slaughter by 120 men under two Portuguese commanders. In many expeditions from the island, the Portuguese attacked the various posts of the enemy on the main-land, mostly by night, ruining the works they had thrown up, burning the villages, and destroying great numbers of their men. Yet though Adel Khan had hardly any hopes of ultimate success, he caused gardens to be laid out at his quarters, and made such other demonstrations as if he had resolved to dwell in his present camp till Goa were reduced.
   Winter being near at hand, Adel Khan determined upon a great effort to gain possession of the island; for which purpose 9000 men were brought to the pass of Mercantor, which had not been fortified by the Portuguese as the river was very wide at that place. Fortunately the Portuguese heard the sound of a great drum in that direction, which is never beat but when the king marches in person; upon which they ran thither and saw Adel Khan on the opposite side encouraging his men. Advice of this was immediately conveyed to the viceroy, who sent several parties to defend the pass, and marched thither himself, sending orders for assistance to the various posts and quarters. In spite of every opposition, five thousand of the enemy got over under the command of Solyman Aga, a Turk who was captain of the guards of Adel Khan. By the time the viceroy got to the place, he had collected a force of 2000 men, with which he immediately attacked the enemy. The battle continued the whole of the 13th of April from morning to night, and from the morning of the 14th to that of the following day. During all this time, Adel Khan surveyed the engagement from the opposite side of the river, often cursing his prophet and throwing his turban on the ground in his rage; and at length had the mortification of seeing his troops entirely defeated, with the loss of Solyman Aga and 4000 men, while the Portuguese scarcely lost twenty. Though in public he vowed never to stir from before Goa still it was taken, he privately made overtures for peace, in which he even ridiculously demanded the surrender of Goa. About this time, the viceroy secretly entered into a treaty with Nori Khan, the grand general of Adel Khan, whom he instigated to kill the king, offering to support him in assuming the crown, or at least in acquiring a preponderating influence in the government under the successor. Nori Khan agreed to these proposals; but when the conspiracy was ripe for execution it was detected, and Nori Khan, with all his adherents, were secured.
   When the siege had continued to the middle of July, the viceroy endeavoured to stir up other princes to invade the dominions of Adel Khan, that he might be constrained to abandon the siege. Both he and the king were desirous of peace, but both endeavoured to conceal their wishes; the viceroy giving out that he cared not how long the king continued the siege, and the king pretending that he would persevere till he gained the place. At length, towards the end of August 1571, when the summer or fine weather had begun, and when the enemy might still better have been able to keep the field, and to recommence active operations, the number of the hostile tents could be seen plainly to decrease, then the cannon were drawn off from the posts of the enemy, and at last the men entirely disappeared; Adel Khan having abandoned the siege without coming to any accommodation, after a siege of ten months, in which he lost 12,000 men, 300 elephants, 4000 horses, and 6000 draught bullocks, partly by the sword and partly by the weather.
   Exactly at the same time when Adel Khan invested Goa, Nizam al Mulk sat down before Chaul. Being suspicious of each other, the two sovereigns kept time exactly in their preparations, in the commencement of their march, and in all their subsequent operations. Farete Khan the general of Nizam al Mulk sat down before Chaul with 8000 horse, 20 elephants and 20,000 foot, on the last day of November 1570, breaking ground with a prodigious noise of warlike instruments of music. At this time Chaul was under the command of Luis Fereiyra de Andrada, an officer well deserving of such a charge, who long laboured under great want of almost every necessary for conducting the defence, supplying these defects by his own genius and the valour of his men, till reinforced by Don Francisco Mascarenhas, who brought him 500 men in four gallies and provisions. Desirous of distinguishing himself before the arrival of Nizam his sovereign, Farete Khan resolved upon giving an assault, in which he employed his elephants with castles on their backs, and with scythes tied to their trunks. The fight lasted three hours; but the Moors were repulsed with great slaughter, both by sea and land, and forced to retire to the church of Madre de Dios. Nothing remarkable happened after this till the commencement of the year 1571, when some Moors were observed gathering fruit in an orchard at a short distance from the garrison, on which Nuno Vello went out against them with only five soldiers and killed one of the Moors. Both parties were gradually increased till the enemy amounted to 6000 men, and the Portuguese to 200; but notwithstanding this disparity of force, the Portuguese drove that vast multitude to flight and slew 180 of them, only losing two of their own number.
   In the beginning of January 1571, Nizam al Mulk came before Chaul with his whole army, now consisting of 34,000 horse, 100,000 infantry, 16,000 pioneers, 4000 smiths, masons, carpenters, and other trades, and of sundry different nations, as Turks, Chorassans, Persians, and Ethiopians, with 360 elephants, an infinite number of buffaloes and bullocks, and 40 pieces of cannon, mostly of prodigious size, some of which carried balls of 100, some of 200, and some even of 300 pounds weight. These cannon had all appropriate names, as the cruel, the butcher, the devourer, the furious, and the like377. Thus an army of 150,000 men sat down to besiege a town that was defended merely by a single wall, a fort not much larger than a house, and a handful of men. Farete Khan took up his quarters near the church of Madre de Dios with 7000 horse and 20 elephants; Agalas Khan in, the house of Juan Lopez with 6000 horse; Ximiri Khan between that and upper Chaul with 2000 horse; so that the city was beset from sea to sea. The Nizam encamped with the main body, of the army at the farther end of the town, where the ground was covered with tents for the space of two leagues; and 5000 horse were detached to ravage the district of Basseen.
   At the commencement of the siege the Portuguese garrison was a mere handful of men, and the works being very slight no particular posts were assigned, all acting wherever their services were most wanted. Soon afterwards, the news of the siege having spread abroad, many officers and gentlemen flocked thither with reinforcements, so that in a short time the garrison was augmented to 2000 men. It was then resolved to maintain particular points besides the general circuit of the walls. The monastery of St Francis was committed to the charge of Alexander de Sousa; Nunno Alvarez Pereyra was entrusted to defend some houses near the shore; those between the Misericordia and the church of St Dominic were confided to Gonzalo de Menezes; others in that neighbourhood to Nuno Vello Perreyra; and so in other places. In the mean while it was generally recommended at Goa that Chaul ought to be abandoned, but the viceroy thought otherwise, in which opinion he was only seconded by Ferdinand de Castellobranco, and he immediately sent succours under Ferdinand Tellez and Duarte de Lima. Before their arrival, Zimiri Khan, who had promised the Nizam that he would be the first person to enter Chaul, vigorously assaulted the ports of Henry De Betancour and Ferdinand de Miranda, who resisted him with great gallantry, and on receiving reinforcements repulsed him with the slaughter of 300 of his men, losing seven on their side.
   The enemy erected a battery against the monastery of St Francis where the Portuguese had some cannon; and as the gunners on both sides used their utmost endeavour to burst or dismount the opposite guns, the bullets were sometimes seen to meet by the way. On the eve of St Sebastian, the Portuguese made a sally upon some houses which were occupied by the Moors, and slew a great number of them without the loss of one man. Enraged at this affront and the late repulse, the enemy made that same night an assault on the fort or monastery of St Francis with 5000 men, expecting to surprise the Portuguese, but were soon undeceived by losing many of their men. This assault lasted with great fury for five hours; and as the Portuguese suspected the enemy were undermining the wall, and could not see by reason of the darkness, one Christopher Curvo thrust himself several times out from a window, with a torch in one hand and a buckler in the other to discover if possible what they were doing. During this assault those in the town sent out assistance to the garrison in the monastery, though with much hazard. When morning broke and the assailants had retired, the monastery was all stuck full of arrows, and the dead bodies of 300 Moors were seen around its walls, while the defenders had not lost a single man. The enemy renewed the assault on this post for five successive days, and were every time repulsed by the Portuguese with vast slaughter, the garrison often sallying out and strewing the field with slain enemies. It was at length judged expedient to withdraw the men from this place into the town, lest its loss might occasion greater injury than its defence could do service. Seventeen of the Portuguese were here slain. One of these used to stand on a high place to notice when the enemy fired their cannon, and on one occasion said to the men below; "If these fellows should now fire Raspadillo, a cannon 18 feet long to which that name was given, it will send me to sup with Christ, to whom I commend my soul, for it points directly at me." He had hardly spoken these words when he was torn in pieces by a ball from that very gun. On getting possession of the monastery of St Francis, the Moors fired a whole street in the town of Chaul, but on attempting to take post in some houses, they were driven out with the loss of 400 men. At this time Gonzalez de Camera went to Goa for reinforcements, as the garrison was much pressed, and brought a relief in two galleys.
   About this period the 5000 men that had been detached by the Nizam to ravage the district of Basseen attempted to get possession of some of the Portuguese garrisons. Being beaten off at Azarim and Daman, they invested Caranja, a small work between Chaul and Daman on the water-side, and almost an island, as it is surrounded by several small brooks. It was at this time commanded by Stephen Perestrello with a garrison of only 40 men, but was reinforced on the reappearance of the enemy by Emanuel de Melo with 30 more. With this small band of only 70 soldiers, Perestrello sallied out against the enemy, and with such success, that after covering the little island with dead bodies, the rest fled leaving their cannon, and a considerable quantity of ammunition and provisions.
   In the mean time the Moors continued to batter Chaul without intermission for a whole month with 70 pieces of large cannon, every day expending against its weak defences at least 160 balls. This tremendous cannonade did much damage to the houses of the town, in which many of the brave defenders were slain. On one occasion six persons who were eating together were destroyed by a single ball. This furious battery was commenced against the bastion of the holy cross, and was carried on for a considerable way along the defences of that front of the town, levelling every thing with the ground. The besieged used every precaution to shelter themselves by digging trenches; but the hostile gunners were so expert378 that they elevated their guns and made their balls plunge among those who considered themselves in safety. Observing that one of the enemies batteries beyond the church of St Dominic never ceased its destructive fire, Perestrello detached 120 men under Alexander de Sousa and Augustino Nunnez, who drove the enemy after a vigorous resistance from the battery with great slaughter, and set their works on fire, and levelled them with the ground, without sustaining any loss. Among the arms taken in this successful sortie was a cymeter inscribed, Jesus save me.
   Having ruined the defences of the town, the enemy attacked several large houses in which they endeavoured to establish themselves, but were repulsed from some of these with considerable loss, while the defenders lost but one man. On attacking the house of Hector de Sampayio, which was undermined by the Portuguese with the intention of blowing it up when occupied by the enemy, some fire accidentally communicated to the mine during the conflict, and blew it up while still occupied by the Portuguese, by which 42 of their soldiers were destroyed, and without injury to the Moors, who planted their colours on the ruins. Ximiri Khan made an assault by night with 600 men upon the bastion of the holy cross, in which Ferdinand Pereyra was posted with 30 men, who was reinforced by Henry de Betancourt with a few more. The assailants were beaten off and five of their colours taken which they had planted on the work. In this action Betancourt fought with his left hand, having previously lost the right; and Dominic del Alama, being lame, caused himself to be brought out in a chair. April 1571 was now begun, and the enemy were employed in constructing new works as if determined to continue the siege all winter. Alexander de Sousa and Gonzalo de Menezes were appointed to head a sally upon these new works, but their men ran out without orders to the number of 200, and made a furious assault upon the enemy, whom they drove from the works after killing fifty of them and losing a few of their own number. The two commanders hastened to join their men, and then directed them to destroy the works they had so gallantly won. Perplexed with so many losses, the Nizam made a general assault under night with his whole army, attacking all the posts at one time, every one of which almost they penetrated; but the garrison exerted themselves with so much vigour that they drove the Moors from every point of attack, and in the morning above 500 of the enemy were found slain in and about the ruined defences, while the Portuguese had only lost four or five men. About this time the defenders received a reinforcement of above 200 men from Goa, Diu, and Basseen, with a large supply of ammunition and provisions; but at this time they were much afflicted by a troublesome though not mortal disease, by which they became swelled all over so as to lose the use of their limbs.
   Having ineffectually endeavoured to stir up enemies against the Portuguese in Cambaya on purpose to prevent relief being sent to the brave defenders of Chaul, the Nizam used every effort to bring his arduous enterprize to a favourable conclusion. The house of Nuno Alvarez Pereyra being used as a strong-hold by the Portuguese, was battered during forty-two days by the enemy, who then assaulted it with 5000 men. At first the defenders of this post were only forty in number, but twenty more came to their assistance immediately, and several others afterwards. The Moors were repulsed with the loss of 50 men, while the Portuguese only lost one. The house of Nuno Vello was battered for thirty days and assaulted with the same success, only the Portuguese lest ten men in its defence. Judging it no longer expedient to defend this house, it was undermined and evacuated, on which the enemy hastened to take possession and it was blown up, doing considerable execution among the enemy, but not so much as was expected. The summer was now almost spent; above 6000 cannon-balls had been thrown into the town, some of which were of prodigious size, and the Nizam seemed determined to continue the siege during the winter. About 200 Portuguese, appalled by the dangers of the siege, had already, deserted; but instead of them 300 men had come from Goa, so that the garrison was even stronger than before. On the 11th of April, Gonzalez de Camara made a sortie upon 500 Moors in an orchard, only fifty of whom escaped.
   Fortune could not be always favourable to the besieged. By a chance ball from the enemy, one of the galleys which brought relief was sunk downright with 40 men and goods to the value of 40,000 ducats. But, next day, Ferdinand Tellez made a sally with 400 men, and gained a victory equal to that of Gonzalez de Camara, and brought away one piece of cannon with some ammunition, arms, and other booty. This action was seen by the Nizam in person, who mounted his horse and threatened to join in it in person, for which purpose he seized a lance, which he soon changed for a whip, with which he threatened to chastise his men, and upbraided them as cowards. The Portuguese were now so inured to danger that nothing could terrify them, and they seemed to court death instead of shunning it on all occasions. Some of them being employed to level some works from which the enemy had been driven near the monastery of St Francis, and being more handy at the sword than the spade, drew upon themselves a large party of the enemy of whom they slew above 200, yet not without some loss on their side. About this time Farete Khan, one of the Nizams generals, made some overtures towards peace, but without any apparent authority from his sovereign, who caused him to be arrested on suspicion of being corrupted by the Portuguese, though assuredly he had secret orders for what he had done. Indeed it was not wonderful that the Nizam should be desirous of peace, as he had now lain seven months before Chaul to no purpose, and had lost many thousand men; neither was it strange in the Portuguese to have the same wish, as they had lost 400 men besides Indians.

   When the siege had continued to the beginning of June the attacks and batteries were carried on by both sides with as much obstinacy and vigour as if then only begun. The house of Nunno Alvarez was at this time taken by the enemy through the carelessness of the defenders, and on an attempt to recover it 20 of the Portuguese lost their lives without doing much injury to the enemy. The Moors in the next place got possession of the monastery of St Dominic, but not without a heavy loss; and then gained the house of Gonzalo de Menezes, in which the Portuguese suffered severely. The hostile batteries kept up a constant fire from the end of May to the end of June, as the Nizam had resolved to make a breach fit for the whole army to try its fortune in a general assault. On the 28th of June, every thing being in readiness, the Nizams whole army was drawn out for the assault, all his elephants appearing in the front with castles on their backs full of armed men. While the whole army stood in expectation of the signal of assault, an officer of note belonging to the enemy was slain by a random shot from one of the Portuguese cannon, which the Nizam considered as an evil omen, and ordered the attack to be deferred till next day. On this occasion six of the garrison ventured beyond the works and drew a multitude of the enemy within reach of the Portuguese fire, which was so well bestowed that 118 of the enemy were slain and 500 wounded, without any loss on the side of the defenders.
