SECTION IV. Digression respecting the History, Customs, and State of Abyssinia
   Presbyter or Prester John, otherwise called Prete Jani, who is the king or emperor of the Abyssinians, is lord of all the land called anciently Ethiopia sub Egypto279, or Lower Ethiopia; which is one of the most extensive dominions we know of in the world. This empire begins at Cape Guardafu, called anciently Aromata, whence running along the Red Sea, with desert and not very crooked coasts, it reaches to the boundaries of the rich city of Swakem. On the north side it borders on the warlike people of the Nubys, Nuba, or Nubians, who intervene between Abyssinia and the Theabaid or Upper Egypt. From thence it reaches a great way inland to the kingdom of Manicongo, including part of Lybia Inferior, and other interior parts of Africa towards the west; whence turning behind the springs and lakes of the Nile through burning and unknown regions, it endeth in the south upon the Barbarian Gulf, now known to the Portuguese who navigate that gulf, as the coasts of Melinda and Magadoxa. The Nile is still known by its ancient name, being called Nil by the Abyssinians, Egyptians, Arabians, and Indians. The springs and lakes of this river are on the confines which separate the land of the Abyssinians from the Cafres that inhabit the continent behind Melinda and Mozambique, as I was informed by some great lords and other persons of Abyssinia, whence it appears that the ancients had little knowledge respecting the origin of this river. Inquiring from these people, if it were true that this river did sink in many places into the earth, and came out again at the distance of many days journey, I was assured there was no such thing, but that during its whole course it was seen on the surface, having great breadth and depth, notwithstanding of what we read in the fifth book of the Natural History of Pliny. I made many inquiries respecting the causes of increase and overflowings of this river, which has been so much disputed by all the ancient philosophers, and received the most satisfactory solution of this question never before determined. Thus almost jestingly, and by means of very simple questions, I came to learn that which the greatest philosophers of antiquity were ignorant of.
   The principal lords of Abyssinia informed me, that in their country the winter began in May, and lasted all June and July and part of August, in which latter month the weather becomes mild and pleasant. In June and July it is a great wonder if the sun ever make his appearance; and in these two months so great and continual are the rains that the fields and low grounds are entirely overflown, so that the people cannot go from one place to another. That this prodigious quantity of water hath no other issue or gathering-place excepting the Nile; as towards the Red Sea the country is entirely skirted by very high mountains. Hence that river must necessarily swell prodigiously and go beyond its ordinary bounds, as unable to contain such vast quantities of water, and overflows therefore both in Egypt and the other lands through which it passes. And as the territories of Egypt are the most plain of these, of necessity the overflowing there must be the more copious, as the river has there more scope and freedom to spread out its waters than in the high and mountainous lands of Abyssinia. Now, it is manifest that the inundations of the Nile in Egypt always begin when the sun is in the summer solstice, which is in June, while in July the river increases in greater abundance, and in August, when the rains diminish in Abyssinia, the river decreases by similar degrees to its former increase. Hence the manifest cause of the increase of the Nile is from the great and continual rains that fall in Abyssinia during the months of June and July. I was myself in Massua in the month of June and part of July, where I saw great storms of thunder and rain; and we saw within the continent great and constant black clouds; though the Abyssinians said what we saw was little in comparison of what it was in the inland country. We likewise know that the months of June and July are the winter season at the Cape of Good Hope and all the coast of Africa, where the rains are continual. I was likewise told that the Nile formed many islands, especially one exceedingly large, in which was a great and rich city; which on due consideration must be the Island of Meroe. They told me also that on this great island, and all through the river, there were great numbers of fierce and pestiferous animals, which doubtless must be crocodiles. Enquiring if the river in a certain place fell from such a height, that with the noise of the fall those who inhabited the neighbouring towns were born deaf; they said that certainly in one place the river did fall over a great rock with a prodigious noise, but had no such effects.
   As an extended account of the manners and customs of the Abyssinians would interfere with this journal, I must touch them only shortly, though most worthy of being known; more especially the causes of the overthrow and ruin of this empire in these our own days.
   Atini Tingill, afterwards named David, Prete Jani or Emperor of Ethiopia, reigning in the year 1530, became so cruel and tyrannized so much over his subjects that he incurred their universal hatred. At that time Gradamet, king of Zeyla, made war on Abyssinia, encouraged by the great enmity of the people against their sovereign, and perhaps secretly invited by some of the great lords of the kingdom. On entering into Abyssinia, and having reduced some towns and districts, Gradamet divided liberally the spoils among his warriors, among whom he had 300 Turkish arquebusseers, who formed the main strength of his army. He likewise enfranchised all the inhabitants of the towns through which he passed, exempting the inhabitants from the taxes and impositions they had to pay to their sovereign, by which he gained to his party all the common people, and even many of the principal nobles of the kingdom280.
   King David sent an army against the king of Zeyla; but when the Turks began to shoot their calivers or arquebusses, among the Abyssinians, by which some of them were slain, they were seized with an universal panic and took flight. Proud of this victory, the king of Zeyla overrun the country, accompanied by a great number of Abyssinians, and advanced into that part of the south, towards Magadoxa and Melinda, where the vast treasures of the former kings of Abyssinia were secured on the top of an almost inaccessible mountain. Seeing every day the Abyssinians revolting to the Moors, David gathered a new army with which be marched against Gradamet and joined battle, but was again completely defeated, chiefly, by means of the Turkish musqueteers: On which David withdrew to a strong post on a mountain, where in a few days he died, in the year 1539. After this great victory Gradamet marched immediately to the mountain where the treasure was deposited, which he assaulted and took, gaining possession of the largest treasure that ever was known in the world. On the death of David, those of the nobles who had continued to adhere to him, elected his eldest son in his stead, who was a young man under age; and that nothing might be wanting to assist the ruin of the kingdom, already almost irrecoverably reduced by the Moors, another party of the nobles appointed a different son of the late king to succeed to the throne. In this hopeless condition of his affairs, the unfortunate youth, having to contend at the same time against foreign invasion and domestic division, withdrew for personal safety to the mountain of the Jews.
   In the interior of Abyssinia there is a very large and high mountain which can only be ascended by one very difficult path, and on its summit there is a large plain, having abundance of springs, with numerous cattle, and even some cultivation. The inhabitants of this mountain observe the law of Moses. Though I have carefully inquired, I could never learn how this people came into Abyssinia, and wherefore they have never descended from their mountain to mix with the other inhabitants of the country. The young king received a friendly entertainment from these Jews, who acknowledged him as their sovereign, and defended him against the king of Zeyla, who was unable to force his way up the mountain, and had to retire. About this time we arrived at Massua, which put the Moors in great fear, and inspired new courage into the hearts of the Abyssinians, insomuch that the young king left the mountain of the Jews and took up his quarters with his adherents in other mountains towards the sea coast and nearer to Massua, whence he wrote many pitiful and imploring letters for assistance, to which favourable answers were returned giving him hopes of succour. We proceeded on our expedition to Suez; and being returned again to Massua, it was ordained to send an auxiliary force of 500 men under a captain, which was accordingly done and we set sail on our way back to India. Since that time, I have not learnt any intelligence whatever respecting the affairs of Ethiopia281.
   The Abyssinians are naturally ceremonious men, and full of points of honour. Their only weapons are darts, in which they figure to themselves the lance with which our Saviour was wounded, and the cross on which he died, though some wear short swords. They are very expert horsemen, but badly apparelled; and are much given to lying and theft. Among them riches are not computed by money, but by the possession of cattle and camels, yet gold is much valued. In their own country they are dastardly cowards, but in other countries valiant; insomuch that in India they say that a good Lascarin, or what we call a soldier, must be an Abyssinian; and they are so much esteemed in Ballagayat, Cambaya, Bengal, and other places, that they are always made captains and principal officers in the army. Their clothing is vile and poor. They wear linen shirts, and the great personages have a kind of upper garment called Beden. The vulgar people are almost quite naked. They eat bollemus and raw flesh; or if held to the fire, it is so little done that the blood runs from it. In the whole land there are no cities or towns, so that they live in the field under tents and pavilions like the Arabs282. They pride themselves on believing that the queen of Sheba was of their country, alleging that she took shipping at Massua, though others say at Swakem, carrying with her jewels of great value when she went to Jerusalem to visit Solomon, making him great gifts, and returned with child by him.
   It is alleged in the history of Abyssinia, that when one of the Soldans of Babylon in Egypt made war many years ago upon their emperor, he gathered a multitude of people and turned the course of the Nile, so that it might not run into Egypt283. The Soldan, amazed at this vast enterprize, which he believed would entirely ruin the land of Egypt, sent ambassadors with great gifts, and made peace with the emperor, giving a privilege to the Abyssinians to pass through his country without paying tribute, when on their way to visit the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem, and the shrine of St Catharine on Mount Sinai. Some learned Moors whom I conversed with while in the Red Sea confirmed the truth of this relation.

SECTION V. Continuation of the Journal of De Castro from Massua to Swakem
   We set sail at sun-rising on the 19th of February from the bay which is half a league beyond Massua and half a league from the land. This day was very close and rainy, and numbering our fleet I found 64 rowing vessels; that is 3 galliots, eight small gallies, and 35 foists284. By night our north-west wind lulled, and it blew a little from the west. In the second watch it came on to rain; and in the middle of the morning watch we weighed anchor and rowed along shore till morning, during which time it rained hard. By evening of the 20th we were as far as the extreme point of the range of islands on the north side, about 14 leagues from Massua. The coast from Massua hither stretched N.N.W. and S.S.E. for these 14 leagues, and in some of the islands which lay to seaward we knew that there were cattle and water, with some few poor dwellings. The distance from these islands to the African coast might be about four leagues. The islands in this range having cattle and water are Harate, Dohull, and Damanill, which are all low and surrounded with shoals and flats. All the first watch of the night, having the wind fair at east, we sailed N.N.W. At the beginning of the second watch we came suddenly to certain very white spots, which threw out flames like lightning. Wondering at this strange event, we took in our sails believing we were upon some banks or shoals; but on casting the lead I found 26 fathoms. As this great novelty to us made no impression on the native pilots, and being in deep water, we made sail again. On the 21st at day light, we saw off to seawards a low island of which the Moorish pilot had been afraid in the night. At day light on the 22nd we again set sail, and at noon my pilot took the altitude of the sun, and found our latitude 18° 30' N. At this time we were abreast of a very long point of sand projecting from the main-land. After doubling this point, we found the sea very free, and sailed N.W. and by W. One hour after noon we came to a haven called Marate. All the coast on our left hand during this day stretched N.N.W. and S.S.E. the land by the sea shore being very low with not even a hillock; but within the land the mountains rise to such a height that they seem to reach the clouds. Marate is a very low desert island and without water, 66 leagues beyond Massua, of a roundish figure, and a league and a half in circuit. It is about three leagues from the main, and on the S.W. side which fronts the Ethiopean coast it has a very good harbour, safe in all winds, especially those from the eastern points; as on this side two long points stretch out from the island east and west, one quarter N.W. and S.E. between which the land straitens much on both sides, forming a very great and hollow bosom or bay, in the mouth and front of which there is a long and very low island, and some sands and shoals, so that no sea can come in. This haven has two entries, one to the east and the other to the west, both near the points of the island which form the harbour. The channel on the east stretches N. and S. one quarter N.W. and S.E. having three fathoms water in the shallowest place, after which it immediately deepens, and within the haven we have four and five fathoms near the shore, with a mud bottom. During the night the wind was from the east, but less than in the day, and we rode at anchor all night.
   At sunrise on the 23d of February, we set sail from the island and port of Marate, finding seven fathom water and a sandy bottom285. At eleven o'clock we came to two small islands far to seawards, one called Darata and the other Dolcofallar286, from whence to Swakem is a days sail. From noon we sailed N.W. by W. till even-song time, when we entered the channel of Swakem, in which, after sailing a league N.W. we had certain shoals a-head, on which account we altered our course to W. one quarter N.W. and sometimes W. to keep free of these shoals. We continued in this course about three leagues, till we saw a great island a-head of us, when we immediately tacked towards the land, and came to an anchor between certain great shoals of stone or sunken rocks, forming a good harbour named Xabaque287, which in the Arabic means a net. It might be an hour before sunset when we came to anchor. This day my pilot took the sun at noon, and found our latitude scarce 19° N288. The shoals of Swakem are so many and so intermingled, that no picture or information were sufficient to understand them, much less to sail through among them; the islands, shoals, banks, rocks, and channels are so numerous and intricate. At the entrance among these shoals, there is to seaward a shoal under water on which the sea breaks very much, and to landward a small island, these two ranging N.E. and S.W. a quarter more E. and W. the distance between being three quarters of a league. Immediately on entering, the channel seemed large and spacious, and the farther we advanced so much more to seaward there appeared to us an infinite number of very flat islands, shoals, sand-banks and rocks, that they could not be reckoned. Towards the land side these were not so numerous; but it is the foulest and most unnavigable channel that ever was seen, in comparison with any other sea. What ought chiefly to be attended to in this channel, is always to keep nearer to the shoals that are to seawards, and as far as possible from those to landward. The breadth of this channel in some places is about half a league, in others a quarter, and in others less than a gun-shot. In the entry to this channel we had six fathoms, and from thence to the port of Shabak never less, and never more than 12. From the beginning of the shoals to Shabak may be about five leagues, and their whole length eight or nine. We have then another channel, more secure for ships and great vessels; and we may likewise pass these shoals leaving them all to seaward, going very close to the main-land, which is the best and most pleasant way.