   About noon on the 29th of June 1571, the Nizam gave the signal of assault, when the whole of his men and elephants moved forwards with horrible cries and a prodigious noise of warlike instruments. The Portuguese were drawn up in their several posts to defend the ruined works, and Don Francisco Mascarenhas, the commander in chief379, placed himself opposite the Nizam with a body of reserve to relieve the posts wherever he might see necessary. The day was darkened with smoke, and alternately lighted up with flames. The slaughter and confusion was great on both sides. Some of the colours of the enemy were planted on the works, but were soon taken or thrown down along with those who had set them up. The elephants were made drunk by the nayres who conducted them that they might be the fiercer; but being burnt and wounded, many of them ran madly about the field. One that was much valued by the Nizam, having his housings all in flames, plunged into the sea and swam over the bar, where he was killed by a cannon ball from one of the Portuguese vessels. The Moors continued the assault till night, unable to gain possession of any of the works, and then drew off, after losing above 3000 men, among whom were many officers of note. On the side of the Portuguese eight gentleman were slain and a small number of private soldiers.
   Next day the Moors asked leave to bury their dead, and a truce was granted for that purpose. While employed in removing their dead, some of the Moors asked the Portuguese, What woman it was that went before them in the fight, and if she were alive? One of the Portuguese answered, Certainly she was alive for she was immortal! On this the Moors observed that it must have been the Lady Marian, for so they call the blessed Virgin. Many of them declared that they saw her at the house of Lorenzo de Brito, and that she was so bright that she blinded them. Some of them even went to see her image in the churches of Chaul, where they were converted and remained in the town. The Nizam was now seriously disposed for peace, and the Portuguese commander equally so, yet neither wished to make the first overture. At length however advances were made and a treaty set on foot. Farete Khan and Azaf Khan were commissioners from the Nizam, while Pedro de Silva and Antonio de Teyva were deputed by the Portuguese commander in chief, and Francisco Mascarenhas by the captain of the city. Accordingly a league offensive and defensive was concluded in the name of the Nizam and the king of Portugal, which was celebrated by great rejoicings on both sides and the interchange of rich presents. This however might easily have been accomplished without the effusion of so much blood. The Nizam now raised his camp and returned to his own dominions.
   The zamorin of Calicut, who was one of the contracting parties in this extensive confederacy for driving the Portuguese from India, performed his part of the agreement very coldly. After Goa and Chaul had been besieged for near a month, instead of sending his fleet to sea according to his engagements, he sent to treat with the viceroy for a separate peace, either on purpose to mislead him, or in expectation of gaining some advantages for himself in the present emergency. Few princes follow the dictates of honour, when it interferes with their interest. When this affair was laid before the council at Goa, it was their unanimous opinion to agree to peace with the zamorin even on hard terms; but the viceroy was determined to lose all or nothing, and declared he would make no peace unless on such terms as he could expect when in the most flourishing condition. Finding his designs fail, the zamorin sent out a fleet about the end of February under the command of Catiproca, who made his appearance before Chaul with 21 sail, having on board a large land force, of which above 1000 were armed with firelocks. Though the harbour of Chaul was then occupied by a considerable number of Portuguese galleys and galliots, Catiproca and his fleet entered the harbour under night without opposition. The Nizam was much pleased with the arrival of this naval force, and having ordered a great number of his small vessels named calemutes to join the Malabar fleet, he prevailed on Catiproca to attack the Portuguese ships, which were commanded by Lionel de Sousa. They accordingly made the attempt, but were so warmly received by De Sousa and his gallies as to be beat off with considerable loss. The Nizam, who had witnessed this naval battle from an adjoining eminence, used every argument to prevail upon Catiproca to make another attempt, but to no purpose; for after remaining twenty days in the harbour, he stole away one night, and got away as fortunately as he had got in.
   While on his return, Catiproca was applied to by the queen of Mangalore to assist her in surprizing the Portuguese fort at that place, which she alleged might be easily taken. Catiproca agreed to this, in hopes of regaining the reputation he had lost at Chaul. He accordingly landed his men secretly, and made an attempt under night to scale the walls. While his men were mounting the ladders some servants of Antonio Pereyra, who commanded in that fort, were awakened by the noise, and seeing the enemy on the ladders threw out of a window the first thing that came to hand, which happened to be a chest of silver; with which they beat down those who were on the ladder. Pereyra waking with the noise, threw down those who had mounted, and the rest fled carrying his chest of silver on board their ships. While passing Cananor, Don Diego de Menezes fell upon the Malabar squadron, which he totally routed and drove up the river Tiracole, where every one of the ships were taken or destroyed, the admiral Catiproca slain, his nephew Cutiale made prisoner, and the chest of money belonging to Pereyra recovered.
   Even by the fitting out of this unfortunate fleet, the zamorin did not fulfil the conditions of the confederacy against the Portuguese, as each of the high contracting parties had engaged to undertake some considerable enterprize against them in person; but he had been hitherto deterred by the presence of Diego de Menezes with a squadron in their seas, who burned several of his maritime towns and took many of his ships. Towards the end of June 1571, Diego de Menezes having withdrawn from the coast with his squadron, and when Adel Khan and the Nizam were both about to desist from their enterprises upon Goa and Chaul, the zamorin took the field with an army of 100,000 men, most of them armed with firelocks, with which he invested the fort of Chale about two leagues from Calicut, which was then under the command of Don George de Castro. Having planted forty pieces of brass cannon against the fort and straitly invested it with his numerous army so as to shut out all apparent hope of relief, a small reinforcement under Noronha was unable to penetrate; but soon afterwards Francisco Pereyra succeeded by an effort of astonishing bravery to force his way into Chale with a few men.
   Advice being sent to the viceroy of the dangerous situation of Chale, Diego de Menezes was sent with 18 sail to carry supplies and reinforcements to the besieged. De Menezes got to Chale with great difficulty about the end of September, at which time the besieged were reduced to great extremity, having not above 70 men able to bear arms out of 600 persons then in the fort. The relief of the fort seemed impracticable, as the mouth of the harbour was very narrow, and was commanded on all sides by numbers of cannon on surrounding eminences. Diego resolved however to surmount all difficulties. A large ship was filled with sufficient provisions to serve the garrison for two months, and carried likewise fifty soldiers as a reinforcement. One galley preceded to clear the way and two others followed the large ship to defend her against the enemy. By this means, but with incredible difficulty and danger, the relief was thrown in, but it was found impossible to bring away the useless people from the fort as had been intended. Thus, by the valour and good fortune of the viceroy, this formidable confederacy was dissipated, which had threatened to subvert the Portuguese power in India, and their reputation was restored among the native princes.

SECTION VII. Portuguese Transactions in India from 1571 to 1576
   At this period Sebastian king of Portugal made a great alteration in the government of the Portuguese possessions in the east, which he deemed too extensive to be under the management of one person. He divided them therefore into three separate governments, which were designated respectively, India, Monotmotapa, and Malacca. The first, or India, extended from Gape Guardafu, or the north-east extremity of Africa on the Indian ocean, to the island of Ceylon inclusive. The second, or Monomotapa, from Cape Corrientes to Cape Guardafu; and the third, or Malacca, from Pegu to China both inclusive. To the command of the first, or India, Don Antonio de Noronha was sent with the title of viceroy. Francisco de Barreto was appointed to Monomotapa, and Antonio Moniz Barreto to Malacca, both stiled governors. It will be necessary therefore to treat of these governments separately, though by this we must necessarily in some measure neglect the consideration of regular chronology in the distribution of events. We begin therefore with the viceroyalty of Noronha.
   Don Antonio de Noronha arrived at Goa in the beginning of September 1571, having lost 2000 men by sickness out of 4000 with whom he sailed from Lisbon. Don Luis de Ataine, who surrendered to him the sword of command, was a nobleman of great valour and military experience, and so free from avarice that instead of the vast riches which others brought from India to Portugal, he carried over four jars of water from the four famous rivers, the Indus, Ganges, Tigris, and Euphrates, which were long preserved in his castle of Peniche. After serving both in Europe and Africa, he went out to India, where at twenty-two years of age he was knighted on Mount Sinai by Don Stefano de Gama. Returning to Portugal, he went ambassador to the Emperor Charles V. and was present in the battle in which that emperor defeated the Lutherans under the Landgrave and the Duke of Saxony. He behaved so bravely in that battle, that the emperor offered to knight him; but having already received that honour on Mount Sinai, he could not again accept the offer, on which the emperor declared in public that he envied that honour beyond the victory he had just gained. On his return to Lisbon from administering the government of India with such high reputation, he was received with much honour by King Sebastian, yet was afterwards much slighted, as Pacheco had been formerly by King Emanuel, as will be seen afterwards, when appointed a second time to the viceroyalty.
   The first attention of the new viceroy was bestowed for the relief of Chale, to which Diego de Menezes was sent with 1500 men; but he came too late, as the fort had been already surrendered to the zamorin upon conditions. This surrender had been made by the commander Don George de Castro, contrary to the opinion of the majority of his officers, overcome by the tears and entreaties of his wife and other ladies, forgetting that he who was now eighty years of age ought to have preferred an honourable death to a short and infamous addition to his life. Neither was this his only fault, for the provisions had lasted longer if he had not committed them to the care of his wife, who dissipated them among her slaves. Owing to this unforeseen event, Diego de Menezes could only conduct the people who had surrendered at Chale to Cochin. He then divided his fleet with Matthew de Albuquerque, and cleared the seas of pirates.
   When Norhonha accepted the viceroyalty of India, now so much lessened by the division into three governments, his great aim was to acquire riches, as he was poor, and had several children. With this view he endeavoured to prevail on Antonio Moniz Barreto, the newly appointed governor of Malacca, to be satisfied with a smaller force than had been ordered for him on going to assume that government, alleging that India was not then in a condition to give what was promised; but Moniz refused to go unless supplied with the force agreed on, as the posture of Malacca was then too dangerous to admit of being governed by a person who considered his reputation, unless supported by a considerable force. Moniz therefore wrote home to Portugal, complaining against the viceroy, and malicious whispers are for the most part gratefully received by princes and ministers: and the Portuguese ministry, on the sole information of Moniz, committed the weakest act that ever was heard of, as will appear in the sequel: Unhappy is that kingdom whose sovereign is a child.
   About this time Akbar Shah,380 emperor of the Moguls had acquired the sovereignty of Cambaya or Guzerat. Sultan Mahmud the heir of the late king had been left under the tuition of three great men, Ali Khan, Itimiti Khan, and Madrem-al-Mulk, each of whom envious of the others endeavoured to acquire the entire direction of the young king. He, considering himself in danger, fled from Madrem-al-Mulk to the protection of Itimiti Khan, the worst of all his guardians, who immediately offered to deliver up the king and kingdom to the great Mogul, on condition of being appointed viceroy or Soubah in reward of his treachery. Akbar accordingly marched to Amedabad, where the traitor delivered up to him the young king, and the Mogul was seated on the musnud or throne of Guzerat without drawing a sword. Not satisfied with this great acquisition, Akbar resolved to recover the town and districts of Basseen and Daman, which had formerly belonged to Cambaya, and were now possessed by the Portuguese; and as this intention became known to Luis de Almeyda who commanded at Daman, he sent notice to the viceroy, who immediately sent him succours and prepared to follow there in person, going accordingly from Goa about the end of December 1571, with nine gallies, five gallions, eight galliots, and ninety smaller vessels. On his arrival with this large armament in the river of Daman, the Mogul, who was encamped at the distance of two leagues from that place, was so much dismayed by the power and military reputation of the Portuguese, that he sent an ambassador to the viceroy to treat of peace. The viceroy received the Mogul ambassador in his gallery with great state, and after listening to his proposals sent Antonio Cabral along with him to Akbar, on which a peace was concluded to the satisfaction of both parties. The viceroy then returned to Goa, and the great Mogul settled the government of his new kingdom of Guzerat, cutting off the head of the traitor Itimiti Khan, a just reward of his villany.
   The king of Acheen was one of the Indian princes who had entered into the grand confederacy against the Portuguese, and had agreed to lay siege to Malacca, but did not execute his part of the league till about the middle of October 1571, when he appeared before Malacca with a fleet of near 100 sail, in which he had 7000 soldiers with a large train of artillery and a vast quantity of ammunition. Landing on the night of his arrival, he set fire to the town of Iller, which was saved from total destruction by a sudden and violent shower of rain. He next endeavoured to burn the Portuguese ships in the harbour; but failing in this and some minor enterprizes he sat down before the city, intending to take it by a regular siege, having been disappointed in his expectations of carrying it by a coup de main. At this time Malacca was in a miserable condition, excessively poor, having very few men and these unhealthy and dispirited, having suffered much by shipwreck, sickness, and scarcity of provisions, not without deserving, these calamities; for Malacca was then the Portuguese Nineveh in India, I know not if it be so now. In this deplorable situation, incessantly battered by the enemy, cut off from all supplies of provisions, Malacca had no adequate means and, hardly any hopes of defence. In this extremity Tristan Vaz accidentally entered the port with a single ship, in which he had been to Sunda for a cargo of pepper. Being earnestly intreated by the besieged to assist them, he agreed to do every thing in his power, though it seemed a rash attempt to engage a fleet of 100 sail with only ten vessels, nine of which were almost rotten and destitute of rigging. Among these he distributed 300 naked and hungry wretches; and though confident in his own valour, he trusted only in the mercy of God, and caused all his men to prepare for battle by confession, of which he set them the example.
   He sailed from Malacca with this armament about the end of November 1571, and soon discovered the formidable fleet of the enemy in the river Fermoso. Giving the command of his own ship to Emanuel Ferreyra, Tristam Vaz de Vega went sword in hand into a galliot, to encourage his men to behave valiantly by exposing himself to the brunt of battle along with them. On the signal being given by a furious discharge of cannon, Tristan instantly boarded the admiral ship of the enemy, making great havock in her crew of 200 men and even carried away her ensign. Ferdinand Perez with only 13 men in a small vessel took a galley of the enemy. Ferdinand de Lemos ran down and sunk one of the enemies ships. Francisco de Lima having taken another set her on fire, that he might be at liberty to continue the fight. Emanuel Ferreyra sank three vessels, unrigged several others, and slew great numbers of the enemy. In short, every one fought admirably, and the whole hostile fleet fled, except four gallies and seven smaller vessels that were burnt or sunk. Seven hundred of the enemy were taken or slain, with the loss only of five men on the side of the victors. The Portuguese ships waited three days in the river to see if the enemy would return, and then carried the joyful news to Malacca, where it could hardly be believed381.
   Sometime in the year 1578, four ships arrived at Goa from Portugal, under the command of Francisco de Sousa, who immediately on landing went to the archbishop Don Gaspar, to whom he delivered a packet from the king. The royal orders contained in this packet were read by a cryer in the archiepiscopal church, and announced that Don Antonio de Noronha was deposed from the dignity of viceroy, to whom Antonio Moniz Barreto was immediately to succeed with the title of governor. By another order, Gonzalo Pereyra was appointed to the government of Malacca, in default of whom Don Leonis Pereyra was substituted, and accordingly succeeded as the other was dead.
   Advice was now brought to Goa that Malacca was again in danger, as the king of Acheen was before it a second time, assisted by the queen of Japara. On this intelligence, Moniz desired Leonis Pereyra to set out for his government, and Leonis demanded of him to be supplied with the same force which Moniz had formerly required from Noronha; yet Moniz, without considering what he had himself wrote on that subject to the king, and that India was now free from danger, refused his request. Leonis, to leave the new governor no excuse for his conduct, would even have been satisfied with a much smaller force than that formerly required by Moniz, but even that was refused him, and he went away to Portugal refusing to assume the government of Malacca. About the end of this year 1573, orders came from Portugal for the trial and execution of Don George de Castro for surrendering Chale to the zamorin. He was accordingly beheaded publicly: Yet in the year following a commission was sent out from Portugal for employing him in another command.