   On the 24th, at sunrise, we set sail from the port of Shabak, and rowed by so narrow a channel that our fleet had to follow each other in single line a-head, being only about a cross-bow shot over in the widest parts. In this narrow channel we were never more than a cannon shot from the main-land, and sometimes little more than a cross-bow shot; having shoals, rocks and banks on every side of us, all under water, yet we had always sufficient indications to avoid them; as wherever they lay, the water over them appeared very red or very green, and where neither of these colours appeared we were sure of the clearest channel, the water, being there dark. Continuing by this channel among so many difficulties, we came to anchor at half an hour past eleven at a little low round island, in lat. 19° N. In this latitude Ptolomy places the mountain of the Satyrs289. Of this mountain the native pilots had no knowledge; but going about half a league into the land, I found the footsteps of so many kind of beasts, and such great flocks of pianets290 as was wonderful. All these tracks came till they set their feet in the sea, and they occupied, the greatest part of the field. I believe the fable of the Satyrs to have arisen from thence, and that they were said to inhabit these hills and mountains. It is to be noted that in the channel of four leagues from the harbour of Shabak to this island, the water is never less than two and a half fathoms nor deeper than eleven, and also that the tide at this island does not ebb and flow above half a yard. It begins to flow as soon as the moon begins to ascend towards the horizon, in the same order as already mentioned respecting Socotora.
   The 26th at sunrise we departed from the island, rowing along a reef of rocks that ran between us and the land to which it was almost parallel, all the sea between it and the land being full of shoals and banks; but to seawards there were neither shoals nor banks nor any other impediment. At nine o'clock we came to anchor at a small island encompassed by many flats and shoals, where there was a good haven. This island was a league and a half from that we left in the morning, and 5 leagues short of Swakem. The 27th at sunrise, we set sail from this second island, and two hours within the night we came to anchor a league and a half farther on in 28 fathoms water. The 28th we bridled our oars and set sail. At nine o'clock we anchored about two leagues from the land in 23 fathoms, on soft sand, like ouze or mud. This morning we found some shoals under water, but the sea always shewed itself very green or red over them. Two hours after noon we set sail again, and anchored at night in 37 fathoms on a sandy bottom, hard by an island a league and a half short of Swakem. The coast runs N.N.W. and S.S.E. having all along a shoal which extends near half a league into the sea. This land differs in nothing from that formerly described. The 1st March 1541, departing from this anchorage, and having doubled a point of land made by the shoal, we approached the land inwards by a channel, and came to anchor in the haven of the city of Swakem.
   Swakem was called by the ancients the port of Aspi, as may be seen in the third table of Africa by Ptolemy. At this day it is one of the richest cities in the East291. It is situated within the Arabian Gulf or Red Sea, on the coast of Ethiopia sub Egypto, now called the land and coast of the Abexii or Abyssinians. Among famous places, this may be reckoned equal or superior to them all in four things. The first is the goodness and safety of the haven. The second in the facility and good service for lading and unlading ships. The third in its traffic with very strange and remote people of various manners and customs. The fourth in the strength and situation of the city. As touching the goodness and security of the port I shall first speak. Nature hath so formed this port that no storm from the sea can enter it in any direction. Within the haven the sea is so quiet, and runs so insensibly, that scarcely can we perceive it to have any tide. The ground is mud. The road in all places has five or six fathoms, and seven in some places; and is so large that two hundred ships may ride commodiously at anchor, besides rowing-vessels without number. The water is so clear that you may plainly perceive the bottom; and where that is not seen the depth is at least ten or twelve fathoms. The ships can be laden or unladen all round the city, merely by laying a plank from them into the warehouses of the merchants; while gallies fasten themselves to stones at the doors of the houses, laying their prows over the quays as so many bridges. Now touching the trade and navigation of this port with many sorts of people, and with strange and remote countries, I know not what city can compare with it except Lisbon: as this city trades with all India, both on this side and beyond the Ganges; with Cambaya, Tanacerim, Pegu, Malacca; and within the Straits with Jiddah, Cairo, and Alexandria. From all Ethiopia and Abyssinia it procures great quantities of gold and ivory. As to the strength and situation of this city enough can hardly be said; since to come to it, the inconveniences, difficulties, and dangers are so great, that it seems almost impossible: as for fifteen leagues about, the shoals, flats, islands, channels, rocks, banks, and sands, and surges of the sea, are so many and intricate that they put the sailors in great fear and almost in despair. The situation of the city is this: In the middle of a great nook or bay, is a perfectly flat island almost level with the sea and exactly round, being about a quarter, of a league in circuit, upon which the city of Swakem is built; not one foot of ground on the whole island but is replenished with houses and inhabitants, so that the whole island, is a city. On two sides this insular city comes within a bow-shot of the main land, that is on the E.S.E. and S.W. sides, but all the rest is farther from the land. The road, haven, or bay surrounds the city on every side to the distance of a cross-bow shot, in all of which space, ships may anchor in six or seven fathoms on a mud bottom. All around this bay there is a great shoal; so that the deep water is from the edge of the city all round to the distance of a bow-shot, and all beyond is full of shoals. In this bay there are three other islands on the land side to the north-west. The two which lie farthest in are small, but that nearest to the channel is about as large as the city. Between this island and the main sea, there is a large and very long channel, having seven fathoms water, all along which a great navy might safely ride at anchor, without any danger of annoyance from the city, whence only their masts could be seen. When the moon appears in the horizon it is full sea, and as the moon advances it ebbs till the moon comes to the meridian, when it is dead low water; and thence it begins again to flow till the moon sets, when it is again full sea. The entire ebb and flow of the sea at this city does not exceed a quarter of a yard. The most that it rises along the coast is a yard and a half, and in some places less than three quarters of a yard. But when I made this observation it was neap tide.

SECTION VI. Continuation of the Voyage from Swakem to Comol
   We remained in the haven of Swakem from the 1st to the 9th of March 1541, when an hour before sunset we weighed from before the city, and anchored for the night at the mouth of the channel. We weighed again on the 10th, and came again to anchor at night, when the dew was wonderfully great. On the 11th it blew a storm from the north, so violent that it raised great mountains of sand along the sea coast, after which it dispersed them, and the air remained obscured by the sand as if it had been a great mist or smoke. We remained at anchor all this day, and on the 12th we left this channel two leagues beyond Swakem, and being without the channel we made sail. About a league and a half from the coast there were so many rocks, shoals, and flats, on which the sea continually broke, that we had to take in our sails and row for three hours, till we got beyond these shoals, after which we again made sail. At evening we came to anchor within the bank by a very narrow channel, a league beyond that we had been last in, and three leagues from Swakem, but the channel within the entrance was large, with clean ground, and perfectly secure in all winds.
   The 13th we went out of this channel an hour before day, and about a cannon-shot to seaward we saw a long range of shoals with broken water, seeming to stretch in the same direction with the coast. At eleven o'clock the wind turned to the N.N.W. and as our course was N.W. we were unable to make way, and had to fasten our vessels to the rocks on these shoals, where we lay about three hours. About two o'clock afternoon the wind freshened at N.N.E. and we made sail N.W. But coming to the bank landward, we took in our sails and rowed into a channel within the bank, where we came to anchor. This channel is very narrow and winding, being about seven leagues beyond Swakem, whence the coast to this place runs N. and S. and then N. by W. and S. by E. I went ashore on the 15th to observe the order and flowing of the tide, and found it was full sea when the moon was two hours past the meridian, and was dead ebb two hours after the moon set. I found likewise that the ebb and flow of the tide at this place was 22 cubits292. The 16th we left this channel, with the wind at north, and cast anchor half a league out at sea. The 17th we entered a very good harbour named Dradate or Tradate, the coast from Swakem here winding N. by W. and S. by E. distance 10 leagues. The land behind the shore is all very low in that space, but three leagues back from the coast it rises into great and high mountains. This harbour of Tradate, in lat. 19° 50' N. 10 leagues beyond Swakem, is one of the best in the world. The entrance is about a falcon-shot across, and grows narrower inwards, but has 20 fathoms water in its whole length with a mud bottom; and a quarter of a league within the land there is a famous watering-place at certain wells, where is the best water and in greatest plenty of any place on all these coasts. The 19th we sailed at day-light, and advanced 3-1/2 leagues that day, having many shoals to seaward of us, and the coast for these 3-1/2 leagues trended N. and S. On the 20th at sunrise the wind blew from the N. and the sea was rough, for which reason we had to seek shelter within the shoal, entering by a very narrow and difficult channel. After we were in, the wind came N.N.E. and we remained all day at anchor. The 21st we left the shoal with fine weather, the wind being at W.N.W. and sailed N. keeping about half a league from the land; and an hour after sunrise we came to a long and fair point of land called by Ptolomy the promontory of Diogenes. On the north side of this point is a large fine bay named Doroo, and at the extremity of this long bare point there is a large round tower like a pillar. At the entrance of this harbour or channel there are six fathoms water, which diminishes gradually inwards to three. The ground is hard clay, and the bay is very large with many creeks and nooks within, and many islands; many of these creeks penetrating deep into the main-land, so that in every place there may be many vessels hidden without being observed from the other branches of the harbour. A quarter of a league off to sea from the mouth of this harbour there is a shoal which defends it completely from the admission of any sea, as this shoal is above water, and has no passage except by the entrance already mentioned, which trends E. by N. and W. by S. A cannon-shot from this bay there is a great well, but the water is very brackish.
   On the 22d we left this harbour of Doroo at day light, proceeding by means of our oars, and found the sea very full of rocks, so that escaping from some we got foul of others, and at half past ten o'clock we had to fasten our vessels to the rocks. Proceeding onwards, we got towards evening in with the land, and having doubled a point we entered a very large bay named Fuxaa, or Fushaa, three leagues and a half beyond Doroo, the coast between stretching N. and E. with a tendency towards N.W. and S.E. This bay of Fushaa is remarkable by a very high sharp peaked hill, in lat. 20 15' N. In the very mouth of the harbour there are two very low points, lying N. by E. and S. by W. from each other, distant a league and half. As no great sea can enter here it is a very good harbour, having 10 and 12 fathoms water on a mud bottom, diminishing inwards to five fathoms. Along the land within the bay on the south side there are nine small islands in a row, and in other places there are some scattered islets, all very low and encompassed by shoals. The land at this bay is very dry and barren, and it has no water.
   On the 25th we continued along the coast, having many rocks to seawards about a league off; and at ten o'clock we entered a very large harbour named Arekea, four leagues beyond Fushaa, the coast between running N. and S. with some tendence to N.W. and S.E. Arekea, the strongest and most defensible harbour I have ever seen, is 22 leagues beyond Swakem. In ancient times it was called Dioscori according to Pliny. In the middle of the entry to this port there is a considerable island, about a cross-bow shot in length and breadth, having a bank or shoal running from it on the south side to the main land, so shallow that nothing can pass over it. But on the north side of this island the channel is about a cross-bow shot in breadth and 15 fathoms deep, running N.W. and S.E. and on both sides this channel is very shallow and full of rocks, the fair way being in the middle. This channel is about a gun-shot in length, after which the coasts on both sides recede and form within a large fine and secure harbour, about a league long and half a league broad, deep in the middle but full of shoals near the land, and it hath no fresh water. At this place it was agreed to send back all the ships to Massua, and to proceed with only sixteen small gallies or row boats.
   Arrangements being accordingly formed, we set sail from Arekea on the 30th at noon, and came to an anchor in a port called Salaka four leagues beyond Arekea and 96 from Swakem, the coast trending N. and S. with a slight deviation to N.E. and S.W. The land next the sea has many risings or hillocks, behind which there are high mountains. It must be noted that all the land from Arekea onwards close behind the shore puts on this uneven appearance, whereas before that it was all plain, till in the inland it rises in both into high mountains. The 31st we sailed from Salaka, and an hour before sunset we made fast to the rocks of a shoal a league from the land and 17 leagues from Salaka, being 43 leagues from Swakem. From the port of Salaka the coast begins to wind very much; and from Raseldoaer or Ras al Dwaer, it runs very low to the N.N.E. ending in a sandy point where there are 13 little hillocks or knobs of stone, which the Moorish pilots said were graves. From this point of the Calmes293 about two leagues, the coast runneth N.N.W. to a shoal which is 43 leagues from Swakem. This point is the most noted in all these seas, as whoever sails from Massua, Swakem, and other places for Jiddah, Al Cossir, and Toro, must necessarily make this point. The sea for the last seventeen leagues is of such a nature that no rules or experience can suffice for sailing it in safety, so that the skilful as well as the unskilful must pass it at all hazards, and save themselves as it were by chance, for it is so full of numerous and great shoals, so interspersed everywhere with rocks, and so many and continual banks, that it seems better fitted for being travelled on foot than sailed even in small boats. In the space between Salaka and Ras-al-Dwaer, but nearer to the latter, there are three islands forming a triangle, the largest of which is called Magarzawn, about two leagues long and very high ground, but has no water. This island bears N. and S. with Ras-al-Dwaer distant three leagues. The second island lies considerably out to sea, and is called Al Mante, and is high land without water; the third island is all sand and quite low, being four leagues from Salaka towards Ras-al-Dwaer, but I did not learn its name.