   Scarcely had India begun to enjoy some respite after the late troubles, when the queen of Japara sent her general Quiaidaman to besiege Malacca with 15,000 chosen natives of Java, in a fleet of 80 large galleons and above 220 smaller vessels. Tristan Vaz de Vega happened to be then at Malacca, and was chosen by common consent to assume the command, Francisco Enriquez the former commandant being dead. Tristan Vaz sent immediate notice to Goa of his danger; on which Moniz issued orders to all the neighbouring places to send succours, and began to fit out a fleet for its relief. In the mean time the Javanese army landed and besieged Malacca. Vaz sent Juan Pereyra and Martin Ferreyra with 150 men to drive the enemy from a post. After killing 70 of the enemy, they levelled the work and brought off seven pieces of cannon. Pereyra afterwards burnt 50 of their galleons, and destroyed some great engines which they had constructed for attacking a bastion. Two other officers in a sortie burnt the pallisades which the enemy had erected for straitening the garrison and defending their own quarters. After this, Pereyra going out of the river with the Portuguese vessels, besieged the besiegers, and at Jor took a large quantity of provisions that were going to the Javanese army. Upon these repeated misfortunes, the Javanese embarked in great consternation, and withdrew under night; but were pursued by Pereyra, who cut off many of their vessels in the rear. Almost half of this great army perished by the sword or sickness in this siege, which lasted three months.
   Hardly was the army of the queen of Japara gone from Malacca when the king of Acheen arrived before it with 40 gallies, and several ships and smaller vessels, to the number of 100 in all, with a great train of artillery. Tristan Vaz gave orders to Juan Pereyra in a galley, Bernardin de Silva in a caravel, and Ferdinand de Palares in a ship, having each 40 men, to go out of the harbour on purpose to protect a convoy of provisions then in its way to Malacca, of which the city was in great want. The fleet of the enemy immediately attacked them, and soon battered all three ships to pieces. Seventy-five of the Portuguese were slain or drowned on this occasion, forty were made prisoners, and only five saved themselves by swimming. Only 150 men now remained in. Malacca, of whom 100 were sick or aged. Being in want both of men and ammunition Tristan Vaz was under the necessity of remaining very quiet; but the enemy fearing he was preparing some stratagem against them, raised the siege in a panic of terror when they might easily have carried the city, after remaining before it from the beginning to the end of January 1575. The priests, women and children of the distressed city had implored the mercy of God with sighs and tears; and next to God, the city owed its safety to the courage of Tristan Vaz, and to his generosity likewise, as he spent above 20,000 ducats in its defence.
   At this period Juan de Costa cruised upon the Malabar coast with two gallies and twenty-four other vessels. The town of Guipar near Bracalore being in rebellion, he landed there and set the town on fire after killing 1500 of the inhabitants. He likewise cut down the woods382 in revenge for the rebellion of the natives. After this he destroyed an island belonging to the zamorin in the river of Chale, and ruined the city of Parapangulem belonging to the same sovereign, where the heir of the kingdom was slain with 200 of his followers. At Capocate 300 of the natives were slain with the loss of two only of the Portuguese. The town of Nilacharim near mount Dely was destroyed by fire. In the intervals between these exploits on the land, several vessels belonging to the enemy were taken, by which the fleet was supplied with slaves and provisions.
   At this period, after long petty wars occasioned by the injustice and tyranny of the Portuguese, they were expelled from the Molucca islands, and their fort in the island of Ternate was forced to surrender to the king, who protested in presence of the Portuguese that he took possession of it in trust for the king of Portugal, and would deliver it up to any one having authority for that purpose as soon as the murder of his father was punished383.
   In the year 1576, Antonio Moniz Barreto was succeeded in the government of India by Don Diego de Menezes; but it may be proper to suspend for a time our account of the affairs of India, to give some account of the transactions in Monomotapa under the government of Francisco Barreto and his successor Vasco Fernandez Homeiri.

SECTION VIII. Transactions of the Portuguese in Monomotapa, from 1569 to the end of that separate government384
   On the return of Francisco Barreto from the government of India in 1558, as formerly mentioned, he was appointed admiral of the gallies, in which employment he gained great honour in the memorable action of Pennon; and on his return to Lisbon, king Sebastian, who had determined upon making the division of the Portuguese governments in the east already mentioned, appointed Barreto to that of Monomotapa385, with the additional title of Conqueror of the Mines. The great inducement for this enterprise was from the large quantities of gold said to be found in that country, and particularly at Manica in the kingdom of Mocaranga. Francisco Barreto sailed from Lisbon in April 1569, with three ships and 1000 soldiers. He might easily have had more men if the vessels could have contained them, as the reports of gold banished all idea of danger, and volunteers eagerly pressed forwards for the expedition, among whom were many gentlemen and veterans who had served in Africa.
   On his arrival at Mozambique, Barreto went to subdue the king of Pate, who had revolted against the Portuguese authority. In his instructions, Barreto was ordered to undertake nothing of importance without the advice and concurrence of Francisco do Monclaros, a Jesuit, which was the cause of the failure of this enterprise. It was a great error to subject a soldier to the authority of a priest, and a most presumptuous folly in the priest to undertake a commission so foreign to his profession. There were two roads to the mines, one of which was through the dominions of Monomotapa, and the other by way of Sofala. Barreto was disposed to have taken the latter, but Monclaros insisted upon the former, and carried his point against the unanimous votes of the council of war; so that the first step in this expedition led to its ruin. But before entering upon the narrative of events, it may be proper to give some account of the climate, quality, and extent of the country.
   From Cape Delgado in lat. 10° 1O' S. to Mozambique in 14° 50', the coast is somewhat bent in the form of a bow, in which space are the islands of Pujaros, Amice, Mocoloe, Matembo, Querimba, Cabras, and others, with the rivers Paudagi, Menluanc, Mucutii, Mucululo, Situ, Habe, Xanga, Samoco, Veloso, Pinda, Quisimaluco and Quintagone, with the bays of Xanga and Fuego, and the sands of Pinda. From Mozambique in lat. 14° 5O' S. to the port or bay of Asuca in 21° 8O', the coast falls off to the westwards, opposite to the Pracel de Sofala or great bank of Pracel, on the coast of Madagascar, the dangerous Scylla and Charibdis of those seas. On this coast are the rivers Mocambo, Angoxa, or Bayones, Mossige, Mojuncoale, Sangage, and others, with many islands, and the ports of Quilimane and Luabo; the rivers Tendanculo, Quiloe, Sabam, Bagoe, Miaue, and Sofala, with the opposite islands of Inbausato, Quiloane, Mambone, Molimon, and Quilamancohi. Between Cape Bosiqua or St Sebastian in lat. 21° 40' S. and Cape Corientes in 24° S. is the great bay of Sauca, into which falls the river Inhamhane, where there is a great trade for ivory. From the frequent recurrence of the soft letters L and M in these names, it may be inferred that the language of that country is by no means harsh. From the mouth of the Cuama or Zambeze in the east, the empire of Monomotapa extends 250 leagues into the interior of Africa, being divided by the great river Zambeze, into which falls the Chiri or Chireira, running through the country of Bororo386, in which country are many other large rivers, on the banks of which dwell many kings, some of whom are independent, and others are subject to Monomotapa. The most powerful of the independent kings is he of Mongas, bordering on the Cuama or Zambeze, which falls into the sea by four mouths between Mozambique and Sofala. The first or most northerly of these mouths is that of Quilimane, ninety leagues from Mozambique; the second or Cuama is five leagues farther south; the third Luabo five leagues lower; and the fourth named Luabol five leagues more to the south. Between these mouths are three large and fertile islands; the middle one, named Chingoma, is sixty leagues in circumference. This great river is navigable for sixty leagues upwards to the town of Sena, inhabited by the Portuguese, and as much farther to Tete, another Portuguese colony 387. The richest mines are those of Massapa, called Anfur388, the Ophir whence the queen of Sheba had the riches she carried to Jerusalem. In these mines it is said, that one lump of gold has been found worth 12,000 ducats, and another worth 40,000. The gold is not only found among the earth and stones, but even grows up within the bark of several trees as high as where the branches spread out to form the tops. The mines of Manchica and Butica are not much inferior to those of Massapa and Fura, and there are many others not so considerable. There are three fairs or markets which the Portuguese frequent for this trade of gold from the castle of Tete on the river Zambeze. The first of these is Luanze, four days journey inland from that place 389. The second is Bacuto 390 farther off; and the third Massapa still farther 391. At these fairs the gold is procured in exchange for coarse cloth, glass beads, and other articles of small value among us. A Portuguese officer, appointed by the commander of Mozambique, resides at Massapa with the permission of the emperor of Monomotapa, but under the express condition of not going into the country, under pain of death. He acts as judge of the differences that arise there. There are churches belonging to the Dominicans at Massapa, Bacuto, and Luanze. The origin, number, and chronology of the kings of Mohomotapa are not known, though it is believed there were kings here in the time of the queen of Sheba, and that they were subject to her, as she got her gold from thence. In the mountain of Anfur or Fura, near Massapa, there are the ruins of stately buildings, supposed to be those of palaces and castles. In process of time this great empire was divided into three kingdoms, called Quiteve, Sabanda, and Chicanga392, which last is the most powerful, as possessing the mines of Manica, Butua, and others. It is believed that the negroes of Butua, in the kingdom of Chicanga, are those who bring gold to Angola, as these two countries are supposed to be only one hundred leagues distance from each other 393. The country of Monomotapa produces rice and maize, and has plenty of cattle and poultry, the inhabitants addicting themselves to pasturage and tillage, and even cultivating gardens. It is divided into 25 kingdoms or provinces named Mongas, Baroe, Manica, Boese, Macingo, Remo, Chique, Chiria, Chidima, Boquizo, Inhanzo, Chiruvia, Condesaca, Daburia, Macurumbe, Mungussi, Antiovaza, Chove, Chungue, Dvia, Romba, Rassini, Chirao, Mocaranga and Remo-de-Beza.
   The emperor 394 has a large wooden palace, the three chief apartments of which are, one for himself, another for his wife, and the third for his menial servants. It has three doors opening into a large court, one appropriated for the queen and her attendants, one for the king and the servants attached to his person, and the third for the two head cooks, who are great men and relations of the king, and for the under-cooks who are all men of quality below twenty years of age, as none so young are supposed to have any commerce with women, or otherwise they are severely punished. After serving in the palace, these young men are preferred to high employments.
   The servants within the palace, and those without, are commanded by two captains or high officers, resembling the Alcalde de los Douzeles, or governor of the noble youths, formerly at the court of Spain. The principal officers of the crown are, the Ningomoaxa or governor of the kingdom, Mocomoaxa or captain-general, Ambuya or high steward, whose office it is to procure a successor, when the Mazarira or principal wife of the king dies, who must always be chosen from among the sisters or nearest relations of the king. The next great officer is the Inbantovo or chief musician, who has many musicians under his charge; the Nurucao, or captain, of the vanguard; Bucurumo, which signifies the king's right hand; Magande, or the chief conjurer; Netambe, or chief apothecary, who has charge of the ointments and utensils for sorcery; and lastly, the Nehono or chief porter. All these offices are discharged by great lords. They use no delicacy in cookery, having all their meats roasted or boiled; and they eat of such articles as are used by the Europeans, with the addition of rats and mice, which they reckon delicacies, as we do partridges and rabbits.
   The king has many wives, nine of whom only are reckoned queens, and are all his sisters or near relations; the rest being the daughters of noblemen. The chief wife is called Mazarira, or the mother of the Portuguese, who frequently make presents to her, as she solicits their affairs with the king, and he sends no messengers to them but accompanied by some of her servants. The second queen is called Inahanda, who solicits for the Moors. The others Nabuiza, Nemangore, Nizingoapangi, Navembo, Nemongoro, Nessani, and Necarunda. Every one of these lives apart in as great state as the king, having certain revenues and districts appointed for their expenses. When any of these die, another is appointed to her place and name, and they have all the power of rewards and punishments, as well as the king. Sometimes he goes to them, and, at other times they come to him; all of them having many female attendants, whom the king makes use of when he thinks proper.
   The principal nation of Monomotapa is called the Moearangi, and of which the emperor is a native. They are by no means warlike, and their only weapons are bows, arrows, and javelins. In regard to religion, they acknowledge one only God, and believe in a devil or evil spirit, called Muzuco, but they have no idols. They believe that their deceased kings go to heaven, and invoke these under the appellation of Musimos, as the saints are invoked by the catholics. Having no letters, their only knowledge of past events is preserved by tradition. The lame and blind are called the king's poor, because they are charitably maintained by him; and when any of these travel, the towns through which they pass are obliged to maintain them and furnish them with guides from place to place, an excellent example for Christians. The months are divided into three weeks of ten days each, and have several festivals. The first day of each month is the festival of the new moon; and the fourth and fifth day of every week are kept as festivals. On these days all the natives dress in their best apparel, and the king gives public audience to all who present themselves, on which occasion he holds a truncheon about three quarters of a yard long in each hand, using them to lean upon. Those who speak to him prostrate themselves on the ground, and his audience lasts from morning till evening. When the king is indisposed, the Ningomoaxa, or governor of the kingdom, stands in his place. No one must speak to the king, or even go to the palace, on the eighth day of the moon, as that day is reckoned unlucky. On the day of the new moon, the king runs about the palace with two javelins in his hand, as if fighting, all the great men being present at this pastime. When this is ended, a pot full of maize, boiled whole, is brought in, which the king scatters about, desiring the nobles to eat, and every one strives to gather most to please him, and eat it greedily as if it were the most savoury dainty. Their greatest festival is held on the new moon in May, which they call Chuavo. On this day all the great men of the empire, who are very numerous, resort to court, where they run about with javelins in their hand, as in a mock fight. This sport lasts the whole day, at the end of which the king withdraws, and is not seen for eight days afterwards, during all which time the drums beat incessantly. He then reappears on the ninth day, and orders the noble for whom he has least affection to be slain, as a sacrifice to his ancestors, or the Muzimos. When this is done, the drums cease, and every one goes home. The Mumbos395 eat human flesh, which is publicly sold in the shambles. This may suffice for the customs of the natives in the empire of Monomotapa, as it would be endless to recount the whole.
   After some stay at Mozambique, Barreto set out on his expedition for the mines of Monomotapa, with men, horses, camels, and other necessaries for war, and with proper tools for working the mines which he expected to conquer. He sailed up the river Cuama, called Rio de los buenos Sennales, or river of Good Signs; by the first discoverers, and came to Sena or the fort of St Marzalis, according to the desire of father Monclaros; whence he proceeded to the town of Inaparapala, near which is another town belonging to the Moors, who, being always professed enemies to the Christians, began to thwart the designs of the Portuguese as they had formerly done in India. They even attempted to poison the Portuguese army, and some of the men and horses actually died in consequence; but the cause being discovered by one of the Moors, they were all put to the sword, their chiefs being blown from the mouths of cannon, the informer only being pardoned. After this Barreto sent an embassy to the king, desiring permission to march against the chief of the Mongas, who was then in rebellion, and from thence to continue his march to the mines of Butua and Mancica. The first of these requests was a piece of flattery to obtain leave for the other, as the province of the Mongas lay between Sena and the mines, and it was necessary to march thither by force of arms. The king gave his consent to both requests, and even offered to send 100,000 of his own men along with the Portuguese; but Barreto declined any assistance, wishing to have the whole honour of the war to himself, and thinking by that means to gain favour with the king. He accordingly marched with 23 horse and 560 foot armed with muskets; and after a march of ten days, mostly along the rapid river Zambeze, in which the troops suffered excessively from hunger and thirst, the enemy were descried covering the hills and vallies with armed men. Though the multitude of the enemy was so great that the extremity of their army could not be seen, Barreto marched on giving the command of the van to Vasco Fernandez Homem, while he led the rear in person, the baggage and a few field pieces being in the centre. On coming up to engage the cannon were removed to the front and flanks.
   The enemy were drawn up in the form of a crescent; and as the Portuguese marched to the charge, an old woman came forward to meet them scattering some powder towards them, having persuaded the enemy that she alone would gain the victory by virtue of that powder. Barreto understood the meaning of this superstitious act, having seen similar things in India, and gave orders to level a field piece at the notorious witch, which was so well pointed that she was blown to atoms, at which the Kafrs were astonished, as they believed her immortal. The enemy however advanced, but without any order, either from ignorance or because they relied on their immense numbers, and discharged clouds of arrows and darts against the Portuguese; but finding that the musqueteers slew them by hundreds at every discharge, they took to flight, and great numbers of them were slain in the pursuit. Barreto continued his march for the city of the Mongas, and was opposed by another multitude similar to the former which was put to flight with equal facility, above 6000 of the Kafrs being slain with the loss of only two Portuguese soldiers. The city was abandoned by the enemy and taken possession of by Barreto without opposition, at which he entrenched his small army. Next morning a multitude of Kafrs as large as either of the former appeared to assail the Portuguese; but being again routed with prodigious slaughter, a messenger arrived to beg for peace. Barreto answered that he would wait upon the king, when all matters might be adjusted. He accordingly marched next day, and having encamped in a convenient place, a new embassy came from the king to solicit peace. While the Kafr ambassadors were conferring with Barreto, one of the camels belonging to the Portuguese happened to break loose and came up to where Barreto was, who stopped it till those who were seeking for it came up. The Kafr ambassadors had never before seen a camel, and were astonished to see it come up to the governor, at whom they asked many questions concerning the strange animal. Taking advantage of their ignorance and credulity, Barreto told them that those animals fed only on human flesh, devouring all that were slain in battle; and that this camel had come to him from the rest to desire that he would not make peace as they would then have no food. Astonished at this intelligence, they intreated him to desire the camels to be satisfied with good beef, and they would immediately supply him with great numbers of cattle. He granted their request and marched on, still in much distress for provisions.
   At this time news was brought of some transactions at Mozambique which rendered his presence there necessary, on which he assigned the command of the army to Vasco Fermandez Homem, and departed for Mozambique. Antonio Pereyra Brandam had committed certain crimes at the Moluccas, for which on his return to Portugal he was banished into Africa, on which he requested Barreto to take him to Mozambique, which he did accordingly, and even gave him the command of the fort at that place. Though eighty years of age, Brandam wished to secure himself in the command of the fort by sending false informations to the king against Barreto his benefactor. By some means these papers were intercepted and sent to Barreto, who on his arrival at Mozambique immediately shewed them to Brandam, who fell on his knees and asked pardon in the most humble manner. Barreto forgave him, but deprived him of the command over the fort at Mozambique, which he committed to the charge of Lorenzo Godino, and returned to prosecute the expedition in Monomotapa.
   On his arrival at Sena, where Homem had halted with the army, Monclaros accosted him in a violent manner commanding him to desist from that wild enterprise of conquering the mines, in which he had imposed on the king, declaring that he should be held responsible for all who had died or might die in future in this wild and impracticable design. It is certain that Barreto was not the promoter of this intended conquest, and that Manclaros was actually to blame for the miscarriage; yet Barreto took the insolence of this proud priest so much to heart that he died in two days without any other sickness. Assuredly the Jesuit had more to answer for on account of the death of the governor, than he for the unfortunate result of the expedition, which was all owing to the arrogant ignorance of the Jesuit in forcing it into a wrong direction. Thus fell, by the angry words of a priest, a great man who had escaped from many bullets among the Indians, from numerous darts and arrows of the Mongas, and from the malice of a villain. King Sebastian greatly lamented his untimely end, which he expressed by giving an honourable reception to his body when brought to Lisbon.
   After the death of Barreto, a royal order was found among his papers by which Vasco Fernandez Homem was appointed his successor. By the persuasions of Monclaros, who was now disgusted with the expedition of Monomotapa, Homem returned with the troops to Mozambique, abandoning the projected conquest of the mines. At that place some judicious persons, and particularly Francisco Pinto Pimentel, urged him to resume the execution of the orders which had been given by the king to Barreto, and he determined upon resuming the enterprise for the conquest of Monomotapa; but as Monclaros was now gone back to Portugal, he found himself at liberty to take the route for the mines through Sofala, as Barreto wished to have done originally. Landing therefore at Sofala, he marched directly inland towards the mines of Manica in the kingdom of Chicanga, bordering by the inland with the kingdom of Quiteve which is next in power to Monomotapa396. To conciliate the king of Quiteve, Homem sent messengers with presents to request the liberty of passing through his dominions, but being jealous of his intentions, that king received his propositions very coldly. Homem advanced however, having nearly a similar force with that which accompanied Barreto on the former expedition into the kingdom of Monomotapa, and several bodies of Kafrs that attempted to stop his progress were easily routed with great slaughter. Finding himself unable to defend himself against the invaders by force of arms, the king of Quiteve had recourse to policy, and caused all the people and provisions to be removed from the towns, so that the Portuguese suffered extreme distress till they arrived at Zimbao397, the residence of the king, whence he had fled and taken refuge in inaccessible mountains. Homem burnt the city, and marched on to the kingdom of Chicanga, where he was received by the king rather through fear than love, was supplied with provisions, and allowed a free passage to the mines. At these the Portuguese vainly expected that they would be able to gather gold in great abundance; but seeing that the natives procured only very small quantities in a long time and with much difficulty, and being themselves very inexpert in that labour, they soon abandoned the place which they had so long and anxiously sought for, and returned towards the coast, parting from the king of Chicanga in much friendship. Thus, though disappointed in their main design of acquiring rich gold mines, the ease with which they had penetrated to the place evinced how great an error had been formerly committed by subjecting Barreto to the direction of Monclaros, who had led him by a tedious and dangerous way merely to gratify his own extravagant humour.
   Homem returned to the kingdom of Quiteve, and the king of that country now permitted him to march for the mines of Maninnas398, on condition that the Portuguese should pay him twenty crowns yearly. Homem accordingly marched for the kingdom of Chicova399, which borders upon the inland frontier of Monomotapa towards the north, having heard that there were rich mines of silver in that country. Having penetrated to Chicova, he inquired among the natives for the way to the mines; and as they saw that it was in vain for them to resist, while they feared the discovery of the mines would prove their ruin, they scattered some ore at a place far distant from the mines, and shewing this to the Portuguese told them that this was the place of which they were in search. By this contrivance the Kafrs gained time to escape, as the Portuguese permitted them to go away, perhaps because they were unwilling the natives should see what treasure they procured. Homem accordingly caused all the environs to be carefully dug up, and after a vast deal of fruitless labour was obliged to desist, as provisions grew scarce. Thus finding no advantage after all his fatigues and dangers, Homem marched away towards the coast with part of his troops, intending to return to his government at Mozambique, and left Antonio Cardoso de Almeyda with 200 men to continue the researches for some time for the treasures that were said to abound in that country. Cardoso suffered himself to be again deceived by the Kafrs who had before imposed upon Homem, as they now offered to conduct him to where he might find a vein of silver. But they led him the way of death rather than of the mines, and killed him and all his men after defending themselves with incredible bravery.
   Thus ended the government and conquest of Monomotapa shortly after its commencement, under two successive governors, who lost their object almost as soon as it was seen. The first killed by a few rash words, and the second expelled by a prudent stratagem. Yet peace and trade continued between the Portuguese and the empire of Monomotapa. These actions of Barreto and Homem took place during the time when Luis de Ataide, Antonio de Noronha, and Antonio Moniz Barreto400, were governors of India; but we have never been able to ascertain when the former died and the latter abandoned the projected conquest of the mines.

SECTION IX. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1576 to 1581; when the Crown of Portugal was usurped by Philip II. of Spain, on the Death of the Cardinal King Henry
   In 1576 Ruy Lorenzo de Tavora went out as viceroy of Portuguese India; but dying on the voyage, at Mozambique, Don Diego de Menezes assumed the government in virtue of a royal patent of succession. Nothing extraordinary happened during his government of nearly two years, when he was superseded by the arrival of Don Luis de Ataide count of Atougaia as viceroy of India for the second time. Ataide had been appointed general in chief of the Portuguese forces by king Sebastian, who had resolved to bury the glory of his kingdom in the burning sands of Africa; and finding his own youthful impetuosity unable to conform with the prudent councils of the count, he constituted him viceroy of India as a plausible means of removing him. The count arrived at Goa about the end of August 1577, where he immediately fitted out a mighty fleet which struck terror into all the neighbouring princes. After continuing the war for some time against Adel Khan, a peace was concluded with that prince.
   Soon afterwards news was brought to India of the melancholy catastrophe which had befallen king Sebastian in Africa, and that the Cardinal Don Henry had succeeded to the throne; but he soon afterwards died, and the kingdom of Portugal came under the direction of a council of regency consisting of five members. The viceroy Don Luis died soon afterwards at Goa in the beginning of the year 1580, after governing India this second time for two years and seven months. He seemed to have had a presentiment of his death; for being applied to for leave to bury his cousin Antonio Borello beside his brother Don Juan de Ataide, he refused it, saying that he had long designed that situation for himself. He was a man of most undaunted courage, of which the following instance may be adduced. At the attack of Onore, he sailed in a brigantine sitting in a chair, having a famous musician beside him playing on the harp. When the balls from the enemy began to whistle past the ears of the musician he stopt playing, on which the count desired him to proceed as the tune was excellent. One of the gentlemen near him, seeing his unconcernedness, requested him to expose himself less to the danger, as if he were slain all would be lost; "No such thing," answered he, "for if I am killed there are men enough who are fit to succeed me."
   On his death, which appears to have happened in March 1580, he was succeeded as governor by Ferdinand Tellez de Menezes, pursuant to a patent of succession sent out by the regency in the year before. On this occasion the new governor was installed with as much demonstration of joy as if there had been no cause of sorrow among the subjects of Portugal for the melancholy state of their country. While the affairs of Portugal were in a miserable state of distraction, those of Visiapour were in no better condition, in consequence of the death of Adel Khan without heirs, in the 23d year of his reign and 50th of his age. Being adicted to unnatural practices, a youth of eighteen years of age who had too much honour to submit to his base desires, stabbed him as he was endeavouring to allure him to comply with his brutal purposes. Ibrahim Khan, the son of Shah Tamas, one of two brothers whom Adel Khan had put to death, succeeded to the sovereignty; but was soon afterwards seized by a powerful Omrah, named Quisbale Khan, who made himself master of the city of Visiapour. Soon afterwards the Ethiopian guards revolted under three leaders of their own choice, Acala Khan, Armi Khan, and Delarna Khan, the last of whom secured the other two and usurped the whole power.
   About this time new instructions came from the regency of Portugal, announcing that Philip II. of Spain had been admitted as king of Portugal, and enjoining the governor and all the Portuguese in India to take the oath of allegiance to the new sovereign.
   At this period Mirazenam Pacha, a native of Otranto, and born of Christian parents, was governor of all that part of Arabia which is called Yemen by the natives, and resided in Sanaa or Zenan, a city in the inland part of Yeman or Arabia Felix, 60 leagues north of Mokha401. Sanaa stands upon a hill encompassed with a good wall, and is thought to have been founded by Ham the son of Noah, and to have been the residence of the famous queen of Sheba. The fruitful province in which it stands was called by the ancients Siria Muinifera, because it produces frankincense, myrrh, and storax. Being desirous to plunder Maskat near Cape Ras-al-gat, Mirazenam sent three Turkish gallies on that errand under Ali Beg, who took possession of Maskat, whence most of the Portuguese residents saved themselves by flight, leaving their goods to be plundered by Ali Beg. The fugitives took refuge in Mataro, a town only a league distant, whence they went to Bruxel, a fort about four leagues inland, belonging to Catani the sheikh or chief of a horde or tribe of Arabs. The Arab officer who commanded there received the Portuguese with much kindness and hospitality, and protected them till the departure of Ali Beg, when they returned to Maskat. On learning the ruin of Maskat, Gonzalo de Menezes, who then commanded at Ormuz, sent Luis de Almeyda with a squadron consisting of a galleon, a galley, and six other vessels, with 400 good men, to attack Ali Beg. But Almeyda neglected the orders of his superior, and sailed to the coast of the Naytaques, intending to surprise and plunder the beautiful and rich city of Pesani402. But the inhabitants got notice of their danger and fled, after which Almeyda dishonourably plundered the city, to which he set fire, together with near fifty sail of vessels which were in the bay. He did the same thing to Guadel or Gader, a city not inferior to Pesani, and to Teis or Tesse belonging to the barbarous tribe of the Abindos who dwell on the river Calamen in Gedrosia403, and who join with the Naytagites in their piracies.

SECTION X. Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1581 to 1597404
   Don Francisco Mascarenhas, count of Santa Cruz, was the first viceroy sent out to India after the revolution by which Philip II of Spain acquired the sovereignty of Portugal. The honour and advantages conferred upon him on receiving this important office were greater than had ever been enjoyed by any of his predecessors. He well deserved all rewards of honour and profit, having served with great reputation in India, particularly in the brave defence of Chaul, with an incompetent garrison, and hardly any fortifications, against the power of the Nizam, who besieged it with 150,000 men. Yet his advancement on this occasion proceeded more from the policy of the king of Spain than the merit of Mascarenhas, to endeavour to gain the hearts of the Portuguese in India by his bounty. On his arrival at Goa in 1581, the new viceroy found that all the Portuguese had already submitted to the government of the king of Spain, so that he had only to attend to the usual affairs of his viceroyalty.
   Sultan Amodifar, the lawful king of Guzerat, after being long kept prisoner by the Mogul who had usurped his kingdom, made his escape by the assistance of some women and came in disguise to a Banian at Cambaya, by whom he was conveyed to Jambo, a person who had secured himself in a portion of the kingdom of Guzerat in the late revolution. Jambo not only acknowledged Amodifar as his legitimate sovereign, but procured the submission of many other chiefs and great men, so that he was soon at the head of a large army, in which there were above 30,000 horse, and in a short time Amodifar recovered possession of almost all Guzerat, either by force or consent. In hopes of profiting by these confusions, and in particular expecting to acquire possession of Surat, the viceroy went with 40 sail to Chaul, whence he sent some intelligent agents to Baroach, which was then besieged by Amodifar, the wife and children of Cotub oddin Khan having taken refuge in that place. These agents had instructions to treat secretly both with Amodifar and the wife of Cotub, without letting either of them know the correspondence with the other, that the Portuguese interest might be secured with the party that ultimately prevailed. But a large Mogul army invaded Guzerat and recovered possession of the whole country, so that the negociations of the viceroy fell to nothing, and be returned to Goa. While absent from that city, the subjects of the new king of Visiapour, provoked by the insolences of Larva Khan the favourite minister, wished to set up Cufo Khan the son of Meale Khan, who had been long kept prisoner at Goa; but on this coming to the knowledge of Larva Khan, he contrived, by means of an infamous Portuguese, named Diego Lopez Bayam, to inveigle Cufo Khan into his power, who thinking to gain a crown was made prisoner by Larva Khan and deprived of his eyes.
   After Don Francisco de Mascarenhas had enjoyed the viceroyalty for three years, Don Duarte de Menezes came out in 1581 as his successor. His first measure was to restore peace at Cochin, where a revolt was threatened by the natives in consequence of the Portuguese having usurped the management of the custom-house to the prejudice of the Rajah; but an accommodation was now entered into, and the people appeased by restoring matters to their ancient footing. The naik of Sanguicer, a place dependent upon the king of Visiapour, having converted his place of residence into a nest of pirates, to the great injury of the Portuguese trade on the coast of Canara, an agreement was entered into with the king of Visiapour for his punishment; the governor of Ponda named Kosti Khan being to march against him by land with 40,000 men, while the Portuguese were to attack the naik by sea. This was accordingly executed, and the naik being driven to take refuge is the woods, implored mercy, and was restored to his ruined district.