   On the 2d of April 1541, casting loose from the before-mentioned shoal, which is 43 leagues beyond Swakem, we rowed along the coast, and entered a river called Farate, about four leagues from the shoal; whence setting our sails we got into a fine haven a league from thence called Kilfit. All this day we saw no rocks to landward, but there was a shoal to seaward. Farate is a large and fair river, the mouth of which is in lat. 21°40' N. Its mouth is formed by two low points about a gun-shot apart, from each of which a shoal stretches towards the middle, where only there is any passage. The river runs from the west to the east, having very low land on both sides, without either tree or shrub or bush of any kind. At the entrance it is 30 fathoms deep, and from thence diminishes to 18 fathoms. Kilfit is a fine harbour and very safe, as when once in, no wind whatever need be feared. There are at the entry two very low points bearing N.W. 1/4 N. and S.E. 1/4 S. distant near a quarter of a league. It is rather more than three leagues in circuit, and every part of it is safe anchorage, having 12 fathoms water throughout; the shore is however rocky. This harbour is rather more than a league from the river of Farate, between which is a range of mountains, one of which is higher than the others. We left Kilfit on the 3d, an hour before day, and rowed along the coast till an hour before sunset, when we anchored in a haven called Ras al Jidid, or the new cape, about nine leagues from Kilfit. This day we saw a few shoals to seawards, but fewer than before. Two leagues from Kilfit there is a very good haven named Moamaa; and from the point of the shrubs to another very long sandy point, about two leagues distant, before the port of Ras-al-Jidid, the coast runs N. and S. with a small deviation to the N.W. and S.E. the distance being about three and a half leagues294. Ras-al-Jidid295 is a small but very pleasant haven, 57 leagues beyond Swakem, and so exactly circular that it resembles a great cauldron. There are two points at its entrance bearing N. and S. and on the inside the eastern winds only can do harm. All the ground is very clean, having 18 fathoms at the mouth and 13 within; and half a league inland there is a well of water, though not very plentiful, and bitterish. This port is a large half league in circuit. It is a singularity in all the rivers or harbours which I have seen on this coast, that they have no bars or banks at their mouths, which are generally deeper than within. On the land round this port, I found certain trees which in their trunk and bark resembled cork-trees, but very different in all other respects. Their leaves were very large, wonderfully thick, and of a deep green, crossed with large veins. They were then in flower, and their flowers in the bud resembled the flowers of the mallow when in that state: But such as were opened were white, and like the white cockle. On cutting a bough or leaf there run out a great stream of milk, as from the dug of a goat. On all this coast I saw no other trees, except a grove a little beyond Massua, in some marshy ground near the sea. Besides these trees, there are some valleys inland producing a few capers, the leaves of which are eaten by the Moors, who say they be appropriate to the joynts. On the 4th of April, from sunrise till eleven o'clock, the wind blew a storm from the N.W. after which there was much and loud thunder, accompanied with hail, the stones being the largest I ever saw. With the thunder the wind veered about to every point of the compass, and at last it settled in the north. This day I carried my instruments on shore, when I found the variation 1-1/4 degree north-east296, and the latitude by many observations 22° N. Though these observations were made on shore with great care, so that I never stirred the instrument when once set till the end of my observations, I am satisfied there must be some error; because the great heat cracked the plate of ivory in the middle, so that there remained a great cleft as thick as a gold portague. On the 6th, an hour before day, we weighed from the port of Ras-al-Jidid, and advanced about three and a half leagues. The 7th in the morning, the wind blew fresh at N.W. and we rowed to the shore, where at eight o'clock we fastened our barks to certain stones of a shoal or reef, lying before a long point which hereafter I shall name Starta. We went in this space about three leagues. About noon we made sail and proceeded in our voyage, but in no small doubts, as we saw on both sides of our course a prodigious number of shelves; we were therefore obliged to take in our sails and use our oars, by means of which we came about sunset to a good haven named Comol, in which we anchored.
   From a point two leagues beyond the harbour of Igidid, or Ras-al-Jidid, to another very long and flat point may be about four leagues, these two points bearing N.W. and S.E. between which there is a large bay; within which towards the long point at the N.W. is a deep haven so close on all sides that it is safe from every wind. This point is an island; from which circumstance and its latitude it seems certainly the island named Starta by Ptolomy. From thence to a great point of land over the harbour of Comol the distance may be five leagues; these two points bearing N.W. by W. and S.E. by E. and between them is a large fair bay. From the port of Igidid till half a league short of the harbour of Comol, the land close to the shore is all raised in small hills very close together, behind which, about a league farther inland, are very high mountains rising into many high and sharp peaks; and as we come nearer to Comol these hills approach the sea, and in coming within half a league of Comol they are close to the shore. Comol is eleven leagues beyond Igidid, and 68 from Swakem, and is in lat. 22° 30' N. This port is in the second bay, very near the face of the point which juts out from the coast on the north-west side of this second bay. Though not large, the port of Comol is very secure, as towards the seaward it has certain reefs or shoals above water which effectually defend it from all winds. The land around it is very plain and pleasant, and is inhabited by many Badwis297. The north-west point which ends the bay and covers this port is very long and fair, being all low and level, being what was named by Ptolomy the promontory of Prionoto in his third table of Africa, since the great mountains which range along the whole of this coast end here.

SECTION VII. Continuation of the Voyage from the Harbour of Comol to Toro or Al Tor
   Three hours after midnight of the 7th April 1541298, we left the harbour of Comol, using our oars for a small way, and then hoisting sail we proceeded along the coast; but an hour before day-light some of our barks struck upon certain rocks and shoals, on which we again struck sails and took to our oars till day-light. At day-light, being then the 8th, we came to a spacious bay, of which to the north and north-west we could see no termination, neither any cape or head-land in that direction. We accordingly sailed forwards in that open sea or bay, but which had so many shoals on each side that it was wonderful we could make any profit of a large wind; for, now going roamour, and now upon a tack, sometimes in the way and sometimes out of it, there was no way for us to take certain and quiet299. About sunset we came to a very great shelf or reef, and fastening our barks to its rocks we remained there for the night. The morning of the 9th being clear, we set sail from this shelf, and took harbour within a great shelf called Shaab-al-Yadayn300. After coming to anchor, we noticed an island to seaward, called Zemorjete. This port and shelf trend N.E. by E. and S.W. by W. From the cape of the mountains301, to another cape beyond it on which there are a quantity of shrubs or furzes; the coast runs N.E. by N. and S.W. by S. the distance between these capes being about three and a half or four leagues. From this last point the coast of the great bay or nook winds inwards to the west, and afterwards turns out again, making a great circuit with many windings, and ends in a great and notable point called Ras-al-Nashef, or the dry cape, called by Ptolomy the promontory Pentadactilus in his third table of Africa. The island Zemorjete is about eight leagues E. from this cape; and from that island, according to the Moorish pilots, the two shores of the gulf are first seen at one time, but that of Arabia is a great deal farther off than the African coast. This island, which is very high and barren, is named Agathon by Ptolomy. It has another very small island close to it, which is not mentioned in Ptolomy. Now respecting the shelf Shaab-al-Yadayn, it is to be noted that it is a great shelf far to seaward of the northern end of the great bay, all of it above water, like two extended arms with their hands wide open, whence its Arabic name which signifies shelf of the hands. The port of this shelf is to landward, as on that side it winds very much, so as to shut up the haven from all winds from the sea. This haven and cape Ras-al-Nashef bear from each other E.S.E. and W.S.W. distant about four leagues.
   At sunrise on the 10th we set sail to the N.N.E. the wind being fresh and the sea appearing clear and navigable. When about half a league from the point we saw, as every one thought, a ship under sail, but on drawing nearer it was a white rock in the sea, which we were told deceives all navigators as it did us. After this we stood N. by E. By nine o'clock we reached an island named Connaka, and passed between it and the main-land of Africa. This island is small and barren, about half a league in circuit, and is about a league and a half from the main. It resembles a vast crocodile with its legs stretched out, and is a noted land-mark among navigators. Connaka and Zamorjete bear from each other N.W. by W. and S.E. by E. distant about six small leagues. About half an hour past ten, we reached a very long point of sand stretching far out to sea, called Ras-al-nef, which signifies in Arabic the point or cape of the nose. There is no nigh land whatever about this cape, but a vast plain field without tree or any green thing, and in the very face of the point stands a great temple without any other buildings, and on each side of it is a very clear sandy coast in manner of a bay. This cape of Ras-al-nef is famous among navigators, as all their trouble and danger ends on reaching it, when they consider themselves at home and secure. We continued our course from this cape along the coast with the wind at S.E. At noon my pilot took the altitude, and found our latitude 24° 10' N. at which time we were beyond Ras-al-nef about three leagues, whence the latitude of that cape is 24° N. From this it appears that the ancient city of Berenice was built upon this cape Ras-al-nef as Ptolomy places it on this coast under the tropic of Cancer, making the greatest declination of the sun at this place almost 23° 50'. Likewise Pliny says that at Berenice the sun at noon in the summer solstice gives no shadow to the gnomon, by which that city appears to have stood under the tropic.302
   Half an hour before sunset, we came to an island called Shwarit, but passing onwards a quarter of a league we came to some shelves of sand and others of rock, and anchored between them in a good harbour called Sial. These shelves and this port are 103 leagues beyond Swakem. On these shelves we saw a much greater quantity of sea-fowl than had been seen in any part of the Red Sea. From Ras-al-Nashef to the island of Shwarit may be between 16 and 17 leagues. After passing Cape Ras-al-Nashef, or the N.W. point of the great bay, the coast winds very much, running into the land, and pushing out again a very long point of land called Ras-al-nef, which two points bear from each other N.E. and S.W. almost 1/4 more N. and S. distant about six leagues large. From Ras-al-nef forwards, the coast winds directly to the N.W. till we come to Swarit, the distance being between 10 and 11 leagues. In this distance the sea is only in three places foul with shoals; first to seaward of the island of Connaka, where there is a large fair shoal rising above water in a great ridge of large rocks; and running a long way toward the land; the second place is at the island of Shwarit, as both to the east and west of this island great shoals and flats stretch towards the main-land, so as apparently to shut up the sea entirely between that island and the main; the third is at this harbour of Sial where we anchored, where the sea is studded thick with innumerable shoals and flats, so that no part remains free. The island of Shwarit is a gun-shot in length and nearly as much in breadth, all low land, with a great green bush in the middle, and opposite to its east side there is a great rock like an island. Shwarit is little more than half a league from the main-land.
   From Swakem all the way to Ras-al-nef, the countries are all inhabited by Badwis or Bedouins, who follow the law of Mahomet, and from Ras-al-nef, upwards to Suez and the end of this sea, the coast all belongs to Egypt, the inhabitants of which dwell between the coast of the Red Sea and the river Nile. Cosmographers in general call the inhabitants of both these regions Ethiopians. Ptolomy calls them Egyptian Arabs: Pomponius Mela and other cosmographers name them in general Arabs; but we ought to follow Ptolomy, as he was the prince of cosmographers. These Egyptian Arabs, who inhabit the whole country from the mountains to the sea, are commonly called Bedwis or Bedouins, of whose customs and manner of life we shall treat in another place.
   We took in our sails on the 11th of April, and proceeded on our way by rowing. At nine o'clock we entered a great bay called Gadenauhi303, about 4 leagues from Sial, the coast between trending N.W. and S.E. rather more to the N. and S. The land over the sea, which for some way had the appearance of a wall or trench, becomes now very mountainous and doubled, shewing so many mountains and so close that it was wonderful. The port or bay of Gadenauhi is 107 leagues beyond Swakem, in lat. 24° 40' N. It was low water one hour after high noon304, and full sea when the moon rose above the horizon; and as the moon ascended it began to ebb, till the moon was an hour past the meridian, when it began to flow, and was full sea an hour after the moon set. By night the wind was N.W. Two or three hours after midnight we departed from Gadenauhi prosecuting our voyage. In passing between the shoal which comes from the N.W. point of the bay and the island of Bahuto, we stuck fast upon the shoal, and were much troubled, believing ourselves in a net or cul-de-sac; but we had no hurt or danger, and presently got into the right channel and rowed along shore, against the wind at N.W. till day. The 12th we rowed along shore, and came an hour after sunrise into a haven called Xarmeelquiman or Skarm-al-Kiman, meaning in the Arabic a cleft or opening in the mountains. This is a small but excellent harbour, 1-1/2 league beyond Gadenauhi, and 108 leagues beyond Swakem, very much like the port of Igidid.
   The 12th of April we set sail along shore, the wind being fresher, and more large, at E.S.E. About noon it blew very hard with such impetuous gusts that it drove the sands of the coast very high, raising them up to the heavens in vast whirls like great smokes. About evening when the barks draw together, the wind was entirely calm to some, while others a little behind or before, or more towards the land or the sea, had it still so violent that they could not carry sail, the distance between those becalmed and those having the wind very fresh, being often no more than a stones throw. Presently after, the wind would assail those before becalmed, while those that went very swift were left in a calm. Being all close together, this seemed as if done in sport. Some of these gales came from the E. and E.N.E. so hot and scorching that they seemed like flames of fire. The sand raised by these winds went sometimes one way and sometimes another; and we could sometimes see one cloud or pillar of sand driven in three or four different directions before it fell down. These singular changes would not have been wonderful among hills; but were very singular where we were at such a distance from the coast. When these winds assailed us in this manner we were at a port named Shaona, or Shawna; and going on in this manner, sometimes hoisting and at other times striking our sails, sometimes laughing at what we saw, and other times in dread, we went on till near sunset, when we entered a port named Gualibo,305 signifying in Arabic the port of trouble, having advanced this day and part of the former night about 13 leagues.
   From Gadenauhi to a port named Shakara which is encompassed by a very red hill, the coast trends N.W. by N. and S.E. by S. the distance about 10 leagues; and from this red hill to a point about a league beyond Gualibo, the coast runs N.N.W. and S.S.E. distance about 6 leagues. In these 16 leagues, the coast is very clear, only that a league beyond the Red Hill there is a shoal half a large league from the land. In these 16 leagues there are many excellent ports, more numerous than I have ever seen in so short a space. At one of these named Shawna, which is very large, the Moors and native inhabitants say there formerly stood a famous city of the gentiles, which I believe to have been that named Nechesia by Ptolomy in his third book of Africa. Along the sea there runs a long range of great hills very close together and doubling on each other, and far inland behind these great mountains are seen to rise above them. In this range there are two mountains larger than the rest, or even than any on the whole coast, one of which is black as though it had been burnt, and the other is yellow, and between them are great heaps of sand. From the black mountain inwards I saw an open field in which were many large and tall trees with spreading tops, being the first I had seen on the coast that seemed planted by man; for those a little beyond Massua are of the kind pertaining to marshes on the borders of the sea or of rivers; as those at the port of Sharm-al-Kiman and at the harbour of Igidid are wild and pitiful, naked and dry, without boughs or fruit. These two mountains are about two leagues short of the port of Sharm-al-Kiman. Gualibo, which is 122 leagues beyond Swakem, is very like the port of Sharm-al-Kiman; except that the one is environed by many mountains, while the land round the other is an extensive plain. The entry to this port is between certain rocks or shoals on which the sea breaks with much force, but the entry is deep and large. After sunrise on the 13th we left the port of Gualibo, and as the wind was strong at N.W. making a heavy sea, we rowed along shore, and at ten in the morning went into a port named Tuna, a league and half beyond Gualibo. Tuna is a small foul haven, beyond Swakem 123 leagues and a half, in lat. 25° 30' N. The entrance is between rocks, and within it is so much encumbered with shoals and rocks that it is a small and sorry harbour; but round the point forming the north side of this harbour, there is a good haven and road-stead against the wind at N.W. the land round it being barren sand. To the N.W. of this there are three sharp mountains of rock, as if to indicate the situation of the harbour. One hour before sunset we fastened ourselves to a shoal a league beyond Tuna. This coast, from a league beyond Gualibo, to another point a league and a half beyond this shoal, trends N.N.W. and S.S.E distance four leagues.
   The 14th April we rowed along shore, the sea running very high so as to distress the rowers; but beating up against wind and sea till past noon, we came into a fine bay, in the bottom of which we came to anchor in an excellent haven. This day and night we went about 5 leagues, and were now about 129 leagues beyond Swakem. For these five leagues the coast extends N.W. and S.E. the land within the coast being in some places low and plain, while it is mountainous in others. By day-light on the 15th we were a league short of Al Kossir, which we reached an hour and half after sunrise, and cast anchor in the harbour. During the past night and the short part of this day we had advanced about seven leagues, the coast extending N.N.W. and S.S.E. According to Pliny, in the sixth book of his Natural History, and Ptolomy in his third book of Africa, this place of Al Kossir was anciently named Phioteras306. All the land from hence to Arsinoe, at the northern extremity of the Red Sea, was anciently called Enco. This place is about 15 or 16 days journey from the nearest part of the Nile, directly west. This is the only port on all this coast to which provisions are brought from the land of Egypt, now called Riffa; and from this port of Kossir all the towns on the coast of the Red Sea are provided. In old times, the town of Kossir was built two leagues farther up the coast; but being found incommodious, especially as the harbour at that place was too small, it was removed to this place. To this day the ruins of old Kossir are still visible, and there I believe was Philoteras. New Kossir by observations twice verified is in lat. 26°15' N. being 136 leagues beyond Swakem. The port is a large bay quite open to the eastern winds, which on this coast blow with great force. Right over against the town there are some small shoals on which the sea breaks, between which and the shore is the anchorage for frigates and ships coming here for a loading. The town is very small and perhaps in the most miserable and barren spot in the world. The houses are more like hovels for cattle, some built of stone and clay, and others of sod, having no roofs except a few matts which defend the inhabitants from the sun, and from rain if any happen now and then to fall as it were by chance, as in this place it so seldom rains as to be looked upon as a wonder. In the whole neighbouring country on the coast, fields, mountains, or hills, there groweth no kind of herb, grass, tree, or bush; and nothing is to be seen but black scorched mountains and a number of bare hillocks, which environ the whole place from sea to sea, like an amphitheatre of barrenness and sterility, most melancholy to behold. Any flat ground there is, is a mere dry barren sand mixed with gravel. The port even is the worst I have seen on all this coast, and has no fish, though all the other ports and channels through which we came have abundance and variety. It has no kind of cattle; and the people are supplied from three wells near the town, the water of which differs very little from that of the sea.
   The most experienced of the Moors had never heard of the name of Egypt307, but call the whole land from Al Kossir to Alexandria by the name of Riffa308, which abounds in all kinds of victuals and provisions more than any other part of the world, together with great abundance of cattle, horses, and camels, there not being a single foot of waste land in the whole country. According to the information I received; their language and customs are entirely Arabic. The land, as I was told, is entirely plain, on which it never rains except for a wonder; but God hath provided a remedy by ordaining that the Nile should twice a year309 overflow its natural bounds to water the fields. They said likewise that the Nile from opposite to Al Kossir, and far above that towards the bounds of Abyssinia, was navigable all the way to Alexandria; but having many islands and rocks, either it was necessary to have good pilots or to sail only by day. They told me likewise that the natives inhabited this barren spot of Al Kossir, as being the nearest harbour on the coast of the Red Sea to the Nile, whence provisions were transported; and that the inhabitants were satisfied with slight matts instead of roofs to their houses because not troubled with rain, and the matts were a sufficient protection from the sun: but made their walls of stone to defend themselves against the malignity and rapaciousness of the Badwis, a perverse people, void of all goodness, who often suddenly assaulted the place in hope of plunder, and frequently pillaged the caravans coming across from the Nile with provisions and other commodities.
   The 18th of April we fastened ourselves to a shoal about four leagues past Kossir, and set sail from thence at noon. The 19th, about half an hour past eight o'clock, while proceeding with fine weather, we were suddenly taken aback by a fierce gust at N.N.W. which obliged us to take shelter in an island called Suffange-al-bahar310 or Saffanj-al-bahr, losing 4 or 5 leagues of way that we had already advanced. The name given to this island means in the Arabic a sea-sponge. It is 13 leagues beyond Al Kossir, in lat. 27° N. being in length about two leagues by about a quarter in breadth, all of sand without trees or water. Its harbour is good in all weathers; but upon the main land the number of bays, ports, and harbours about this place are wonderful. The best channel here is between the island, and the main, along the coast of the continent, as on the side next the island there are some shoals. Likewise in the northern entry to this port there are other shoals which need not be feared in coming in by day, and in the southern entrance there is a large rock in the very middle. The 20th at sunset we were about six leagues beyond this island of Safanj-al-bahr. From which island to a sandy, point about 1-1/2 league beyond, the coast trends N.N.W. and S.S.E. and from this point forwards to the end of the six leagues, the coast winds inwards to landwards forming a large bay, within which are many islands, ports, creeks, bays, and notable harbours. The 21st by day we were fast to the shore of an island called Sheduam, and the wind being calm, we rowed along the coast of the island, which, opposite to Arabia or the east side, is high and craggy, all of hard rock, three leagues long and two broad. This island is 20 leagues beyond Al Kossir, having no water nor any trees. It is between the two coasts of Arabia and Egypt, being five leagues from either. Beyond it to the north-west are three small low islands with shoals among them. An hour after sunset, we were upon the north cape or point of this island, whence we crossed towards the Arabian coast311, and having no wind we took to our oars. Within a little it began to blow fair from the S.E. and we set sail steering N.W. At eleven next morning, we were upon the coast of the Stony Arabia, and soon sailed along its shore, entering two hours before sunset into the port Toro or Al Tor, which may be seen front the island of Sheduam, distant 12 leagues, bearing N. by W. and S. by E.
   Toro or Al Tor was of old called Elana, as may be seen in the writings of Ptolomy, Strabo, and other ancient writers, although our observation of the latitude differs materially from theirs. But they shew that Elana was situated in the most inward part of a very great gulf, called Sinus Elaniticus312, from the name of this place Elana, and in lat. 29°15' N. Now we know that Toro is in lat. 28°10' N.313 and lies upon a very long and straight coast. The cause of this great difference, if these places be the same, may have proceeded from erroneous information given to Ptolomy and the other ancient cosmographers. But that ancient Elana and modern Toro are the same, appears from this, that from thence to Suez both on the Arabian and Egyptian coasts of the Elanitic Gulf, not only is there no memorial or remains of any other ancient town, and the barrenness of the country, want of water, and rough craggy mountains, make it evident that in no other place could there be any habitation. Hence, considering that Ptolomy places Elana on the coast of Arabia Petrea, near adjoining to mount Sinai, and makes no mention of any town between it and the City of Heroes on the upmost extremity of the Elanitic Gulf where the sea ends; and as on this shore of Arabia there is neither town, village, nor habitation, coming so near the position assigned to Elana as Toro, and as it is impossible to inhabit between Toro and Suez, it seems just to conclude that Toro and Elana are the same place. The port of Toro seems likewise that mentioned in holy writ under the name of Ailan, where Solomon, king of Israel, caused the ships to be built which sailed to Tarsis and Ophir to bring gold and silver for the temple of Jerusalem: for taking away the second letter from Ailan, the ancient names are almost the same. Nor is it reasonable that it should be in any other place, as the timber for the navy of Solomon was brought from Lebanon and Antelibanus; and to avoid expences they would necessarily carry it to the nearest port, especially as the Jews then possessed the region of Idumea, and that part of the coast of Arabia Petrea which is between Toro and Suez. Strabo holds that Elana and Ailan are the same city; and when treating of this city in another place, he says, that from the port of Gaza it is 1260 furlongs to the city of Ailan, which is situated on the inwardest part of the Arabic Gulf314; "and there are two, one towards Gaza and Arabia, called the Sinus Elaniticus, from the city Elana which stands upon it; the other on the Egyptian side towards the City of Heroes and the way from Pelusium to this gulf is very small." This is what I would pick out from ancient authors.
   "As this is a point of great moment in geography, it deserves to be examined315. It is observable that Don Juan admits that both Ptolemy and Strabo make the Red Sea terminate to the north in two large gulfs, one towards Egypt and the other towards Arabia, at the end of which latter they place Elana. Yet here he rejects the authority of both geographers, alleging that both were mistaken, because Tor is situated on a very long and straight coast. He likewise cites Ptolomy as making the latitude of Elana 29°15' N.316 yet accounts the difference between that position and the altitude found at Al Tor, 20°10', as of no significance here, though in former instances he had held the tables of Ptolomy as infallible. It is still stranger that Don Juan should after all admit of a gulf of Elana, as will be seen presently, and yet place it at a great distance, and at the opposite side of the sea from that on which Elana stands. However this may be, it is certain that Don Juan, and not the ancients, has been misinformed on this matter; for not only the Arab geographers give a particular account of this eastern gulf, as will appear from the description of the Red Sea by Abulfeda, but its existence has been proved, by two English travellers, Dr Shaw and Dr Pocock. The errors which Don Juan has here fallen into, has been owing to not having examined the coast on the side of Arabia; for until the fleet came to the island of Sheduam, it had sailed entirely along the African shore; and then, leaving the north part of that island, it passed over to the coast of Arabia317 for the first time, where it may be presumed that they fell in with the land some way to the north of the S.W. point of the great peninsula between the two gulfs. This cape in the maps by De L'Isle and Dr Pocock is called Cape Mahomet. Still however as the island of Sheduam seems to lie nearer the eastern gulf; its north end being at least eighteen or twenty miles to the southward of Cape Mahomet, it is surprising that Don Juan and the whole fleet should overlook that gulf, which indeed was done before by the Venetian who sailed along the Arabian shore in the fleet of Solyman Pacha. What Don Juan says about the identity of Elana and Ailan or Aylan we shall not contend about, as the authority of Strabo, and the similarity of names are strong proofs. But we shall presently see that the Arabs place Aylan at the head of a great gulf; and the distance he cites from Strabo, 1260 stadia from Gaza to Aylan, supposing it to be exact, is a proof that Aylan cannot be the same with Toro. We shall only observe farther, that the positive denial by Don Juan of there being any such gulf as the Elanitic on the east or side of Arabia, may have been the reason why it was not laid down in the maps of Sanson, or by any geographer before De L'Isle."-Ast. I. 124. a.