   Some years before the present period a prodigious inundation of Kafrs or Negro barbarians from the interior of Africa invaded the country of Monomotapa, in multitudes that were utterly innumerable. They came from that part of the interior in which the great lake of Maravi is situated, out of which springs the great rivers whose source was formerly unknown. Along with this innumerable multitude, a part of whom were of the tribes called Macabires and Ambei, bordering upon Abyssinia, came their wives, children, and old people, as if emigrating bodily in search of new habitations, from their own being unable to contain them. They were a rude and savage people, whose chosen food was human flesh, only using that of beasts in defect of the other; and such was the direful effect of their passage through any part of the country, that they marked their way by the utter ruin of the habitations, leaving nothing behind but the bones of the inhabitants. When these failed them, they supplied their craving hunger by feeding on their own people, beginning with the sick and aged. Even their women, though ugly and deformed, were as hardy and warlike as their husbands, carrying their children and household goods on their backs, and going armed with bows and arrows, which they used with as much courage and dexterity as the men. These barbarians used defensive armour, and even employed the precaution of fortifying their camp wherever they happened to halt. While passing the castle of Tete upon the Zambeze in the interior of Mocaranga, Jerome de Andrada who commanded the Portuguese garrison sent out against them a party of musketeers, and in two encounters killed above 5000 of them, while the multitude fled in the utmost dismay, having never, before experienced the effects of fire arms. Passing onwards from thence, the barbarous multitude came to the neighbourhood of Mozambique, destroying every thing in their course like an inundation of fire; and as the situation appeared inviting to one of their chiefs named Mambea, who commanded about 6000 warriors, he built a fort and some towns on the main, about two leagues from Mozambique. As the fort of Cuama, where Nuno Vello Pereyra commanded, was much incommoded by the neighbourhood of these barbarians, he sent out Antonio Pimentel against them with 400 men, four only of whom were Portuguese, who falling unexpectedly on the barbarians slew many of them and burnt the fort; but retiring in disorder, the enemy fell upon Pimentel and his men, all of whom they slew except three Portuguese and a small number of negroes. All the slain were devoured by the victorious Kafrs, except their heads, hands, and feet.
   The country about Mozambique is full of orchards and fruit trees, especially citrons, lemons, and oranges, and has all kinds of wild and tame beasts like those in Europe, together with prodigious numbers of elephants. The principal food of the people is maize. The woods mostly consist of ebony, being a very lofty tree with leaves like those of our apple trees, and fruit resembling medlars, but not eatable, the whole stem and branches being thickly covered with thorns. The bark is as susceptible of fire as tinder, and when one of these trees is cut down it never springs up again. There is another sort of a yellowish colour, which is reckoned valuable. The best manna is produced in this country. Among the fish of this river is one equally voracious with the crocodile, from which no man escapes that gets within their reach, but they never injure women. One of these of a prodigious size was caught having gold rings in its ears, which was supposed to have been done as some species of witchcraft or incantation by the Kafrs to clear the river from these dangerous animals. In confirmation of this opinion, we read in an Arabian author named Matude, giving an account of prodigies, that about the year 863 a brazen crocodile was found under the ruins of an Egyptian temple, on which certain characters or symbolical letters were impressed, and when this image was broken in pieces the crocodiles of the Nile began again to devour men.
   During the viceroyalty of Don Duarte de Menezes fresh troubles broke out in the kingdom of Visiapour, in consequence of which the Moguls invaded the country, and after laying it waste to a great extent possessed themselves of many of its towns cities and districts. The occasions of these troubles was this: The king being ill of a contagious distemper, his two favourite ministers, Acede Khan and Calabate Khan, kept him concealed in the palace, so that no person was allowed to see him. The prince and the people had recourse to arms, in order to force these tyrants to admit them into the kings presence; on which they persuaded the infirm king that the prince wished to depose him, so that the king went to war against the prince, and defeated him with great slaughter, upon which the Moguls were called in to their assistance, and used the opportunity to plunder the country and appropriate it to themselves.
   Towards the close of the viceroyalty of Don Duarte de Menezes, Raju who had usurped the sovereignty of Ceylon, determined upon making a conquest of the Portuguese fortress of Columbo, with a view of expelling them from that island. For this purpose he collected an immense army, in which were 50,000 soldiers, 60,000 pioneers, and nearly as many artificers of various descriptions, with 2200 elephants, 40,000 oxen, 150 pieces of cannon, and 50,000 intrenching tools, axes, shovels, spades, and mattocks, with an innumerable quantity of spare arms and ammunition; among which were two wooden castles built upon enormous carriages, each of which had nine wheels. Added to all which he had nearly 500 craft of different kinds. Before proceeding upon this expedition, he deemed it proper to consult the idols respecting its success; and on this occasion he secretly placed men behind the idols, who answered to his supplications for a favourable termination to his great design, If you, would take Columbo you must shed innocent blood! The people were astonished at this familiar and direct intercourse between their idols and their prince; and he, pretending obedience to the divine commands which they had all heard, caused 500 children to be taken from the arms of their mothers, all of whom were sacrificed, and the idols sprinkled with their blood.
   After all his preparations were completed, he marched with his prodigious army and invested Columbo, choosing the ground which he deemed most advantageous, as the garrison was not sufficiently strong to contend with him in the field. Joam de Britto, who then commanded in Columbo, had sent intimation of his danger to the other Portuguese possessions, and had arranged every thing for defence as well as he could. To defend the place against the vast army by which he was now assailed, he had only 300 Portuguese, a third of whom were useless, as being old men or children; besides whom he had 700 armed natives and slaves. This incompetent force he posted to the best advantage around the walls, which were far too extensive, reserving 50 picked men to attend upon himself to give relief wherever it was most needed. After the commencement of the siege, Raju spent a whole month in draining a lake which secured one side of Columbo from being assailed, and as the Portuguese had several boats on the lake, there were frequent skirmishes in which the enemy suffered considerable loss. The side of the fort which had been covered by the lake was much weakened by the drawing off its water, which had been its chief defence on that side. In consequence of the advices sent by Brito to the commanders of the neighbouring forts, reinforcements were prepared at different quarters. The first relief, consisting of 40 men, was sent by Juan de Melo the commander of Manaar, under the command of his nephew Ferdinand de Melo, who likewise brought a supply of ammunition; and Ferdinand was posted with his men to strengthen the defence upon the side towards the drained lake.
   On the 4th of August before day-light 405, Raju advanced in silence to give the first assault, but was discovered by the lighted matches of his musqueteers. The enemy applied their scaling ladders at the same time to the three bastions of St Michael, St Gonzalo, and St Francisco, while 2000 pioneers fell to work below to undermine the works. Many of the assailants were thrown down from their ladders on the heads of the workmen employed below, while numbers of the enemy who were drawn up in the field before the town were destroyed by the cannons from the walls. Everywhere both within and without, the fort resounded with the cries of women and children, and the groans of the wounded, joined to the noise of the cannon and musquetry and the shrill cries of elephants, which, forced to the walls by their conductors, were driven back smarting with many wounds, and did vast injury in the ranks of the besiegers. Such was the multitude of the enemy that they did not seem lessened by slaughter, fresh men still pressing on to supply the places of the killed and wounded. Brito was present in every place of danger, giving orders and conveying relief, and after a long and arduous contest, the enemy at length gave way, leaving 400 men dead or dying at the foot of the walls. During this assault, some Chingalese who had retired into the fort to escape the tyranny of Raju, fought with as much bravery as the Portuguese. Twice afterwards, Raju made repeated attempts to carry the place by escalade, but was both times repulsed with much slaughter. After which he repaired his entrenchments, and prepared to renew the assaults.
   After the commencement of the siege Diego Fernandez Pessoa came from Negapatnam with a ship of his own, and Antonio de Aguilar brought another ship, by means of which the besieged were much encouraged. Don Joam de Austria the Modeliar of Candea406, and the Arache Don Alfonzo, did at this time eminent service against the enemy; and a soldier of vast strength, named Jose Fernandez, having broken his spear, threw several of the enemy behind him to be slain by those in his rear. On learning the danger of Colombo, the city of Cochin fitted out six ships for its relief, with a supply of men and ammunition, which were placed under the command of Nuno Alvarez de Atouguia. Before their arrival, Raju gave another general assault by sea and land, in which the danger was so pressing that even the religious were forced to act as officers and soldiers to defend the walls, and the enemy were again repulsed with great slaughter. Immediately after this the relief arrived under Atouguia from Cochin, and nearly at the same time arrived from St Thomases and other places several ships brought by private individuals of their own accord; and in September six ships and a galley arrived with reinforcements from Goa under Bernardin de Carvallo. On the arrival of such numerous reinforcements, Raju, giving up all hopes of carrying the place by assault, endeavoured to undermine the walls; but this attempt was effectually counteracted by Thomas de Sousa, who found out a way of destroying the miners while engaged in the work.
   Foiled in all his attempts to gain possession of Columbo, Raju now endeavoured to attain his end by treachery, and prevailed on some of his wizards to pretend discontent, and desert to the town, that they might poison the water in the garrison and bewitch the defenders. Being suspected, these men were put to the torture; on which they confessed their intentions, and were put to death. "While one of the wizards was on the rack, he uttered certain mysterious words which deprived the executioners of their senses, and left them struggling under convulsions for twenty-four hours." Treachery failing, Raju had again recourse to open force, and ordered his fleet to attack that of the Portuguese commanded by Thomas de Sousa; but two of the Ceylon ships were sunk and two taken, in which most of the men were slain, and those who survived were hanged at the yard-arms. In this naval battle 300 of the enemy were slain, with the loss of two men only on the side of the Portuguese. Raju was so enraged at the bad success of the naval attack, that he ordered two of his principal sea-officers to be beheaded. Soon after this a ship arrived with ammunition sent by the viceroy, and the enemy made another assault by night on the works, in which, as in all the others, they were beat off with great slaughter. After this, Juan de Gamboa arrived in a galley with a reinforcement of 150 men; and De Brito finding himself now confident in the strength of his garrison, sent out Pedro Alfonzo with a squadron to destroy the towns on the coast belonging to the enemy. In this expedition, the towns of Belicot, Berberii, and Beligao were plundered and burnt, and the Portuguese in their haste to get possession of the pendents and bracelets of the women barbarously cut off their hands and ears. After making prodigious havock in many other places, Alfonzo returned to Columbo with mach spoil and many prisoners.
   At this time sickness attacked the garrison of Columbo, and threatened to do more for Raju than all his force had been able to effect. The disease, which began in the neighbouring towns and spread to Columbo, baffled every attempt of the physicians for its cure. On opening some who died of it, the entrails were found impostumated, which was supposed owing to uncommon heat and drought, which had prevailed that year beyond any other in remembrance of the people. By the application of cold and dry remedies the disease decreased. By the beginning of January407 Raju made two other attempts to gain Columbo by assault, in the last of which the bastions of St Sebastian, St Gonzalo, and St Jago were in great danger, but the enemy were repulsed in both with great slaughter. In the meanwhile the fleet was again sent out under the command of Thomas de Sousa, who ravaged the coast of Ceylon, and destroyed the villages of Coscore, Madania, Guinderem, Gale, Beligao, Mature, and Tanavar. To this last place the idolaters had imagined the Portuguese arms could never penetrate, as protected by the supposed sanctity of a pagoda in its neighbourhood. This pagoda was situated on a hill near the town, and appeared from sea like a city. It was above a league in circumference, ornamented with numerous domes, all of which were covered with copper splendidly gilt. In this pagoda there were above 1000 idols in the several chapels or large cloisters; the temple being surrounded with streets full of shops for the supply of the pilgrims and votaries who resorted thither from all quarters. Taking possession of this temple, Sousa cast down and destroyed all the idols, demolished all the curious workmanship of the pagoda, and carried away every thing that could be removed, after which he killed some cows in its most sacred recesses, which is the greatest possible profanation in the opinion of the idolaters.
   Among the prisoners taken at Cascore was a young woman who happened to be a bride. When the ships were about to weigh anchor, a young man came hastily to the place where the young woman was, and embraced her with much affection. By means of an interpreter, it was learned that this man was her destined husband, who had been absent when the town was attacked, and came now to offer himself for a slave rather than live free in separation from the woman of his affections. When this was told to Sousa, he determined not to part such true lovers, and ordered them to be both set at liberty; but they were so much affected by this act of generosity, that they requested to remain in his service. They lived afterwards in Columbo, where the man faithfully served the Portuguese on many occasions.
   Scarcely had Sousa returned to Columbo from this last expedition, when Raju decamped, and began to march away, but the Portuguese fell upon the rear of his army, and cut off many of his men. In the course of this siege, some say that Raju lost 10,000 men, while others restrict the loss to half of that number. Besides the destruction of many towns, villages, and ships, burnt, plundered, and destroyed, the cannon, prisoners, and booty taken during this siege from the enemy were of considerable value. By these losses, and his inability to gain possession of Columbo with so large an army, Raju lost much reputation among the neighbouring princes, who waited the success of his preparations to declare for either side. The loss on the side of the Portuguese during this siege, consisted of 140 men slain, 50 only of whom were Portuguese; but 500 died of the sickness formerly mentioned.
   On the day after the siege was raised, Don Paul de Lima came to Columbo with a powerful reinforcement from the viceroy. Eight days were spent in levelling the works which Raju had thrown up, after which the damage done to the fort was repaired, and it was furnished with a garrison of 600 men, plentifully supplied with arms and ammunition. Soon after receiving the joyful news of the glorious and successful defence of Columbo, the viceroy, Duarte de Menezes, died of a violent sickness in the beginning of May 1588, to whom succeeded Emanuel de Sousa Coutinno, in virtue of a patent of succession, being every way well qualified for the office by his singular bravery and thorough experience in the affairs of India.
   In the homeward fleet of this season Don Paul de Lima embarked for Portugal in the ship called the St Thome, of which Stefano de Vega was captain. While off the coast of Natal the ship sprung a leak in the stern during a storm, and though all the rich commodities with which she was freighted were thrown overboard, it was found impossible to keep her afloat. In this extremity 120 persons took to the boat, and had hardly put off when the ship was swallowed up by the waves. Finding the boat overloaded, it was found necessary to throw some of the people into the sea. At length the boat reached the shore, on which ninety-eight persons landed, several of whom were men of note with their wives, and some friars, one of whom after confessing the people who remained in the ship wished to have staid with them that he might aid their devotions to the last. After landing, the women put themselves into mens habits, after the Indian manner, for the greater ease in travelling, and the whole company set off on their march in good order, a friar going before carrying a crucifix on high. The place where they landed was on that part of the coast of Natal called by the Portuguese the country of the Fumos, but by the natives the country of Macomates, being inhabited by Kafirs of that name. It is in the latitude of 27° 20' S. beyond the river of Semin Dote, 50 leagues south of the bay of Lorenzo Marquez408. All the lands of the Fumos belongs to the king of Virangune409, and extends 30 leagues into the interior, bordering on the south with the country of Mocalapata, which again extends to the river St Lucia, in lat. 28° 15' S. and to the kingdom of Vambe, which contains a great part of the Terra de Natal410. From thence to the Cape of Good Hope, the natives have no king, being ruled only by ancozes or chiefs of villages. Next to the kingdom of Virangune to the north is that of Innaca, towards the N.E. to the point of the bay of St Laurence, in lat. 25° 45' S. opposite to which are two islands, named Choambone and Setimuro, the latter of which is uninhabited, and is the station of the Portuguese who resort to this bay to purchase ivory. About this bay many great rivers fall into the sea, as those named Beligane, Mannica, Spiritu Santo, Vumo, Anzate, and Angomane411. Anzate runs long the edge of vast inaccessible mountains, covered with herds of elephants, and inhabited by a gigantic race of people412. In the latitude of 25° S. the river De los Reyes, or Del Ouro, likewise named the river Inhampura falls into the sea, to the west of which in the interior are the kingdoms of Innapola and Mannuco. From this place to Cape Corientes, the sea makes a great bay, along which inhabit the Mocaranges, a nation much addicted to thieving413. Opposite to Cape St Sebastian are the islands of Bazaruto or Bocica, and not far from it the kingdom of Innabuze which reaches to the river Innarigue414. After which is the country of Pande, bordering on Monnibe, which last extends to Zavara in the interior. Near these are the kingdoms of Gamba and Mocuraba, which last is near Cape Corientes415.
   After suffering much from hunger thirst and fatigue, the survivors from the San Thome arrived at the town of Manica, where they were courteously received by the king, who offered them permission either to live in his town or in the island where we have formerly said the Portuguese used to reside during their trade for ivory on this coast, at which place they might remain till the arrival of the Portuguese merchants416. They preferred the island, where some of them died; and as they were ill accommodated here, they passed over in boats to the continent and renewed their weary pilgrimage to the northward, but separated. Some got to the fort of Sofala, and others to the town of the king of Innaca, where they found some Portuguese traders who like themselves had suffered shipwreck. After enduring great hardships, many of them died, and among these was Don Paul de Lima. Those who survived, returned after a long time to Goa, among whom were three ladies. Two of these, Donna Mariana and Donna Joanna Mendoza dedicated themselves to a religious life; but Donna Beatrix, the widow of Don Paul de Lima, having conveyed her husbands remains to Goa, returned into Portugal, and was afterwards married at Oporto.
   In May 1591, Matthew de Albuquerque arrived in India as viceroy. About this time the Portuguese met with a heavy loss in Monomotapa in a war with the Muzimbas, a savage nation of Kafrs. Tete, a fort belonging to the Portuguese high up the river Zambeze, has the command of all the neighbouring district for three leagues round, which is divided among eleven native chiefs, who are all obliged to repair with their armed followers to the fort when ordered by the Portuguese commandant, to the number of 2000 men. Pedro Fernandez de Chaves, who commanded in Tete, with these Kafrs and some Portuguese marched against Quisura chief of the Mumbos at Chicaronga, a town on the north of the Zambeze about 30 miles from Tete. He defeated these Mumbos in battle and relieved many prisoners who would otherwise have been slaughtered like cattle for the shambles, as the Mumbos feed on human flesh. The chief Quisara was slain, who used to pave the way to his dwelling with the skulls of those be had overcome. About the same time Andrew de Santiago, who commanded in Sena, another Portuguese fort lower down the Zambeze, marched against the Muzimbas a barbarous race of Kafrs on the river Suabo which runs into the northern side of the Zambeze; but found them so strongly fortified that he sent to Chaves for aid. Chaves accordingly marched from Tete with some Portuguese and the Kafrs under his command; but the Muzimbas fell upon him unexpectedly and slew him and all his Portuguese, being advanced a considerable way before the Kafrs, who got time to escape. The victorious Muzimbas quartered the slain for food, and returned to their fortified post. Next day the Muzimbas marched out against Santiago, carrying the head of Chaves on a spear. Santiago was so astonished at this sight that he endeavoured to retire in the night, but was attacked by the Muzimbas in his retreat, and he and most of his men slain. In these two unfortunate actions, above 130 of the Portuguese were cut in pieces and buried in the bellies of these savage cannibals.
   Don Pedro de Sousa commanded at this time in Mozambique; and as Tete and Sena were under his jurisdiction, he set out with 200 Portuguese soldiers and 1500 armed Kafrs to take revenge upon the Muzimbas and succour the two forts on the Zambeze. He battered the entrenchments of the barbarians to no purpose, and was repulsed in an attempt to take them by assault. Having nearly succeeded by raising a mount of fascines as high as the works of the enemy, he was induced to desist by some cowards among his men, who pretended that the fort of Sena was in danger of being taken. He drew off therefore to its relief, and was attacked by the Muzimbas who slew many of his men, and took all his cannon and baggage. Yet the enemy offered peace, which was concluded. Soon afterwards one of the chiefs of the Muzimbas, having gathered about 15,000 men, marched to the southwards destroying every thing in the way that had life, and invested Quiloa, which he gained possession of through the treachery of one of the inhabitants, and put all to the sword. After this he caused the traitor and all his family to be thrown into the river, saying that those who had betrayed their country deserved to die, yet were unfit to be eaten, as they were venomous, and therefore fit food for the fishes. The Mozimba chief endeavoured to destroy Melinda in the same manner, but the sheikh was assisted by 30 Portuguese, which enabled him to hold out till 3000 Mosseguejo Kafrs came to his relief, when the Mozimbas were defeated with such slaughter that only 100 of them escaped along with their chief, after they had ravaged 300 leagues of country.
   We now return to the affairs of India, where Chaul was again besieged. Malek417 had erected a new city opposite to Chaul and bearing the same name, well peopled with Moors who carried on an extensive trade, as it had an excellent port and the inhabitants were famous silk-weavers. The commander of this new city was an eunuch, who had been formerly a slave to the Portuguese and now to Malek. Immediately to the north of the Portuguese fortress of Chaul, from which it was divided by the river of that name, is a noted promontory called Morro, on which the eunuch took post with 4000 horse and 7000 foot, and cannonaded the Portuguese fort of Chaul from that commanding ground with 65 pieces of large cannon. These hostilities were countenanced by the Nizam, though contrary to the peace which had been established when Francisco Barreto was governor, but were now justified by some complaints against the conduct of Albuquerque the present viceroy, and in addition to, the siege of Chaul several military parties belonging to the Nizam infested the districts, dependent upon the Portuguese forts of Basseen and Chaul. As the Moors considered the capture of Chaul to be near at hand, seeing that their cannon had made considerable impression on its walls, fourteen Mogul chiefs came to be present at its reduction; but in a sortie made by the Portuguese, nine of these were slain and two taken. Talador the eunuch commander of the besiegers was wounded, and died soon afterwards, as did a Turk who was next in command, on which Farete Khan succeeded in the conduct of the siege, and gave the Portuguese no respite by day or night, continually battering their works with his powerful artillery. The garrison in Chaul consisted of 1000 men, to which place Alvaro de Abranches brought 300 from Basseen and 200 from Salcete; and being now at the head of 1500 Portuguese troops and an equal number of natives, so brave and faithful that they often voluntarily interposed their own bodies to protect their masters, Abranches appointed a day for making an attack upon the enemy. Having all confessed, the Portuguese embarked in a number of small vessels and crossed the river after which they forced their way to the plain of Morro on the top of the promontary, where the battle was renewed. Ten elephants were turned loose by the Moors, in expectation that they would force the Portuguese troops into disorder; but one of these being severely wounded by a Portuguese soldier, turned back and trampled down the enemy, till falling into the ditch he made a way like a bridge for passing over. Another of the elephants forcing his way in at a wicket in the works of the enemy, enabled the Portuguese to enter likewise, where they slaughtered the enemy almost without opposition. Some accounts say that 10,000 men were slain on this occasion, and others say no less than 60,000. Farate Khan with his wife and daughter were made prisoners, and only 21 Portuguese were slain in this decisive action. The principal booty consisted of 75 pieces of cannon of extraordinary size, a vast quantity of ammunition, many horses, and five elephants. Farate Khan became a Christian before he died, as did his daughter, who was sent to Portugal, but his wife was ransomed.

SECTION XI. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1597 to 1612
   In May 1597, Don Francisco de Gama, count of Vidugueyra, grandson to the discoverer, arrived at Goa as viceroy of India, but carried himself with so much haughty state that he gained the dislike of all men. During his government the scourge of the pride and covetousness of the Portuguese came first into India, as in the month of September news was brought to Goa that the two first ships of the Hollanders that had ventured to navigate the Indian seas had been in the port of Titangone and were bound for the island of Sunda. In a grand council held upon this important event, it was ordered to fit out a squadron of two galleons, three gallies, and nine other vessels to attack the intruders, and the command was given on this occasion to Lorenzo de Brito, an ancient and experienced officer. The two Holland ships did some small damage on the coast of Malabar and other places, and when off Malacca fell in with six ships bound from that place for India, commanded by Francisco de Silva. They immediately engaged and fought the whole of that afternoon and part of the night. Next morning the engagement was renewed, and was repeated for eight successive days; till finding themselves too weak, the Hollanders drew off and made for the port of Queda, many of their men being slain and most of the rest wounded. At that place they quitted the smallest of their ships for want of men, and the other was afterwards cast away on the coast of Pegu.
   In this same year 1597 the Hollanders fitted out a squadron of eight ships at Amsterdam for India, with 800 men and provisions for three years, under the command of the admiral Jacob Cornelius van Nec. The object of this expedition, besides hostility to the king of Spain, was that they might purchase the spices and other commodities of Asia at a cheaper rate than they had hitherto been accustomed to in Portugal. The fleet sailed from Amsterdam on the 13th of May 1598; arrived at Madeira on the 15th, and at the Canaries on the 17th, where they both took in wine. On the 29th they were in the latitude of 6° S. and passed the line on the 8th of June; a wonderful swiftness, to me incredible! On the 24th July they saw the Cape of Good Hope, where three of the ships were separated in a violent storm and arrived at the island of Banda in April418. The other four ships under the admiral discovered the island of Madagascar on the 24th of August, coming to Cape St Julian on the 30th of that month. On the 20th of September they came to the island of Cerne or Cisne, in lat. 21° S. to which they gave the name of Mauritius. Here they found tortoises of such magnitude that one of them carried two men on its back, and birds which were so tame as to allow themselves to be killed with sticks, whence they concluded that the island was not inhabited. At Banda they joined the other three ships, and having laded four with spices they were sent away to Holland, while the other three went on to the Moluccas. On the 21st January 1598, they discovered the Great Java419, and touched at the port of Tuban, after which they came to Madura an island in lat. 2° 30' S. on the 27th of that month. At this place they endeavoured to ransom some of their countrymen who had been cast away in their former ships, and some others who had been made prisoners for endeavouring to pass false money; but as the natives demanded too high a ransom, they attempted to rescue them by force; but two boats full of armed men being sunk in the attempt, they were forced to comply with the terms demanded. They settled a trade at Amboina, and two of the ships opened a factory at Banda, where they loaded with spice and returned into Holland on the 20th of April 1600. Those who were left in the remaining ship at Amboina went to Ternate in the Moluccas where they were well received by the king, and after procuring a lading of cloves returned home.
   Don Alexius de Menezes archbishop of Goa went about this time to visit the Christians of St Thomas, who lived dispersedly in the mountains of Malabar, in Muli, Turubuli, Maota, Batimena, Diamper, Pimienta, Tetemute, Porca, Paru, and Cartuti. These Christians continued stedfast at the faith till about the year 750, yet with some tincture of error. About the year 810 the second Thomas, formerly mentioned, came to this country, where he repaired the churches that had been erected by the apostle and restored the true doctrine; but about the year 900 this church was overrun by the Nestorian heresy. In the year 890 two Chaldeans came here from Babylon, named Mar Xarsio and Mar Prod, who divided the district into two bishoprics, and were ever afterwards prayed to as saints, till our archbishop ordered this to be discontinued, as he much suspected they had not been legitimately canonized. After these Chaldeans came one Mar Joanne, who was sent by the Greek Patriarch, and resided at Cranganor where he introduced the Chaldean ritual. His successor was Mar Jacob, who died in 1500, and was succeeded by Mar Joannato. Thus the bishops and heresies continued among the Thomists till 1536, when Pope Paul IV. appointed Juan Bermudez patriarch of Ethiopia, Simin Sulacca bishop of Caheremit the metropolis of Mesopotamia, Mar Elias as patriarch of Mosul, and Mar Joseph bishop of Nineveh, whom he ordered to govern the Christians of Malabar, with the bishop Ambrose Montecelli for his coadjutor. By this interference of the Pope there were two patriarchs of the East, one orthodox at Mosul, and the other heretical at Antioch. Joseph and Ambrose went over to the mountains of Malabar, to assume the pastoral charge of the Thomists; but the latter separated from the former and went to Goa, where after reading divinity for some time he died at Cochin in the year 1557. As Don George Temudo bishop of Cochin perceived that Joseph spread the poison of Nestorius among his flock in Malabar, he contrived to have him apprehended and sent in chains to Portugal, were he was permitted to return to his bishopric on promise of amendment420. On his return he found Mar Abraham officiating as bishop of the Thomists, who had chosen him in the absence of Joseph; and as Abraham found himself persecuted, or disturbed in the exercise of his functions by Joseph, he went to Rome where he got a brief from Paul IV. appointing him bishop of the Thomists, having engaged to reduce that people to the orthodox faith. Yet neither he nor Joseph adhered to their engagements, but continued in their heresies. After this one Mar Simon came to Malabar, saying that he was sent by the patriarch of Babylon to officiate as bishop of Malabar. He was received by the queen of Pimienta and placed at Cartuse, where he exercised episcopal functions; till being carried to Lisbon he was sent thence to Rome, where he was condemned by Pope Sixtus Quintus as a mere Nestorian and not even a priest. After the death of Mar Abraham his archdeacon governed the diocese, as no Babylonian prelates dared to come to Malabar, Don Alexius, the archbishop of Goa, using his utmost endeavours to keep out all such heretical prelates, which was the particular occasion of his present visitation.
   This prelate found that, among other errors, the Thomists denied the virginity of our blessed lady421: They rejected the use of images: they believed the souls of the just did not enjoy the beatific presence of God till after the general judgment: they allowed only of three sacraments, baptism, ordination and the eucharist: instead of confession they used perfuming in their churches: the wine employed in the sacrament was made from cocoas: their host was a cake made with oil and salt: their priests were ordained at seventeen years of age, and were permitted to marry after ordination: fathers, sons, and grandsons administered the sacrament in the same church: the Catatorias or Caffaneras, so they called the wives of priests, wore a distinguishing mark to be known by: in matrimony, they used no other formalities except the consent of parties and consummation: the women observed the time prescribed by the law of Moses in regard to churching: no sacraments were administered gratuitously: holy water was mixed with some powder of frankincense, and some of the soil on which St Thomas was supposed to have trodden: they used sorcery and witchcraft: In fine, that all was error, confusion, and heresy.
   Don Alexius with much labour and toil convinced them of their errors and converted them to the true faith, so that whole towns were baptised and reconciled to the Roman see. He even held a provincial synod at Diamper, all the decrees of which were confirmed by the Pope; and Francisco Rodriguez, a Jesuit who had assisted the archbishop on this important visitation, was made bishop of that diocese. On the breaking up of the synod, Don Alexius visited all the churches in these parts. While in the country of the queen of Changanate, visiting the church of Talavecare, one of the most ancient in those parts, they shewed him three plates on which were engraven certain privileges and revenues granted by the king of Ceylon, at the time when the Babylonians Zabro and Proo422, were in that country. At this place likewise Don Alexius met Topamuta Pandara, king of Gundara423 in the neighbourhood of Changanate, to whom he presented a letter from king Philip giving him the title of brother, for having allowed liberty for the exercise of the Christian religion in his dominions424.
   In the year 1596, a Moor, named Pate Marcar obtained leave from the zamorin to build a fort in the peninsula of Pudepatam, 77 leagues from Goa and 33 from Cochin, where was a most convenient station for piratical paraos, to annoy the trade of the Malabar coast; and having built a square fort at this place, he went thither with all his kinsmen and followers, and did much injury to the Portuguese and their allies, even making incursions upon their maritime possessions, whence, on several occasions, he carried off much spoil. Pate Marcar soon died, and was succeeded in the sovereignty of the fort by his nephew Mahomet Cuneale Marcar, who added greatly to the strength of the fort; and foreseeing that the Portuguese might seek to be revenged for the injuries they had sustained, he fortified the town both by sea, and land, which he named Cuneale after himself. On the land side he made a deep ditch with a double wall above seven feet thick, flanked at regular distances with towers called zarames, all of which were mounted with small cannon. Between the two creeks forming the peninsula, he built a strong wall with two towers to secure the town, and lined the sea-shore with strong palisades; flanked by two bastions, one of which considerably larger than the other, was mounted with heavy cannon to defend the entrance of the harbour, which was farther secured by a boom of masts strongly chained together. Having thus, as he thought, provided a secure retreat, he continued his uncle's enterprises against the Portuguese with much success, assisting all their enemies against them, even robbing the Malabar traders on the coast, and filled his residence with rich plunder. The viceroy Albuquerque had endeavoured to destroy this nest of pirates, so prejudicial to the Portuguese trade, and had even prevailed on the zamorin to concur in the destruction of Cuneale, so that a treaty had been entered into, by which the zamorin engaged to besiege Cuneale by land, while the Portuguese fleet attacked him by sea. Both parties provided according to stipulation for this joint expedition; but it was postponed for some time, in consequence of the change in the government by the arrival of the Count of Vidigueyra as viceroy, and even by the secret concurrence of the zamorin in the piracies of Cuneale, who communicated to him a share of the plunder.