   The city of Toro or Al Tor is built on the sea-side along an extensive and fair strand or beach, and about a cannon-shot before coming to it we saw twelve palm-trees close together very near the sea; and from these a plain field extends to the foot of some high hills. These hills are part of a chain which extends from the straits of Ormuz or Persian Gulf, and which extend hither along the coast very high above the sea as far as Toro, where they leave the coast, "and with a great and sudden violence return from thence to the main towards the north-east, as angry and wearied by so long neighbourhood of the waters." Arabia Petrea is divided by three mountains from Arabia Felix, and on the highest tops of them some Christians lead holy and quiet lives. A little way beyond Toro, on the borders of the sea, a mountain begins to rise by little and little; and thrusting out a large high cape or promontory, seems to those in the town like three great and mighty separate mountains. This town of Tor is small but well situated, all its inhabitants being Christians who speak Arabic. It has a monastery of friars of the order of Monserrat, in which is the oracle or image of Santa Catalina of Mount Sinai or St Catharine. These friars are all Greeks. The harbour of Toro is not large, but very secure, having opposite to the shore a long stony bank, between which and the shore is the harbour. At this place both the coasts of the gulf are only about three leagues distant.
   Being desirous to learn some particulars concerning this country, I made myself acquainted with the friars, from whom I had the following information. They told me that Mount Sinai was thirteen small days journey into the land, or about 18 leagues318. The mountain is very high, the country around being plain and open, having on its borders a great town inhabited by Christians, into which no Mahometan can enter except he who gathers the rents and duties belonging to the Turks. On the top of the mountain is a monastery having many friars, where the body of the blessed Virgin St Catharine lay buried. According to Anthony bishop of Florence, the body of this Holy Virgin was carried away by the angels from the city of Alexandria and buried on Mount Sinai. They told me farther that about four months before our arrival this most blessed and holy body was carried from the mountain with great pomp, on a triumphal chariot all gilt, to the city of Cairo, where the Christians of that city, which are the bulk of the inhabitants, came out to receive it in solemn procession, and set it with great honour in a monastery. The cause of this strange removal was the many insults which the monastery on Mount Sinai suffered from the Arabs, from whom the friars and pilgrims had often to redeem themselves with money; of which the Christians of Cairo complained to the Turkish governor, and received permission to bring the blessed and holy body to their city, which was done accordingly, in spite of a strenuous opposition from the friars of Mount Sinai. I am somewhat doubtful of the truth of this transportation, suspecting that the friars may have trumped up this story lest we might have taken the holy body from them, as they expected us with an army of 10,000 men. Yet they affirmed it for truth, expressing great sorrow for the removal. These friars told me likewise that several hermits lead a solitary and holy life in these mountains over against the town; and that all through the Stony Arabia, there are many towns of Christians. I asked if they knew where the Jews had passed the Red Sea; but they knew of no certain place, only that it must have been somewhere between Toro and Suez. They said likewise, that on the Arabian coast of the Gulf, two or three leagues short of Suez, was the fountain which Moses caused to spring from the rock by striking it with his rod, being still called by the Arabs the fountain of Moses, the water of which is purer and more pleasant than any other. They said that from Toro to Cairo by land was seven ordinary days journey, in which the best and most direct way was through Suez: But that since the Turkish gallies came to Suez they had changed the road, going two leagues round to avoid Suez, after which they turned to the west.
   I afterwards conversed with a very honest, learned and curious Mahometan, whom I asked if he could tell where the Jews crossed the Red Sea; on which he told me that both in tradition and in some old writings it was said that the Jews, fleeing from the Egyptians, arrived on the coast of Egypt directly opposite to Toro, where Moses prayed to God for deliverance, and struck the sea twelve times with his rod, on which it opened in twelve several paths, by which the Jews passed over to the other side to where Toro now stands; after which the Egyptians entering into these paths were all destroyed to the number of about 600,000 men. That from Toro Moses led the Israelites to Mount Sinai, where Moses spake many times with God. I approved much of this opinion; for if the passage had been at Suez, as some insist, the Egyptians had no occasion to have entered into the sea for persecuting the Jews, as they could have gone round the bay and got before them, more especially as they were horsemen and the Jews all on foot. For though all these things came about by a miracle, we see always on like occasions there is a shew and manner of reason. I asked of this Moor if it were true that the Christians of Cairo had carried away the body of St Catharine from Mount Sinai; but he said he had never heard of it, neither did he believe the story; and that only four months before he had been in Cairo, which city they call Mecara319, where he heard of no such thing. He thought likewise that the Christians about Mount Sinai would never have permitted such a thing, as they all considered that woman as a saint, and held her body in great reverence. He told me also that two or three leagues before coming to Suez there is a fountain which was given to the Jews at the intercession of Moses, whom they call Muzau, the water of which surpasses all others in goodness. On inquiring what kind of a place was the town of Suez, he said he had never been there, as no person could enter that town except those appointed by the governor of Cairo for taking care of the gallies, nor come nearer than two leagues under pain of death.

SECTION VIII. Continuation of the Voyage from Taro or al Tor to Suez
   We set sail the day after our arrival at Toro, being the 23d of April 1541, and on the 24th we were in the lat. of 27° 17' N. At this place, which is 20 leagues beyond Toro and 52 leagues from al Kossir, the land of Egypt, or that coast of the Red Sea which continueth all the way from Abyssinia, comes out into the sea with a very long and low point, which winds a great way inwards to the land and more crooked than any other I have seen. After forming a large fine bay, it juts out into a large high cape or point, which is three short leagues from Suez, at the other extremity of this bay, and from that first promontory to Suez the land bears N.W. by N. and S.E. by S. The shore of this bay is very high and rough, and at the same time entirely parched and barren. The whole of this large bay, except very near the shore, is so deep that we had no ground with fifty fathom, and the bottom is a soft sand lake ouze. This bay I hold to have been undoubtedly the Sinus Elaniticus of the ancients, though Strabo and Ptolemy, being both deceived in regard to its situation, placed it on the coast of Stony Arabia at Toro. This I mentioned before, when describing Toro, that Strabo says the Arabian Gulf ends in two bays, one called Elaniticus on the Arabian side, and the other on the Egyptian side where stands the City of Heroes320. Ptolemy evidently fixes the elanitic sinus on the coast of Arabia, where Toro now stands; which is very wonderful, considering that Ptolemy Was born in Alexandria, where he wrote his Cosmography and resided all his life, and which city is so very near these places.
   The 26th of April we set sail, and at eleven o'clock we lowered our sails, rowing along shore, where we cast anchor. Two hours before sunset we weighed again with the wind at north and rowed along shore; and before the sun set we anchored behind a point of land on the Arabian shore, which sheltered us effectually from the north wind, having advanced only a league and a half this day. This point is three small leagues short of Suez, and is directly east of the N.W. point of the Great Gulf, distance about a league. From this point, about half a league inland, is the fountain of Moses already mentioned. As soon as we had cast anchor we went on shore, whence we saw the end of this sea, which we had hitherto thought without end, and could plainly see the masts of the Turkish ships. All this gave us much satisfaction, yet mixed with much anxiety. As the wind blew hard all night from the north, we remained at anchor behind the point till day.
   On the morning of the 27th, the wind blowing hard at N.N.W. we remained at anchor till ten, when we departed from the point and made for Suez with our oars. When about a league from the end of the sea, I went before with two catures to examine the situation of Suez and to look out for a proper landing-place. We got close up to Suez about three o'clock in the afternoon, where we saw many troops of horse in the field, and two great bands of foot-soldiers in the town, who made many shots at us from a blockhouse. The Turkish navy at this place consisted of forty-one large gallies, and nine great ships. Having completed the examination, and returned to our fleet, we all went to the point of land to the west of the bay, and came to anchor near the shore in five fathoms water, in an excellent harbour, the bottom a fine soft sand.
   It is certain that in ancient times Suez was called the City of Heroes, for it differs in nothing as to latitude situation and bearings from what is said in Ptolomy, Table III. of Africa. More especially as Suez is seated on the uttermost coast of the nook or bay where the sea of Mecca ends, on which the City of Heroes was situated, as Strabo writes in his XVII book thus: "The city of Heroes, or of Cleopatra, by some called Arsinoe, is in the uttermost bounds of the Sinus Arabicus, which is towards Egypt.". Pliny, in the VI. book of his Natural History, seems to call the port of Suez Danao, on account of the trench or canal opened between the Nile and the Red Sea. The latitude of Suez is 29° 45' N. being the nearest town and port of the Red Sea to the great city of Cairo, called anciently Babylon of Egypt. From Suez to the Levant Sea or Mediterranean, at that mouth of one of the seven branches of the Nile which is called Pelusium, is about 40 leagues by land, which space is called the isthmus, or narrow neck of land between the two seas. On this subject Strabo writes in his XVII. book, "The isthmus between Pelusium and the extreme point of the Arabian Gulf where stands the City of Heroes, is 900 stadia." This is the port of the Red Sea to which Cleopatra Queen of Egypt, after the victory obtained by Augustus over Antony, commanded ships to be carried by land from the Nile, that they might flee to the Indians.
   Sesostris King of Egypt and Darius King of Persia undertook at different periods to dig a canal between the Nile and the Red Sea, on purpose to open a navigable communication between the Mediterranean and the Indian ocean; but as neither of them completed the work, Ptolomy made a trench 100 feet broad and 30 feet deep, which being nearly finished, he discontinued lest the sea-water from the Arabian Gulf might render the water of the Nile salt and unfit for use. Others say that, on taking the level, the architects and masters of the work found that the Sea of Arabia was three cubits higher than the land of Egypt, whence it was feared that all the country would be inundated and destroyed. The ancient authors on this subject are Diodorus Siculus, Pliny, Pomponius Mela, Strabo, and many other cosmographers321.
   Although the town of Suez had a great name of old, it is small enough at this time, and I believe had been utterly ruined and abandoned if the Turkish navy had not been stationed here. In the front of the land which faces the south where this sea ends there is the mouth of a small creek or arm of the sea entering a short way into the land, which extends towards the west till stopped by a hillock, the only one that rises in these parts: Between which creek and the bay or ending of the sea is a very long and narrow tongue or spit of sand, on which the gallies and ships of the Turks lie aground; and on which the ancient and warlike City of the Heroes is seated322. There still remains a small castle, without which are two high ancient towers, the remains of the City of Heroes which stood here in old times. But on the point of land where the creek enters there is a great and mighty bulwark of modern structure, which defends the entry of the creek, and scours the coast behind the sterns of the gallies if any one should attempt to land in that place. Besides this, there runs between the gallies and the strand, an entrenchment like a ridge or long hill, making the place very strong and defensible. Having considered this place attentively, it seemed to me impossible to land in any part except behind the little mountain on the west at the head of the creek, as we should be there free from the Turkish artillery, and likewise the possession of this hillock might contribute to our success against the enemy. But it is necessary to consider that all along this strand the water is shoaly for the breadth of a bow-shot, and the ground a soft sticking clay or sinking sand, as I perceived by examining the ground from the foist or cature, which would be very prejudicial to the men in landing.
   In regard to the particulars which I learnt concerning Suez, as told me by some of the men I met with, especially the Moor formerly mentioned whom I conversed with at Toro, I was informed that at the fountain of Moses, formerly mentioned as three leagues from Suez towards Toro, there had been a great city in old times, of which they say dome buildings or ruins are still to be seen; but they could not say what had been its name. They told me also that the remains of the canal attempted to be made in old times from the Nile at the city of Cairo to Suez were still to be seen, though much defaced and filled by length of time, and that those who travel from Suez to Cairo have necessarily to pass these remains. Some alleged that this trench was not intended for navigation between the Nile and the Red sea, but merely to bring water from the Nile for the supply of Suez. They told me that the whole country from Suez to Cairo was a sandy plain, quite barren and without water, being three days journey going at leisure, or about 15 leagues. That in Suez and the country round it seldom rained, but when it did at any time it was very heavy; and that the north-wind blew at Suez the whole year with great force.
   From Toro to Suez it is 28 leagues, without any island bank or shoal in the whole way that can impede the navigation. Departing from Toro by the middle of the channel, the ran for the first 16 leagues is N.W. by N. from S.E. by S. in all of which space the two coasts are about an equal distance from each other, or about three leagues asunder. At the end of these 16 or 17 leagues, the coasts begin to close very much, so that the opposite shores are only one league distant, which narrowness continues for two leagues; after which the Egyptian coast withdraws very much towards the west, making the large fine bay formerly mentioned. The mid channel from the end of the before mentioned 16 or 17 leagues, till we come to the N.W. point of this bay trends N.N.W. and S.S.E. the distance being 8 leagues. In this place the lands again approach very much, as the Arabian shore thrusts out a very long low point, and the Egyptian coast sends out a very large and high point at the end of the bay on the N.W. side, these points being only a little more than one league asunder. From these points to Suez and the end of this sea, the coasts wind inwards on each side, making another bay somewhat more than two leagues and a half long and one league and a half broad, where this sea, so celebrated in holy scripture and by profane authors, has its end. The middle of this bay extends N. and S. with some deflection to W. and E. respectively, distance two leagues and a half. On the coast between Toro and Suez, on the Arabian side, a hill rises about a gun-shot above Toro very near the sea, which is all bespotted with red streaks from side to side, giving it a curious appearance. This hill continues along the coast for 15 or 16 leagues, but the red streaks do not continue more than six leagues beyond Toro. At the end of the 15 or 16 leagues this ridge rises into a great and high knoll, after which the ridge gradually recedes from the sea, and ends about a league short of Suez. Between the high knoll and Suez along the sea there is a very low plain, in some places a league in breadth, and in others nearer Suez a league and half. Beside this hill towards Toro I saw great heaps of sand, reaching in some places to the top of the hill, yet were there no sands between the hill and the sea: "Likewise by the clefts and breaches many broken sands were driven," whence may be understood how violent the cross winds blow here, as they snatch up and drive the sand from out of the sea and lift it to the tops of the hills. These cross winds, as I noticed by the lying of the sands, were from the W. and the W.N.W.