   At length, however, the zamorin became incensed against Cuneale, who assumed the title of king of the Malabar Moors, and lord of the Indian Sea; but chiefly because he had caused the tail of one of his elephants to be cut off, and had used one of his Nayres in a cruel and scandalous manner. Laying hold of this favourable opportunity, the viceroy, De Gama, probably in 1598, renewed the league with the zamorin against Cuneale, and sent some light vessels under Ferdinand de Noronha to blockade the entrance into the port of Cuneale, till a larger force could be provided to co-operate with the zamorin, who was marching to besiege it by land with 20,000 men and some cannon.
   That part of the western coast of India, which is properly called the coast of Malabar, extends from Cananor to Cochin for the space of 42 leagues. From Cananor it is two leagues to the small island of Tremapatan, within which is a good river; thence half a league to the river of Sal, thence one and a half to the river Maim; one to the town of Comena, a small distance beyond which are the towns of Motangue, Curiare, and Baregare: thence to the river Pudepatan; two leagues farther the town of Tiracole; other two leagues the town of Cotulete; one league from this the river Capocate; one league farther Calicut; two more to the river Chale; two to the city Pananor; two thence to Tanor; two more to Paranora; one more to the famous river Paniane; thence nine to Paliporto; four to the river of Cranganor; and five more to Cochin. At the mouth of the river Pudepatan the fort of Cuneale is seated in a square peninsula formed by several creeks, and joined to the land on the south side, the length of the four sides being about a cannon shot each. Just within the bar there is sufficient water for ships of some size, which may go about half way up the port; beyond that it is only fit for almadias or boats. The river runs first towards the north-east, then turning to the south forms the peninsula in which the fort is built, the isthmus being secured by a strong wall about a musket-shot in length, reaching between the creek and the river, at the mouth of which is the small island Pinale. The fort was large, strongly built, well manned, and had abundance of cannon, ammunition, and provisions.
   In this emergency, Cuneale was well provided for defence, having a force of 1500 choice Moors, well armed, whom he distributed to the different posts. The small vessels under Noronha cannonaded the fort, principally on purpose to draw off the attention of the Moors, that they might not interrupt the zamorin on the land side, who was establishing his camp for the purpose of the siege. At the same time, Noronha scoured the coast, taking some of the piratical vessels belonging to Cuneale, and preventing the introduction of provisions into the fort. After some time, Don Luis de Gama, brother to the viceroy, arrived with four gallies and 35 smaller vessels, ten more being brought by private gentlemen at their own charge, and three full of men and ammunition sent by the city of Cochin. Besides these, there were two large barks mounted with heavy cannon to batter the fort.
   The rajah of Cochin, being apprehensive that the great power which was now employed against Cuneale might prove his ruin, by uniting the zamorin his ancient enemy with the Portuguese, circulated a report that the zamorin had entered into a secret agreement with Cuneale to cut off the whole Portuguese when engaged in the assault on the fort. The archbishop of Goa, who was then at Cochin on his way to the Malabar mountains to visit the Thomist churches, was at first much alarmed by this report, fearing it might be true; but on mature consideration was satisfied that it was only a political contrivance of the rajah, and prudently advised the rajah to desist from the propagation of any such false reports. He then assured the principal persons of Cochin that their ships might safely proceed against Cuneale, yet recommended that they should conduct themselves with much caution. All the fleet being now united before the fort, it was found that Cuneale had drawn up a line of armed galliots on the edge of the water under the wall of his fort, in case of being attacked that way. It was resolved in a council of war to force an entrance into the river, after which to draw up the Portuguese vessels in a line with their bows to the shore, that they might cover the debarkation of the troops for the purpose of assaulting the fort. This proposition was transmitted to Goa and approved by the viceroy, yet Don Luis was persuaded by some gentlemen who wished to disgrace him, to attack on the side of Ariole, under pretence that the passage of the bar might prove fatal. At this time the zamorin was battering the walls of the town or petah, and desired that some Portuguese might be sent to his assistance. Don Luis being suspicious, demanded hostages for their safety, and accordingly six principal nayres were sent, among whom were the rajahs of Tanor, Chale, and Carnere, and the chief judge of Calicut. Don Luis then sent 300 Portuguese under the command of Belchior Ferreyra.
   By previous concert, a combined assault was to be made on the night of the 3d of May, the troops of the zamorin attacking on the land side, and the Portuguese on the sea front, at the same time, the signal for both to commence at once being by means of a flaming lance. But Belchior Calaca, who was appointed to give the signal, mistook the hour, and gave it too soon, so that every thing fell into confusion. Immediately on seeing the signal, Ferreyra, who commanded the Portuguese troops along with the zamorin, fell on with his men and 5000 Nayres, but lost 28 of his men at the first onset. Luis de Silva, who was appointed to lead the van of the Portuguese sea attack with 600 men, though ready and observing the concerted signal, did not move till past midnight, which was the appointed hour, by which the enemy were left free to resist the land attack with their forces undivided. At length when it was towards morning, de Silva passed the creek of Balyzupe with 500 men in 60 almadias or native boats. But immediately on landing de Silva was slain, and his ensign Antonio Diaz concealed his death by covering his body with the colours, which he stripped for that purpose from the staff. Thus landing without commander or colours, the Portuguese fell into contusion, and the two next in command were both slain. Don Luis de Gama, leaving his fleet under the next officer, had landed with a reserve on the other side of the river opposite the fort, but for want of boats was unable either to cross to assume the command, or to send assistance. The Portuguese troops were forced to retreat disgracefully with the loss of 300 men, most of whom were drowned; though even in this confusion a part of them forced their way into the fort and burnt the mosque and part of the town, where, they slew 500 Moors and Malabars, above 20 of whom were men of note. After this discomfiture, Don Luis de Gamu retired to Cochin with the greater part of the fleet, leaving Francisco de Sousa to continue the blockade, who persuaded the zamorin to assault the town, as he believed the defenders had been so much weakened by the late slaughter that it might be easily carried. But though the zamorin gave the assault with 2000 men, he was repulsed.
   On the receipt of these bad tidings at Goa, Don Luis de Gama was ordered back to Cuneale, to settle a treaty with the zamorin, and to continue the siege during the winter, till the Portuguese fleet could return at the commencement of the next fine season. A treaty to this effect was accordingly concluded, by one of the articles of which the zamorin consented that the Christian religion might be preached in his dominions, and churches erected. After this Don Luis returned to Goa, whence he went to command at Ormuz, and Ferdinand de Noronha remained before Cuneale with twelve ships to prevent the introduction of provisions or other supplies.
   Cuneale was so much elated by his success in repelling the Portuguese, that, in addition to his former title, he stiled himself Defender of the Mahometan Faith and Conqueror of the Portuguese; but when the season returned for maritime operations on the coast, the viceroy sent Andrew Furtado against him with three gallies, 54 other vessels, and a powerful military force. In the mean time Antonio de Noronha continued to blockade the port all winter, taking several vessels laden with provisions, and on different occasions slew above 100 Moors who opposed him in taking fresh water for his ships. While on his way from Goa, Furtado dissuaded the rajah of Banguel and the queen or rana of Olala from sending aid to Cuneale as they intended, and cut off five ships from Mecca that were going with relief to the enemy. When Furtado came to anchor in the port of Cuneale, he sent to treat with the zamorin, who had continued the siege on the land side all winter according to his engagement, and an interview took place between them on the shore where the zamorin came to meet him. The zamorin was naked from the waist upwards. Round his middle a piece of cloth of gold was wrapped, hanging to his knees and fastened by a girdle of inestimable value, about the breadth of a hand. His arms were covered from the elbows to the wrists with golden bracelets adorned with rich jewels, and so heavily laden that two men supported his arms. He wore an extraordinarily rich chain about his neck, and so many diamonds and rubies hung from his ears that they were stretched down almost to his shoulders by their weight. He seemed about 30 years of age, and had a majestic presence. A little on one side stood the prince, carrying a naked sword. Behind him were many of his nobles; among whom was father Francisco Rodriquez, the new bishop of the Thomists in Malabar. The zamorin and Furtado embraced in token of friendship, on which all the cannon in the fleet fired a salvo. After this friendly meeting they retired into the tent of the zamorin, where they had a long conference about their future operations; and on taking leave, Furtado put a rich collar about the neck of the zamorin, and they parted in a most amicable manner.
   The rajah of Tanor and other great men were sent by the zamorin on board the admiral ship, having full powers from their sovereign to treat and conclude on all things concerning the joint interests of both parties, and every thing was settled to mutual satisfaction. There now arrived from Goa and other places, a galley and galleon, with 11 ships and 21 smaller vessels, bringing ammunition and 790 soldiers, upon which Furtado commenced the active operations of the siege, raising entrenchments and batteries, and taking absolute possession of every avenue leading to the fort and peninsula by water. He likewise caused some advanced works belonging to the enemy to be assaulted, on which Cuneale came in person to assist in their defence, and for a time repulsed the assailants, till Furtado landed with a reinforcement, on which the Portuguese remained victorious, slaying 600 of the Moors, with the loss of two officers and nine privates on their side. Fort Blanco or the white tower was next assaulted, but with more bravery than success. Yet Cuneale seeing that he could not much longer hold out, offered rich presents to the zamarin to admit him to surrender upon security of his own life and the safety of his garrison. But on this secret negociation coming to the knowledge of Furtado, he made a furious assault on the works, which were at the same time assailed on the land side by 6000 Nayres, by which joint attack the lower town or petah was taken, plundered, and burnt. Batteries were immediately erected against the upper town and fort, and as their fire soon ruined the defences, Cuneale was constrained to surrender at discretion, merely bargaining that his life should be saved. He accordingly marched out having a black veil on his head, and carrying his sword with the point downwards, which he surrendered to the zamorin, who immediately delivered it to Furtado. According to one of the articles of agreement the spoil was to have been equally divided; but Furtado dealt generously by the zamorin, alleging that this was to be understood only in respect to the artillery, and appeased his own soldiers who expected that reward of their labour. The fort and all other works were levelled with the ground, and Furtado returned with the fleet and army to Goa.
   Cuneale was about 50 years of age, of a low stature, but strong and well made. He and his nephew Cinale, with other forty Moors of note, were sent as prisoners on board the fleet, where they well treated; but as soon as some of them were set on shore at Goa, they were torn in pieces by the rabble; and Cuneale and his nephew were both publicly beheaded by order of the viceroy, so that the government and the mob went hand and hand to commit murder and a flagrant breach of faith. How can those who are guilty of such enormities give the name of barbarians to the much more honourable Indians!
   In the year 1600, Ayres de Saldanna arrived at Goa as viceroy to supersede the Count de Vidugueira, who was universally disliked by the Portuguese inhabitants. The marble statue of the great Vasco de Gama, his grandfather, stood over the principal gate of the city, fastened to the wall by a strong bar of iron. At the instigation of some enemies to the count, a French engineer named Sebastian Tibao applied to the iron bar during the night a certain herb that has the quality of eating iron, so that the statue fell down next night, and its quarters were hung up in different parts of the city. On the day when the count was to embark for his return to Portugal, a party of armed men went on board before him, and hung up his effigy at the yard arm, made exactly like him both in face and habit. Just as he was going on board they returned; and on seeing the effigy he asked what it was, when someone answered, "It is your lordship, whom these men have hung up." He made no reply, but ordered the figure to be thrown into the sea and immediately set sail; but two days afterwards had to return to port for a new stock of fowls, as all these he took with him were poisoned. He was better beloved by the elements than by those whom he had governed; for he went all the way from India to Lisbon without once needing to furl a sail. By the constant chafing of the yards on the masts, it was found impossible to lower the yards in the usual way when the ship arrived at Lisbon, insomuch that they had to be cut down. Sailing from Goa on the 25th December 1600, he arrived at Lisbon on the 27th May 1601, having spent only five months on the voyage.
   During the administration of Ayres de Saldana, Xilimixa king of Aracan, who had possessed himself of the kingdom of Pegu, gave the port of Siriam to the Portuguese in grateful acknowledgment of their services. That town and port is at the mouth of the river Siriam which flows within a league of the city of Bagou, the capital of Pegu. This grant was obtained by Philip Brito de Nicote, who proved false and ungrateful to the king of Aracan, who had raised him from the lowest rank to his favour and esteem. By his persuasion, Xilimixa erected a custom-house at the entry to the river Siriam to increase his revenues; which Brito meant afterwards to seize, and to build a fort there, on purpose to give a footing for the Portuguese to conquer the kingdom. Xilimixa accordingly built the custom-house, which he gave in charge to one Bannadala who fortified himself and suffered no Portugeuse to enter there, except a Dominican named Belchior de Luz. Nicote, seeing his purposes likely to be defeated by Bannadala, determined to gain possession by force before the works were completed. He had along with him at this time three Portuguese officers and fifty men, whom he ordered to surprize the fort and turn out Bannadala, trusting to his great credit with Xilimixa to bear him out in this procedure. The Portuguese officers accordingly executed their orders so effectually, that they used to be called the Founders of the Portuguese dominion in Pegu, and Salvador Ribeyro their commander was like to have got the whole credit of the exploit, as some even affirmed that he was its author, though in reality all was due to Nicote. Bannadala being expelled from his fort, fortified himself with 1000 men in a neighbouring island of the river Siriam, and seized the treasures of the pagoda of Digan to maintain his troops. Xilimixa was much offended by the conduct of the Portuguese in this affair, and resolved to support Bannadala, but was dissuaded by the contrivances of Nicote, who represented that he was about to favour a sacrilegious robber, and offered to arrange matters with the Portuguese to his entire satisfaction. He accordingly went to Siriam, where he ordered every thing to his own mind; and when the fort was nearly finished, he went to Goa, where he offered to deliver up the fort to the viceroy, whence the Portuguese might easily conquer the kingdom of his master, to whom he represented his voyage to Goa as intended to procure an auxiliary force which would enable him to make a conquest of Bengal. At the same time Nicote negociated with all the princes in the provinces adjoining the dominions of Xilimixa, persuading them to confederate with the Portuguese viceroy, by which means they might easily conquer the kingdom of Pegu; and several of them sent ambassadors along with him to Goa for this purpose.
   Hardly had Nicote set sail for Goa, when Xilimixa became sensible of his error in confiding in him, and sent a fleet of war boats down the river Siriam with 6000 men under Bannadala to expell the Portuguese from their fort. Salvador Ribeyra met this great armament with only three small vessels and thirty men, and, without the loss of one man, took forty vessels of the enemy and put the rest to flight. Then calling in the aid of the king of Pram, Xilimixa beset the fort with 1200 vessels by water, while 40,000 men surrounded it by land; but as Ribeyra learnt that the enemy observed no order or discipline, he boldly fell upon them with his handful of men, and having slain their general put that army to flight. Bannadala rallied 8000 of the fugitives, with which be again besieged the fort, lodging his men in good order, and having battered the place for some days, he ventured to make a fierce assault in the dead of night; but he was bravely repelled by the Portuguese, and above 1000 of his men were found dead next morning in the ditch. The enemy continued the siege however for eight months, and though some of the garrison deserted, Ribeyra defended the place with great resolution; and to take away all hopes of escape from his men, burnt all the vessels that were in the port. Hearing of these proceedings, Ayres de Saldanna the viceroy, sent a considerable reinforcement, along with which came so many volunteers, ambitions either of honour or profit, that Ribeyra found himself at the head of 800 men. With these he attacked the enemy, whom he drove from their works with great slaughter, and Bannadala had the mortification to see the works which he had been constructing for almost a year destroyed in a day. After this success, the Portuguese volunteers withdrew, only 200 that had been sent by the viceroy remaining in the fort with Ribeyra.
   The enemy returned a fourth time against the fort, which they now assailed with many moving castles and various kinds of fire works, and soon reduced the fort to great extremity; but were so terrified by a fiery meteor, that they fled leaving their castles behind, which were soon reduced to ashes by the garrison. Soon afterwards the Portuguese obtained a great victory over king Massinga in the province of Camelan; after which the natives flocked to their standard to the number of above 20,000 men, and proclaimed Nicote king of Pegu, calling him Changa, which signifies good man. Nicote was at this time absent, but Ribeyra accepted the proffered crown in his name, on which account it was reported in Spain that Ribeyra had been proclaimed king. Nicote afterwards, as a loyal subject, received the kingdom in the name of his sovereign, and was the first of the Portuguese that rose to such high fortune in Asia. Rodrigo Alvarez de Sequeyra succeeded Ribeyra in command of the fort of Siriam, and defended it bravely till it took fire by accident, only the bare walls being left standing.
   In the mean time Nicote solicited succours at Goa, where the viceroy married him to a niece he had born in Goa of a woman of Java; after which he gave him powerful succours, and sent him to Siriam with six ships, with the title of Commander of Siriam, and General for the conquest of Pegu. On his arrival at Siriam, Nicote repaired the fort, built a church, and sent a splendid present to the king of Aracan who had sent a complimentary message on his arrival. At Siriam Nicote regulated the custom-house pursuant to the instructions of the viceroy, obliging all vessels that traded on the coast of Pegu to make entry at Siriam, and pay certain duties. As some of the Coromandel traders refused obedience to these orders, Nicote sent Francisco de Moura against them with six vessels, who took two ships of Acheen on the coast of Tanacerim richly laden. As the king of Aracan was desirous of recovering possession of the fort and custom-house of Siriam, he sent an ambassador to the king of Tangu with twenty jalias or small ships, to prevail upon him to join in that enterprize. But Nicote sent Bartholomew Ferreyra, who command the small craft, who put them to flight, and they were forced to take refuge in the dominions of the king of Jangona. Upon this, the enemy collected 700 small vessels and 40,000 men, under the command of the son of the king of Aracan, accompanied by Ximicalia and Marquetam, sons to the reigning emperor of Pegu. Paul del Rego went against them with seven ships and a number of war boats, and defeated the prince with great loss, taking all his vessels, and obliging him to make his escape by land. After this Paul took the fort of Chinim with a great number of prisoners, among whom was the wife of Bannadala.
   At this time Nicote was abroad with fourteen small vessels, in which were 60 Portuguese, and 200 Peguers; and learning that the prince was on shore with 4000 men, 900 of whom were armed with firelocks, he landed and attacked him, gaining a complete victory, and even taking the prince. When the Peguers saw their prince carried off, they were all eager to have accompanied him into captivity, and entreated to be received into the Portuguese vessels, such as were refused bewailing that they could not follow, as prisoners, him whom they had served faithfully while at liberty. On this occasion Nicote gave a notable example how brave men ought to use their victories. Remembering that he had formerly been slave to the prince who was now his prisoner, he served him with as much respect as he had done formerly; watching him while asleep, and holding his baskins in his hands with his arms across, as is done by the meanest servants of princes in that country, and continually attended him on all occasions.
   While these transactions were going on in Pegu, Don Martin Alfonzo de Castro came to Goa as viceroy, to replace Ayres de Saldanna, in 1604. Ximilixa, king of Aracan, sent to treat with Nicote for the ransom of the prince, his son, and accordingly paid 50,000 crowns on that account, although Nicote was ordered by the viceroy to set the prince free without any ransom. Ximilixa afterwards besieged Siriam in conjunction with the king of Tangu, who brought a great army against the town by land, while Ximilixa shut it up by sea with 800 sail, in which he had 10,000 men. Paul del Rego went against him with 80 small vessels; and failing of his former success, set fire to the powder and blew up his ship, rather than fall into the hands of the enemy. The siege continued so long, that the garrison was reduced to extremity, and on the point of surrendering, when the king of Tangu retired one night with his army upon some sudden suspicion, on which Ximilixa was likewise obliged to draw off with his fleet. Several of the neighbouring princes were now so much alarmed by the success of Nicote, that they solicited his friendship, and to be admitted into alliance with the king of Portugal. The first of these was the king of Tangu, and afterwards the king of Martavan, who gave one of his daughters as a wife to Simon the son of Nicote. Soon after, the king of Tangu being overcome in battle by the king of Ova, and rendered tributary, Nicote united with the king of Martavan, and invaded the dominions of Tangu, though in alliance with that prince, took him prisoner and plundered him of above a million in gold, although he protested that he was a faithful vassal to the king of Portugal.
   About this time another low adventurer, Sebastian Gonzalez Tibao, raised himself by similar arts to great power in Aracan. In the year 1605, Gonzalez embarked from Portugal for India, and going to Bengal, listed as a soldier. By dealing in salt, which is an important article of trade in that country, he soon gained a sufficient sum to purchase a Jalia, or small vessel, in which he went with salt to Dianga, a great port in Aracan. At this period, Nicote, who had possessed himself of Siriam, as before related, wishing to acquire Dianga likewise, sent his son with several small vessels thither on an embassy to the king of Aracan, to endeavour to procure a grant of that port. Some Portuguese who then resided at the court of Aracan, persuaded the king that the object of Nicote in this demand; was to enable him to usurp the kingdom; upon which insinuation the son of Nicote; and all his attendants were slain, after which the same was done with the crews of his vessels, and all the Portuguese inhabitants at Dianga, to the number of about 600 were put to death, except a few who escaped on board nine or ten small vessels and put out to sea. Among these was the vessel belonging to Sebastian Gonzalez, who assumed the command; and as the fugitives were reduced to great distress, they subsisted by plunder on the coasts of Aracan, carrying their booty to the ports of the king of Bacala, who was in friendship with the Portuguese.
   Not long before this had died Emanuel de Mattos, who had been commander of Bandel of Dianga, and lord of Sundiva425, an island about 70 leagues in compass, the subordinate command of which he had confided to a valiant Moor named Fate Khan. On learning the death of Mattos, Fatecan murdered all the Portuguese on the island of Sundiva, with their wives and children, and all the Christian natives; and gathering a considerable force of Moors and Patans, fitted out a fleet of 40 small vessels, which he maintained by means of the ample revenue of the island he had now usurped. Understanding that Sebastian Gonzalez and his small squadron was cruizing near Sundiva, Fatecan went out to seek them with such assurance of success, that he inscribed upon his colours, "Fate Khan, by the grace of God, Lord of Sundiva, Shedder of Christian Blood, and Destroyer of the Portuguese Nation." Sebastian and his companions had put, into a river called Xavaspur, where they quarrelled about the division of their spoil, and one Pinto sailed away from the rest in disquiet; but meeting the fleet of Fatecan, who had hoped to surprize the Christians he returned and gave his companions notice of their danger. After a severe conflict, the 10 small vessels in which were only 80 Portuguese, proved victorious over the 40 vessels belonging to Fatecan, though manned with 600 Moors, not a single vessel or man escaping. After this great victory, the Portuguese agreed to appoint Sebastian Gonzalez to command over the rest. Sebastian entered into a treaty with the king of Bacala for his assistance to reduce the island of Sundiva, engaging to pay him half the revenues of that island, and accordingly procured from him some vessels, and 200 auxiliary horse. Having likewise gathered a number of Portuguese from Bengal and other parts, he saw himself, in March 1609, at the head of 400 Portuguese troops, and had mustered a fleet of 40 small ships. In consequence of the delay necessary for making these preparations, the island of Sundiva was provided for defence, under a brother of the late Fatecan, who had raised a respectable force of Moors. Sebastian, however, attempted its conquest, and had nearly been forced to desist for want of provisions and ammunition, when he was reinforced by a Spaniard named Gaspar de Pina, who brought 50 men to his aid, after which they carried the fort by assault, and put all its garrison to the sword. Having formerly been subject to the Portuguese under de Mattos, the islanders immediately submitted to Gonzalez, to whom they delivered upwards of 1000 Moors who were scattered about the country, all of whom he put to death. Thus Gonzalez became absolute master of the island, and was obeyed by the natives and Portuguese like an independent prince.
   Gonzalez having now a considerable revenue at his command, raised a respectable military force of 1000 Portuguese, 2000 well armed natives, and 200 horse, with above 80 sail of small vessels well provided with cannon. He erected a custom-house, and encouraged the resort of merchants to his dominions, and became so formidable that the neighbouring princes courted his alliance. Insolent and ungrateful in the progress of his power, he not only refused to give half the revenue of the island to the king of Bacala according to agreement, but made war upon his benefactor, from whom he conquered the islands of Xavaspur426 and Patelabanga, and other lands from other neighbouring princes; so that he became suddenly possessed of vast riches and great power, and acted as an independent sovereign, having many brave men at his command. But such monsters are like comets that threaten extensive ruin, yet last only for a short time, or like the lightning, which no sooner expends its flash but it is gone for ever.
   Soon after the elevation of Gonzalez to the sovereignty of Sundiva, a civil war broke out between the king of Aracan and his brother Anaporam, because the latter refused to resign a remarkable elephant, to which all the other elephants of the country were said to allow a kind of superiority. Being unsuccessful in the contest, Anaporam fled to Gonzalez for assistance and protection, who demanded his sister as an hostage. Gonzalez and Anaporam endeavoured, in conjunction, to fight the king of Aracan, who had an army of 80,000 men, and 700 war elephants; but being unsuccessful, were obliged to retreat to Sundiva, into which Anaporam brought his wife and family, with all his treasure, and became a subject of Gonzalez, who soon afterwards had the sister of Anaporam baptized, and took her to wife. Anaporam soon died, not without suspicion of poison; and Gonzalez immediately seized all his treasures and effects, though he had left a wife and son. To stop the mouths of the people on this violent and unjust procedure, he wished to have married the widow of Anaporam to his brother Antonio Tibao, who was admiral of his fleet, but she refused to become a Christian. Sebastian continued the war against the king of Aracan with considerable success; insomuch that on one occasion his brother Antonio, with only five sail, defeated and captured 100 sail belonging to Aracan. At length the king of Aracan concluded peace, and procured the restoration of his brother's widow, whom he married to the rajah of Chittigong.
   At this time, the Moguls undertook the conquest of the kingdom of Balua427, and as Gonzalez considered this conquest might prove dangerous to his ill-got power, Balua being adjoining to his own territories, he entered into a league with the king of Aracan for the defence of that country. Accordingly, the king of Aracan took the field with an immense army, having 80,000 of his own native subjects, mostly armed with firelocks, 10,000 Peguers who fought with sword and bucklers, and 700 elephants with castles carrying armed men. Besides these, he sent 200 sail of vessels to sea, carrying 4000 men, ordering this fleet to join that of Gonzalez, and to be under his command. According to the treaty, Gonzalez, with the combined fleet, was to prevent the Moguls from passing to the kingdom of Balua, till the king of Aracan could march there with his army for its protection; besides which it was agreed, when the Moguls were expelled from Balua, that half the kingdom was to be given up to Gonzalez; who, on this occasion, gave as hostages, for the safety of the Aracan fleet, and the faithful performance of his part of the treaty, a nephew of his own, and the sons of some of the Portuguese inhabitants of Sundiva.
   According to treaty, the king of Aracan entered the kingdom of Balua with his army, and expelled the Moguls; but Gonzalez did not perform his part of the agreement in preventing the Moguls from penetrating into that kingdom, some alleging that he had been bribed by the Moguls to allow them a free passage, while, according to others, he did so from revenge against the king of Aracan, for the Portuguese who had been slain by that king in Bangael of Dianga428. However this may have been, Gonzalez was guilty of a most execrable treachery, as, by leaving open the mouth of the river Dangatiar, he left a free passage to the Moguls. After this he went with his fleet into a creek of the island Desierta429, and assembling all the captains of the Aracan vessels on board his ship, he murdered them all, seized all their vessels, and killed or made slaves of all their men, after which he returned to Sundiva. Soon afterwards the Moguls returned in great force to the kingdom of Balua, where they reduced the king of Aracan to such straits that he made his escape with great difficulty on an elephant, and came almost alone to Chittigong. Immediately upon this discomfiture of the Aracan army, which was utterly destroyed by the Moguls in Balua, Gonzalez plundered and destroyed all the forts on the coast of Aracan, which were then unprovided for defence, as depending on the peace and alliance between their king and Gonzalez; he even went against the city of Aracan, where he burnt many merchant vessels, and acquired great plunder, and destroyed a vessel of great size, richly adorned, and containing several splendid apartments like a palace, all covered with gold and ivory, which the king kept as a pleasure-yacht for his own use. Exasperated against Gonzalez for his treachery, the king ordered the nephew of that lawless ruffian, who was in his power as a hostage, to be be impaled. But Gonzalez, being a person utterly devoid of honour, cared not at whose cost he advanced his own interests; yet the guilt of so many villanies began to prey upon his conscience, and he became apprehensive of some heavy punishment falling upon him, which he had little means to avert, as all men considered him a traitor unworthy of favour; those of Aracan, because he had betrayed them to the Moguls; and the Moguls, because he had been false to those that trusted him. He afterwards met his just reward under the government of Don Jerom de Azevedo430.
   The Hollanders, becoming powerful at the Molucca islands, and forming an alliance with these islanders, who were weary of the avarice and tyranny of the Portuguese, expelled them from Amboyna and established themselves at Ternate, whence the Portuguese had been formerly expelled by the natives. By the aid of the king of Ternate, the Hollanders likewise, about 1604, got possession of the fort of Tidore, whence about 400 Portuguese were permitted to retire by sea to the Phillipine islands, where they were hospitably received by Don Pedro de Cunna, who commanded there for the Spaniards. In February 1605, Cunna sailed from the Philippines with 1000 Spanish and 400 native troops, and recovered the fort of Ternate, chiefly owing to the bravery of Joam Rodriguez Camelo, who commanded a company of Portuguese in this expedition. De Cunna thence proceeded for Tidore, which he likewise reduced, by which conquest the Molucca islands became subject to Spain.
   The viceroy, Don Alfonso de Castro, dying in 1607, was succeeded as governor by Alexias de Menezes, archbishop of Goa, pursuant to a patent of succession. Next year, 1608, Don Joam Pereyra Frojas, count de Feyra, was sent out from Portugal as viceroy of India, but died on the voyage. After administering the government for two years and a half, the archbishop was succeeded as governor by Andrew Furtado de Mendoza in 1609, who was soon afterwards superseded in the same year by Ruy Lorenzo de Tavora, who came out from Portugal as viceroy. At this time, Don Jerome de Azevedo commanded in Ceylon, who, with an army of 700 Portuguese troops and 25,000 Cingalese took and burnt the city of Candy, on which the sovereign of that central dominion made peace with the Portuguese, consenting to the ministry of the Franciscans in his dominions, and even placed two of his sons in their hands, to be instructed in the Christian religion.
   About this time, a large English ship and a ketch had an engagement with two Portuguese ships beyond the Cape of Good Hope, which escaped after suffering a severe loss. These English ships went afterwards to Surat, where they were found by Nunno de Cunna, who had four well-manned galleons, but ill provided with gunners, who were ignorant and cowardly. On descrying these large ships, though the English had reason to be afraid of their number, they undervalued them as heavy sailors, and immediately engaged and fought them till evening, killing 30 of the Portuguese. The engagement recommenced at day-light next morning, and two of the Portuguese galleons, endeavouring to run on board the large English ship, got aground, on which the pink or ketch, belonging to the enemy, kept firing its cannon upon one of the grounded galleons, till it floated off with the evening tide. The other two galleons fought the large English ship all day. On the third day, all the four galleons being afloat, endeavoured to board the enemy, who relied on their cannon and swiftness, and sailed away to Castelete, a bay of the pirates near Diu. De Cunna followed them thither, and again fought them for two days, in all which time the Portuguese ships could never board them by reason of their unwieldy bulk. At length the English stood away, shewing black colours in token that their captain was slain. In these long indecisive actions, the English and Portuguese both lost a number of men. The English made for Surat, followed still by De Cunna; on which they left that port, and De Cunna returned to Goa.