   On the other or Egyptian side of this gulf, between Toro and Suez, there run certain great and very high hills or mountains appearing over the sea coast; which about 17 leagues above Toro open in the middle as low as the plain field, after which they rise as high as before, and continue along the shore to within a league of Suez, where they entirely cease. I found the ebb and flow of the sea between Toro and Suez quite conformable with what has been already said respecting other parts of the coast, and neither higher nor lower: Whence appears the falsehood of some writers, who pretend that no path was opened through this sea for the Israelites by miracle; but merely that the sea ebbed so much in this place that they waited the ebb and passed over dry. I observed that there were only two places in which it could have been possible for Sesostris and Ptolomy kings of Egypt, to have dug canals from the Nile to the Red-Sea: One of these by the breach of the mountains on the Egyptian coast 17 leagues above Toro, and 11 short of Suez; and the other by the end of the nook or bay on which Suez stands; as at this place the hills on both sides end, and all the land remains quite plain and low, without hillocks or any other impediment. This second appears to me to be much more convenient for so great a work than the other, because the land is very low, the distance shorter, and there is a haven at Suez. All the rest of the coast is lined by great and high mountains of hard rock. Hence Suez must be the place to which Cleopatra commanded the ships to be brought across the isthmus, a thing of such great labour that shortness was of most material importance: Here likewise for the same reason must have been the trench or canal from the Nile to the Red Sea; more especially as all the coast from Toro upwards is waste, and without any port till we come to Suez.
   During all the time which we spent between Toro and Suez, the heaven was constantly overcast with thick black clouds, which seemed contrary to the usual nature of Egypt; as all concur in saying that it never rains in that country, and that the heavens are never obscured by clouds or vapours: But perhaps the sea raises these clouds at this place, and farther inland the sky might be clear; as we often see in Portugal that we have clear pleasant weather at Lisbon, while at Cintra only four leagues distant, there are great clouds mists and rain. The sea between Toro and Suez is subject to sudden and violent tempests; as when the wind blows from the north, which is the prevailing wind here, although not very great, the sea is wonderfully raised, the waves being everywhere so coupled together and broken that they are very dangerous. This is not occasioned by shallow water, as this channel is very deep, only that on the Egyptian side it is somewhat shoaly close to the shore. "About this place I saw certain sea foams otherwise called evil waters, the largest I had ever seen, being as large as a target, of a whitish dun colour. These do not pass lower than Toro; but below that there are infinite small ones, which like the other are bred in and go about the sea323." While between Toro and Suez, though the days were insufferably hot, the nights were colder than any I ever met with.

SECTION IX. Return Voyage from Suez to Massua
   In the morning of the 28th of April 1541 we departed from before Suez on our return to Massua324. At sunset we were one league short of a sharp red peak on the coast, 20 leagues from Suez. At night we took in our sails and continued along shore under our foresails only, the wind blowing hard at N.N.W. Two hours within the night, we came to anchor near the shore in 3 fathoms, the heavens being very dark and covered by many thick black clouds. The 29th we weighed in the morning, and came into the port of Toro at nine o'clock, but soon weighed again, and came to anchor a league farther on, in a haven called Solymans watering place, where we took in water, digging pits in the sand a stones throw from the sea, where we got abundance of brackish water. Leaving this place in the morning of the 30th, we anchored at 10 in the morning at the first of the three islands, which are two leagues N.W. of the island of Sheduam. I went on shore here with my pilot, when we took the suns altitude a little less than 80°; and as the declination that day was 17°36' the latitude of this island is 27°40' N. At sunset on the 1st of May we set sail, and by even-song time we came to an island, two leagues long, which thrusts out a point very close to the main land, between which and the island is a singularly good harbour for all weathers, fit for all the ships in the world. The 2d at sunset we came to anchor in the port of Goelma325, which is safe from N. and N.W. winds, but only fit for small vessels. A short space within the land is the dry bed of a brook, having water during the floods of winter descending from the mountains. Digging a little way we found fresh water. There is a well here also, but not abundant in water. This port, the name of which signifies in Arabic the port of water, is N.N.W. of al Kessir, distant 4 leagues.
   The 4th of May we rowed along shore, and came to anchor near sunset, in a small but excellent harbour named Azallaihe, two leagues S.E. beyond Shakara between that place and the black hillock. We lay at anchor all night, the wind at N.N.W. Bohalel Shame is a deep, safe, and capacious port, in which many ships may ride at anchor. It was named from one Bohalel, a rich chief of the Badwis who dwelt in the inland country, and used to sell cattle to the ships frequenting this port. Shame signifies land or country; so that Bohalel Shame signifies the Land of Bohalel326. At this place we found an honourable tomb within a house like a chapel, in which hung a silk flag or standard, with many arrows or darts round the grave, and the walls were hung round with many bulls327. On an upright slab or table at the head of the grave there was a long inscription or epitaph, and about the house there were many sweet-scented waters and other perfumes. From the Moors and Arabs I was informed that an Arabian of high rank of the lineage of Mahomet was here buried; and that the Sharifs of Jiddah and other great prelates gave indulgences and pardons to all who visited his sepulchre: But the Portuguese sacked the house and afterwards burnt it, so that no vestige was left. On the shore of this harbour we saw many footsteps of tigers and goats, as if they had come here in search of water.
   Having often occasion to mention the Badwis or Bedouins while voyaging along the coasts of their country, it may be proper to give some account of that people. These Badwis are properly the Troglodites ophiofagi, of whom Ptolemy, Pomponius Mela, and other ancient writers make mention. These Badwis or Troglodites live on the mountains and sea-coasts from Melinda and Magadoxa to Cape Guardafu, and thence all along the coasts of the Red Sea on both sides, and along the outer coast of Arabia through the whole coast of the Persian Gulf; all of which land they may be more properly said to occupy than to inhabit. In Good Arabic, Badwi signifies one who lives only by cattle328. Those who dwell along the Red Sea from Zeyla to Swakem, and thence to al Kossir, are continually at war with the Nubii or Nubians; while those from Kossir to Suez perpetually molest the Egyptians. On the eastern coast of the Red Sea the Badwis have incessant contests with the Arabians. They are wild men, among whom there is no king or great lord, but they live in tribes or factions, allowing of no towns in their country, neither have they any fixed habitations, but live a vagabond life, wandering from place to place with their cattle. They abhor all laws and ordinances, neither will they admit of their differences being judged of by any permanent customs or traditions, but rather that their sheiks or chiefs shall determine according to their pleasure. They dwell in caves and holes, but most of them in tents or huts. In colour they are very black, and their language is Arabic. They worship Mahomet, but are very bad Mahometans, being addicted beyond all other people on earth to thievery and rapine. They eat raw flesh, and milk is their usual drink. Their habits are vile and filthy; but they run with wonderful swiftness. They fight afoot or on horseback, darts being their chief weapons, and are almost continually at war with their neighbours.
   By day-light of the 10th May we weighed anchor from the port of Igidid329, and an hour before sunset we fastened our barks to a shoal about four leagues south of Farate. In this shoal there is an excellent harbour, lying almost E.S.E. and W.N.W. but very crooked and winding, so large that we could not see to the other end. The 22d of May330, by day-break, we were a league short of the grove which stands four leagues north of Massua, having the wind from the land. At nine o'clock it began to blow fair from the N.N.E. and we entered the port of Massua at noon, where we were joyfully received by the fleet and army. From the 22d of May, when we entered Massua, the winds were always from the easterly points, either E. or S.E. or E.S.E. often with great storms. On the last day of June we had so violent a gale from S.E. that the galleons drifted and were in great danger of grounding. This storm was attended by heavy rain and fearful thunders, and a thunderbolt struck the mast of one of our galleons, which furrowed it in its whole length. On the 2d of July we had another great storm from the east which lasted most of the day, and drove many of our vessels from their anchors. From thence to the 7th of July we had other storms, but small in comparison. On the 8th and 9th we had two desperate gales from the land.

SECTION X. Return of the Expedition from Massua to India
   Having remained 48 days at Massua, we set sail from thence on our return to India on the 9th of July 1541, one hour before sunrise, and by day-break we were two or three leagues short of the north point of Dallak, and among some flat islands that have some woods, which islands are scattered in the sea to the north of Dallak. We sailed through a channel between two of these islands, having a fair wind almost N.W. our course being N.E. by N. After doubling a shoal we came to anchor, and at two in the afternoon we sailed again with a fair wind at N.N.E. coasting the island of Dallak. An hour before sunset we came to a very flat sandy island, called Dorat Melkuna, from which on all sides extended great shoals. When the sun set we were a league short of the island of Shamoa, between which and the west side of Dallak, opposite the Abyssinian coast, is the most frequented channel for such as sail to Massua. All the coast of Dallak which we sailed along this day trends N.N.W. and S.S.E. and is very low. The 18th of July by day break we saw the mouth of the straits331, about three leagues distant, "and we saw all the fleet lye at hull, and presently we set sail altogether332."
   Before leaving the Gulf of Arabia or of Mecca, it may be proper to consider the reason why the ancients called this Gulf the Red Sea, and to give my own opinion founded on what I actually saw, whether it differ in colour from the great ocean. In the sixth book of his Natural History, Pliny quotes several opinions as the origin of the name Erythros given to this sea by the ancients333. The first is, that it took its name from Erythra, a king who once reigned on its borders, whence came Erythros which signifies red in the Greek. Another opinion was that the reflexion of the sun-beams gave a red colour to this sea. Some hold that the red colour proceeds from the sand and ground along the sea coast, and others that the water was red itself. Of these opinions every writer chose that he liked best. The Portuguese who formerly navigated this sea affirmed that it was spotted or streaked with red, arising as they alleged from the following circumstances. They say that the coast of Arabia is naturally very red, and as there are many great storms in this country, which raise great clouds of dust towards the skies, which are driven by the wind into the sea, and the dust being red tinges the water of that colour, whence it got the name of the Red Sea.
   From leaving Socotora, till I had coasted the whole of this sea all the way to Suez, I continually and carefully observed this sea; and the colour and appearance of its shores, the result of which I shall now state. First then, it is altogether false that the colour of this sea is red, as it does not differ in any respect from the colour of other seas. As to the dust driven by the winds from the land to the sea staining the water; we saw many storms raise great clouds of dust and drive them to the sea, but the colour of its water was never changed by these. Those who have said that the land on the coast is red, have not well observed the coats and strands: for generally on both, sides the land by the sea is brown and very dark, as if scorched. In some places it appears black and in others white, and the sands are of these colours. In three places only there are certain parts of the mountains having veins or streaks of a red colour; and at these places the Portuguese had never been before the present voyage. These three places are all far beyond Swakem towards Suez, and the three hills having these red streaks or veins are all of very hard rock, and all the land round about that we could see are of the ordinary colour and appearance. Now, although substantially the water of this sea has no difference in colour from that of other seas, yet in many places its waves by accident seem very red, from the following cause. From Swakem to Kossir, which is 136 leagues, the sea is thickly beset with shoals and shelves or reefs, composed of coral stone, which grows like clustered trees spreading its branches on all sides as is done by real coral, to which this stone bears so strong resemblance that it deceives many who are not very skilful respecting the growth and nature of coral.
   This coral stone is of two sorts, one of which is a very pure white, and the other very red. In some places this coral stone is covered by great quantities of green ouze or sleech, and in other places it is free from this growth. In some places this ouze or sleech is very bright green, and in others of an orange-tawny colour. From Swakem upwards, the water of this sea is so exceedingly clear, that in many places the bottom may be distinctly seen at the depth of 20 fathoms. Hence, where-ever these shoals and shelves are, the water over them is of three several colours, according to the colour of these rocks or shelves, red, green, or white, proceeding from the colour of the ground below, as I have many times experienced. Thus when the ground of the shoals is sand, the sea over it appears white; where the coral-stone is covered with green ouze or sleech, the water above is greener even than the weeds; but where the shoals are of red coral, or coral-stone covered by red weeds, all the sea over them appears very red. And, as this red colour comprehends larger spaces of the sea than either the green or the white, because the stone of the shoals is mostly of red coral, I am convinced that on this account it has got the name of the Red Sea, and not the green sea or the white sea, though these latter colours are likewise to be seen in perfection.
   The means I used for ascertaining this secret of nature were these. I oftentimes fastened my bark upon shoals where the sea appeared red, and commanded divers to bring me up stones from the bottom. Mostly it was so shallow over these shoals, that the bark touched; and in other places the mariners could wade for half a league with the water only breast high. On these occasions most of the stones brought up were of red coral, and others were covered by orange-tawny weeds. Whether the sea appeared green, I found the stones at the bottom were white coral covered with green weeds; and where the sea was white I found a very white sand. I have conversed often with the Moorish pilots, and with persons curious in antiquities, who dwelt on this sea, who assured me that it was never stained red by the dust brought from the land by the winds: I do not, however reprove the opinion of former Portuguese navigators; but I affirm, that having gone through this sea oftener than they, and having seen its whole extent, while they only saw small portions, I never saw any such thing. Every person with whom I conversed wondered much at our calling it the Red Sea, as they knew no other name for it than the sea of Mecca334. On the 9th of August 1541, we entered the port of Anchediva, where we remained till the 21st of that month, when we went in foists or barks and entered the port of Goa, whence we set out on this expedition on the 31st of December 1540, almost eight months before.
   Table of Latitudes observed in the Journal of Don Juan335.
   Socotora, 12° 40'
   Bab-al-Mondub(A) 12° 15'
   Sarbo port,(B) 15° 76'336
   Shaback, scarcely 19° 0'
   A nameless island, 19° 0'
   Tradate, harbour 19° 50'
   Fushaa, bay 20° 15'
   Farate, river 21° 40'
   Ras-al-Jidid, port(B) 22° 0'
   Comol, port 22° 30'
   Ras-al-Nef, Cape 24° 0'
   Swairt island 24° 10'
   Gaudenauchi, port 24° 40'
   Tuna, haven 25° 30'
   Kossir(A) 26° 15'
   Safanj-al-bahr, island 27° 0'
   Island, 2 leagues N.W. from Sheduan 27° 40'
   Toro, town 28° 10'
   Anchorage, 20 leagues farther 29° 17'
   Suez 29° 45'

SECTION XI. Description of the Sea of Kolzum, otherwise called the Arabian Gulf, or the Red Sea. Extracted from the Geography of Abulfeda337
   The following description of the Red Sea was written by Ismael Abulfeda prince of Hamah in Syria, the ancient Epiphania, who died in the 733d year of the Hejirah or Mahometan era, corresponding with the year 1332 of the Christian computation, after having lived sixty-one years, twenty two of which he was sovereign of that principality. Greaves has mistaken both the length of his reign, which he makes only three years, and the time of his death338. Abulfeda was much addicted to the study of geography and history, and wrote books on both of these subjects, which are in great estimation in the East. His geography written in 721, A.D. 1321, consists of tables of the latitudes and longitudes of places, in imitation of Ptolemy, with descriptions, under the title of Takwin al Boldan. No fewer than five or six translations have been made of this work, but by some accident or other none of these have ever been published. The only parts of this work that have been printed are the tables of Send and Hend, or India, published in the French collection of Voyages and Travels by Thevenot; and those of Khowarazm or Karazm, Mawara'l-nahar, or Great Bukharia, and Arabia. The two former were published in 1650, with a Latin translation by Dr Greaves; and all the three by Hudson, in the third volume of the Lesser Greek Geographers, in 1712; from which latter work this description of the Red Sea is extracted, on purpose to illustrate the two preceding journals, and to shew that there really is such a gulf on the coast of Arabia as that mentioned by the ancients, that geographers may not be misled by the mistake of Don Juan de Castro. In this edition, the words inserted between parenthesis are added on purpose to accommodate the names to the English orthography, or to make the description more strictly conformable to the Arabic. The situations or geographical positions are here thrown out of the text, to avoid embarrassment, and formed into a table at the end. We cannot however warrant any of them, as those which may have been settled by actual observation are not distinguished from such as may not have had that advantage; which indeed is the general fault of oriental tables of latitude and longitude. The latitude of Al Kossir comes pretty near that formed by Don Juan de Castro; but that of Al Kolzum must err above one degree, while that of Swakem is more than two degrees erroneous.-Ast.
   The author begins his description of the sea of Kolzum or of Yaman at Al Kolzum339, a small city at the north end of this sea; which from thence runs south, inclining a little towards the east, as far as al Kasir (al Kossir ) the port of Kus340. Hence it continues its course south, bending somewhat westward to about Aidab (Aydhab341.) The coast passes afterwards directly south to Sawakan (Swakem), a small city in the land of the blacks, (or al Sudan ). Proceeding thence south, it encompasses the island of Dahlak, which is not far from the western shore. Afterwards advancing in the same direction, it washes the shores of al Habash (Ethiopia or Abyssinia ), as far as the cape or mountain of al Mandab (or al Mondub ), at the mouth of the Bahr al Kolzum or Red Sea, which here terminates; the Bahr al Hind, or Indian Sea flowing into it at this place. The cape or mountain of al Mandub and the desert of Aden approach very near, being separated only by so narrow a strait that two persons on the opposite sides may see each other across. These Straits are named Bab al Mandab. By some travellers the author was informed that these Straits lie on this side of Aden to the north-west, a day and nights sail. The mountains of al Mandab are in the country of the negroes, and may be seen from the mountains of Aden, though at a great distance. Thus much for the western side of this sea. Let us now pass over to the eastern coast.
   The coast of Bahr al Kolzum runs northward from Aden342, and proceeds thence round the coast of al Yaman (or Arabia Felix), till it comes to the borders thereof. Thence it runs north to Joddah. From Joddah it declines a little to the west, as far as Jahafah, a station of the people of Mesr (Egypt), when on pilgrimage to Mecca. Thence advancing north, with a small inclination towards the west, it washes the coast of Yanbaak (Yamboa ). Here it turns off north-westwards, and having passed Madyan it comes to Aylah. Thence descending southwards it comes to the mountain al Tur343, which thrusting forwards separates two arms of the sea. Thence returning to the north, it passes on to al Kolzum, where the description began, which is situated to the west of Aylah, and almost in the same latitude.
   Al Kolzum and Aylah are situated on two arms or gulfs of the sea, between which the land interposes, running to the South; which land is the mountain al Tur almost in the same longitude with Aylah, which stands at the northern extremity of the eastern bay, while al Kolzum is at the northern extremity of the western gulf, so that Aylah is more to the east, and mount al Tur more to the south than al Kolzum. Aylah is situated on the inmost part of the promontory which extends into the sea. Between al Tur and the coast of Mesr (Egypt), that arm of the sea or gulf extends on which al Kolzum stands. In like manner that arm of the sea on which Aylah is situated extends between al Tur and Hejaz. From this mountain of al Tur the distance to either of the opposite coasts is small by sea, but longer about by the desert of Fakiyah, as those who travel by land from al Tur to Mesr are under the necessity of going round by al Kolzum, and those who go by land from al Tur to Hejaz must go round by way of Aylah. Al Tur joins the continent on the north, but its other three sides are washed by the sea. The sea of al Kolzum, after passing some way to the south-east from al Tur begins to widen on either side, till it becomes seventy344 miles broad. This wider part is called Barkah al Gorondal.
   Table of Situations, from Abulfeda345.
   Lat. deg. min. deg. min
   Kolzum, 28° 20' N. 54° 15' E.
   –by some 56° 30' E.
   Al Kossir, 26° 0' N. 59° 0' E.
   Aydhab 21° 0' N. 58° 0' E.
   Swakem, 17° 0' N. 58° 0' E.
   Aden, 11° 0' N. 66° 0' E.
   Borders of Yaman, 19° 0' N. 67° 0' E.
   Jiddah, 21° 0' N. 66° 0' E.
   Jahafah, 22° 0' N. 65° 0' E.
   Yamboa, 26° 0' N. 64° 0' E.
   Aylah, 29° 0' N. 55° 0 E.
   – 28° 50' 56° 40' E.
   POSTSCRIPT. –Transactions of the Portuguese in Abyssinia, under Don Christopher de Gama346.
   While the Portuguese fleet was at Massua, between the 22d of May and 9th of July 1541, a considerable detachment of soldiers was landed at Arkiko on the coast of Abyssinia under the command of Don Christopher de Gama, brother to the governor-general, for the assistance of the Christian sovereign of the Abyssinians against Grada Hamed king of Adel or Zeyla, an Arab sovereignty at the north-eastern point of Africa, without the Red Sea, and to the south of Abyssinia. In the journal of Don Juan de Castro; this force is stated at 500 men, while in the following notices from De Faria, 400 men are said to have formed the whole number of auxiliaries furnished by the Portuguese347. This account of the first interference of the Portuguese in the affairs of Abyssinia by De Faria, is rather meagre and unsatisfactory, and the names of places are often so disguised by faulty orthography as to be scarcely intelligible. In a future division of our work more ample accounts will be given both of this Portuguese expedition, and of other matters respecting Abyssinia. –E.
   * * * * *
   Some time before the expedition of De Gama into the Red Sea, Grada Hamed the Mahometan king of Adel or Zeyla, the country called Trogloditis by some geographers, submitted himself to the supremacy of the Turkish empire in order to obtain some assistance of men, and throwing off his allegiance to the Christian emperor of Abyssinia or Ethiopia, immediately invaded that country with a numerous and powerful army. On this occasion he took advantage offered by the sovereign of Abyssinia, to whom he owed allegiance, being in extreme youth, and made such progress in the country that the emperor Atanad Sagad, otherwise named Claudius, was obliged to retire into the kingdom or province of Gojam, while his mother, Saban or Elizabeth, who administered the government in his minority, took refuge with the Baharnagash in the rugged mountains of Dama, a place naturally impregnable, which rising to a prodigious height from a large plain, has a plain on its summit about a league in diameter, on which is an indifferent town with sufficient cattle and other provisions for its scanty population. On one side of this mountain there is a road of difficult ascent to near the top; but at the last part of the ascent people have to be drawn up and let down on planks by means of ropes.
   While in this helpless condition, the queen got notice that Don Stefano de Gama was in the Red Sea, and sent the Baharnagash to him, desiring his assistance against the tyrant, who had overrun the country, destroyed many ancient churches, and carried off numbers of priests and monks into slavery. The embassador was favourably listened to; and it was resolved by the governor-general, in a council of his officers, to grant the assistance required. Accordingly Don Christopher de Gama, brother to the governor-general, was named to the command on this occasion, who was landed with 400 men and eight field-pieces, with many firelocks and abundance of ammunition. He was accompanied by Don Juan Bermudez, Patriarch of Ethiopia, whose presence was much desired by the Abyssinian emperor, on purpose to introduce the ceremonies of the Roman church.
   Don Christopher de Gama and his men set out on their march from Arkiko under the guidance of the Baharnagash for the interior of Abyssinia, and the men endured incredible fatigue from the excessive heat, though they rested by day and marched only in the night. A whole week was spent in passing over a rugged mountain, whence they descended into a very pleasant flat country, watered by many rivulets, through which they marched for two days to the city of Barua, the metropolis or residence of the Baharnagash. Though much damaged in the late invasion, yet this place had several sightly buildings, divided by a large river, with goodly villages and country houses in the environs. The Portuguese were received at the gates by a procession of several monks singing a litany, one of whom made a speech to welcome them, extoling their generosity in coming to the aid of their distressed country: After which the Portuguese visited the church and encamped.
   Don Christopher sent immediate notice of his arrival to the Emperor, who was at a great distance, and to the queen mother who was near, upon the mountain of Dama already mentioned. The Baharnagash was sent to conduct her from the mountain, having along with him two companies of the Portuguese as an escort, and brought her to Barua attended by a great retinue of women and servants. On her arrival, the Portuguese troops received her under arms, and the cannon were fired off to do her honour. The queen was seated on a mule, whose trappings reached to the ground, and she was hidden from view by curtains fixed to the saddle. She was clothed in white, having a short black cloak or mantle with gold fringes on her shoulders. From her white head dress a flowing white veil fell down that concealed her face. The Baharnagash led her mule by the bridle, having his arms bare in token of respect, while his shoulders were covered by a tigers skin; and on each side of her walked a nobleman in similar attire. She opened the curtains that surrounded her that she might see the Portuguese troops; and on Don Christopher going up to pay his compliments, she lifted her veil that he might see her. The reception on both sides was courteous. Don Christopher went afterwards to visit her and consult with her, when it was resolved by the advice of the Abyssinians to winter at that place, and to wait an answer from the Emperor. The answer came accordingly, expressing his joy for the arrival of the Portuguese succours, and desiring Don Christopher to march in the beginning of summer.
   The Portuguese accordingly marched at the time appointed, and in the following order. Some light horse led the van, to explore the road: Then followed the artillery and baggage: After which came the queen and her attendants, with a guard of fifty Portuguese musqueteers: Don Christopher brought up the rear with the remainder of the Portuguese troops; and the Baharnagash with his officers secured the flanks. In eight days, the army came to the mountain of Ganй of most difficult ascent, on the top of which was a city, and on the highest cliff a chapel, near which was a house hung round with three hundred embalmed bodies sewed up in hides. These external coverings were much rent with age, and discovered the bodies within still white and uncorrupted. Some supposed these were the Roman conquerors of the country; while others, and among them the patriarch, supposed them to have been martyrs. Encouraged by the presence of the Portuguese auxiliaries, many of the natives resorted to the queen. Don Christopher marched on to the mountain of Canete, well watered and having abundance of cattle, which, almost impregnable by nature was still farther strengthened by artificial fortifications. The emperors of Abyssinia used formerly to be crowned at this place, which was now held for the tyrant by a thousand men, who used often to come down from the mountain and ravage the open country.
   Contrary to the advice of the queen and her councillors, Don Christopher determined to commence his military operations by assaulting this den of thieves. For this purpose he divided his force into three bodies, one of which he led in person, and courageously endeavoured to force his way by the three several passes which led to the summit. But after the most valiant efforts, the Portuguese were forced to desist from the attack, in consequence of great numbers of large stones being rolled down upon them by the enemy. After hearing mass on Candlemas day, the 2d of February 1542, the Portuguese returned to the attack, playing their cannon against the enemy; and though they lost some men by the great stones rolled down among them from the mountain, they at length made their way to the first gates which they broke open, and forced their way to the second gates with great slaughter of the enemy, and the loss of three Portuguese. The enemy within the second and third gates, seeing only a few men of the vanguard, opened their gates, on which the Portuguese rushed in and maintained a hot contest with the enemy till Don Christopher came up with the main body, and pressed the enemy so hard that many of them threw themselves headlong from the rocks. Many women and children were made prisoners, and much plunder was taken. The queen and her retinue went up to the mountain, expressing great admiration of the Portuguese prowess, as the fortress had always been deemed impregnable by the Ethiopians. The patriarch purified a mosque, which he dedicated to the blessed virgin, and in which mass was celebrated to the great joy both of the Portuguese and Abyssinians.
   Placing a garrison of Abyssinians in this place under a native officer, the army marched on into the country of a rebel named Jarse, who now submitted to the queen and brought his men to her service, thinking nothing could withstand men who had conquered nature, so highly did they esteem the conquest of the mountain Canete. The king of Zeyla came on now with his army, covering the plains and mountains with his numbers, and exulting in the hopes of an easy victory over so small a number of men. Don Christopher encamped in good order near a mountain in full sight of the enemy. Palm Sunday and Monday were spent in skirmishing, with nearly equal loss on both sides, but the Portuguese had so far the advantage as to compel the enemy to retreat to their camp. Don Christopher found it necessary to remove his camp, being in want of some necessaries, particularly water; and on the king of Zeyla observing the Portuguese in motion from his position on the high grounds, he came down and surrounded the Portuguese in the plain, who marched in good order, keeping off the enemy by continual discharges of their artillery and small arms. The enemy still pressing on, Don Christopher ordered Emanuel de Cuna to face about with his company, which he did so effectually, that he obliged a body of Turks to retire after losing many of their men. The Turks rallied and renewed their attack, in which they distressed De Cuna considerably, so that Don Christopher was obliged to come in person to his relief, and fought with so much resolution that he was for a considerable time unconscious of being wounded in the leg. At this time the king of Zeyla came on in person, thinking to put a favourable end to the action, but it turned to his own loss, as many of his men were cut off by the Portuguese cannon. Don Christopher was in great danger of being slain, yet continued the action with great resolution, till at length the tyrant was struck down by a shot which pierced his thigh. His men immediately furled their colours and fled, carrying him off whom they believed slain though he was still alive. This victory cost the Portuguese eleven men, two of whom were of note. After the battle, the queen herself attended Don Christopher and all the wounded men with the utmost alacrity and attention.
   After the respite of a week, the Portuguese army marched towards the enemy, who came to meet them, the king of Zeyla being carried in an open chair or litter. This battle was resolutely contested on both sides. A Turkish captain, thinking to recover the honour which had been lost in the former action, made a charge with the men he commanded into the very middle of the Portuguese, and was entirely cut off with all his followers. Don Christopher on horseback, led his men with such fury into the heat of the action, that at length he compelled the enemy to turn their backs and seek safety in flight. The king of Zeyla had infallibly been taken in the pursuit, had there been a sufficient body of horse to pursue and follow up the victory. In this battle the Portuguese lost eight men. After the victory, the allied army of the Portuguese and Abyssinians, on marching down to a pleasant river found it possessed by the enemy, who immediately fled with their king. At this time the king of Zeyla sent an embassy to the Pacha of Zabit acquainting him with the distress to which he was reduced, and prevailed upon him by a large subsidy to send him a reinforcement of almost 1000 Turkish musqueteers.
   Don Christopher wintered in the city of Ofar, waiting the arrival of the Abyssinian emperor. While there a Jew proposed to him, if he were in want of horses and mules, to shew him a mountain at no great distance, inhabited by Jews, where he might find a large supply of both. On that mountain the king of Zeyla had a garrison of 400 men. Having inquired into the truth of this information, and found that it was to be depended upon, Don Christopher marched thither with two companies of Portuguese and some Abyssinians, and came to the foot of the mountain which is twelve leagues in compass. Some Moors who guarded the passes were slain in the ascent, and on the top the Moorish commander met him with all his men, but Don Christopher running at him with his lance thrust him through the body. The shot of the Portuguese soon constrained the Moors to make a precipitate flight, after losing a great number of men, and the mountain was completely reduced. Great numbers of horses and mules were found in this place, which was inhabited by about 800 Jews in six or seven villages, who were reduced to obedience. According to tradition, these Jews, and many others who are dispersed over Ethiopia and Nubia, are descended from some part of the dispersion of the ten tribes. The Jew who acted as guide to the Portuguese on this occasion, was so astonished at their valour that he was converted and baptised, and by common consent was appointed governor of this mountain. Before this it had the name of Caloa, but was ever afterwards known by the name of the Jews mountain.
   On the second day after the return of Don Christopher to the army, the king of Zeyla began to shew himself more bold than usual, trusting to the great reinforcement of Turkish musqueteers he had procured from Zabid. The youth and inexperience of Don Christopher allowed his valour to transport him far beyond the bounds of prudence. He ought to have retired to some strong position on the mountains, till joined by the emperor with the military power of Abyssinia, as it was impossible for him to contend against such great superiority, now that the king of Zeyla had so strong a body of musqueteers: But he never permitted himself to consider of these circumstances, till too late. On the 29th of August, the Turks made an attack upon the camp, and were repulsed, on which occasion Don Christopher was wounded in the leg and lost four men. In that part of the entrenchments defended by Emanuel de Cuna, the Turks were likewise repelled, with the loss of three men on the side of the Portuguese. In another part Francisco de Abreu was killed while fighting like a lion, and his brother Humphrey going to fetch off his body was slain and fell beside that he went to rescue. On this Don Christopher came up to relieve his men and performed wonders, till his arm was broken by a musquet-ball and he was carried off by a brave soldier. He was scarcely dressed when news was brought that the enemy had entered the entrenchments, and had slain Fonseca and Vello, two of his officers, on which he ordered himself to be carried to the place of danger. As the enemy were now decidedly victorious, some of the Portuguese abandoned their ranks and fled, as did the queen and the patriarch, both being mounted on fleet mares, each taking a different way, he from fear not knowing where he went, but she from choice as being well acquainted with the country. Don Christopher sent immediately to bring back the queen, as her flight was entirely ruinous, occasioning the disbanding of all the Abyssinian troops. But at length, seeing that all was lost, he grasped in despair a sword in his left hand, saying, Let who will follow me to die like heroes in the midst of the enemy. He was carried however from the field by mere force, with only fourteen men, accompanied by the queen and Baharnagash, seeking some place of safety. The night being excessively dark they lost their way and separated, the queen and Baharnagash being fortunate enough to get up a mountain as they were better acquainted with the country; but Don Christopher wandering with some companions, fell into the hands of the enemy, who carried him to the tyrant who was quite elated with his prize. The victors used their good fortune with the utmost barbarity, cruelly cutting down every one who fell in their way, which occasioned one to set a quantity of powder on fire that was in one of the tents belonging to the queen, by which all who were in or near it were blown up.
   The king of Zeyla was quite elated by the capture of Don Christopher, whom he caused to be brought into his presence, and questioned him as to what he would have done with him, if defeated and made prisoner. "I would have cut off your head," answered Don Christopher, "and dividing your body into quarters, would have exposed them as a terror and warning to other tyrants." The king caused him to be buffeted with the buskins of his slaves; his body to be immersed in melted wax, and his beard interwoven with waxed threads, which were set on fire, and in this manner he was led through the army as a spectacle. Being brought back, the king cut off his head with his own hand, and caused the body to be quartered and exposed on poles. Where the head fell, it is said that there gushed out a spring of water which cured many diseases. On the same hour, a tree was torn out by the roots in the garden of a certain convent of monks, though the air was at the time perfectly calm. Afterwards, at the same hour, the emperor of Abyssinia having vanquished the tyrant and caused his head to be struck off, the tree which was then dry replanted itself in the former place, and became covered with leaves.
   Most of the Portuguese who were taken on occasion of this defeat, perished in slavery. Alfonso Chaldeira followed the queen with thirty men. Emanuel de Cuna with forty got away to the Baharnagash and was well received. Sixty more followed the Patriarch Bermudez, making in all 130 men. Ninety of these went to the emperor, who was then near at hand, and very much lamented the slaughter among that valiant body of auxiliaries, and the loss of their brave commander. De Cuna with his forty men were too far off to join the Abyssinian emperor at this time. The emperor marched soon afterwards against the king of Zeyla, accompanied by ninety of the Portuguese who had joined him after the former defeat, to whom he gave the vanguard of his army, in consideration of the high opinion he had of their valour. At the foot of the mountain of Oenadias in the province of Ambea, they met a body of 700 horse and 2000 foot going to join the king of Zeyla. Fifty Portuguese horse went immediately to attack them, and Antonio Cardoso who was foremost killed the commander of the enemy at the first thrust of his lance. The rest of the Portuguese followed this brave example, and slew many of the enemy, and being seconded by the Abyssinians, first under the Baharnagash and afterwards by the king in person, eight hundred of the enemy were slain and the rest put to flight, when they went rather to terrify the tyrant with an account of their defeat, than to reinforce him by their remaining numbers.
   The king of Zeyla was only at the distance of a league with his army in order of battle, consisting of two bodies of foot of three thousand men in each, while he was himself stationed in the front at the head of five hundred horse. The emperor of Abyssinia met him with a similar number, and in the same order. The ninety Portuguese, being the forlorn hope, made a furious charge on the advanced five hundred of the enemy, of whom they slew many, with the loss of two only on their own side. The emperor in person behaved with the utmost bravery, and at length the horse of the enemy being defeated fled to the wings of their infantry. The king of Zeyla acted with the utmost resolution, even shewing his son to the army, a boy of only ten years old, to stir up his men to fight valiantly against the Christians. The battle was renewed, and continued for long in doubt, the emperor being even in great danger of suffering a defeat; but at length a Portuguese shot the king of Zeyla in the belly by which he died, but his horse carried him dangling about the field, as he was tied to the saddle, and his army took to flight. Only a few Turks stood firm, determined rather to die honourably than seek safety in flight, and made great slaughter among the Abyssinians: But Juan Fernandez, page to the unfortunate Don Christopher, slew the Turkish commander with his lance. In fine, few of the enemy escaped by flight. The head of the king of Zeyla was cut off, and his son made prisoner. Being highly sensible of the great merit of the Portuguese to whom he chiefly owed this and the former victories over his enemies, the emperor conferred great favours upon them. De Cuna returned to Goa with only fifty men; and the other survivors of the Portuguese remained in Abyssinia, where they intermarried with women of that country, and where their progeny still remains.

CHAPTER IV.
CONTINUATION OF THE PORTUGUESE TRANSACTIONS IN INDIA, AFTER THE RETURN OF DON STEFANO DE GAMA FROM SUEZ IN 1341, TO THE REDUCTION OF PORTUGAL UNDER THE DOMINION OF SPAIN IN 1581

   In our remaining account of the early Transactions of the Portuguese in India, taken chiefly from the Portuguese Asia of De Faria, we have not deemed it necessary or proper to confine ourselves rigidly to the arrangement of that author, nor to give his entire narrative, which often contains a number of trifling incidents confusedly related. We have therefore selected such incidents only from that work as appeared important or curious: And, as has been already done in the two immediately preceding chapters, containing the Voyages of Solyman Pacha, and Don Stefano de Gama, we propose in the sequel to make such additions from other authentic and original sources, as may appear proper and consistent with our plan of arrangement. These additions will be found distinctly referred to their respective authors as we proceed. –E.


SECTION I. Incidents during the Government of India by Don Stefano de Gama, subsequent to his Expedition to the Red Sea
   During the expedition of Don Stephano de Gama up the Red Sea, some circumstances are related by De Faria which are not noticed in the Journal of Don Juan de Castro, who either thought proper to confine his narrative to nautical affairs, or his abreviator Purchas has omitted such as were military. On his voyage up the Red Sea, De Gama found most of the islands and cities abandoned, as the people had received notice of the expedition. The chief island was Massua, and the principal city Swakem, in about 19° of north latitude348, which was well built and rich. The sheikh or king had withdrawn a league into the interior, and endeavoured to amuse De Gama with proposals of peace and amity, that he might save his insular city from being destroyed. The greatest injury occasioned by this delay was that it prevented De Gama from destroying the ships at Suez, the main object of his expedition, as so much time was gained that the news of his approach was carried to Suez, and the Turks were fully prepared for his reception. In revenge, De Gama marched into the interior with 1000 men, accompanied by his brother Don Christopher, and defeated the sheikh with great slaughter, making a considerable booty. Then returning to Swakem, that city was plundered; on which occasion many of the private men got to the value of five or six thousand ducats, after which the city was burnt to the ground.
   Sending back the large ships from thence to Massua under the command of Lionel de Lima, de Gama proceeded on his expedition to Suez with 250 men in 16 catures or barks. At Al-Kossir, in lat. 25° N.349 that place was destroyed. Crossing over to Toro, some vessels belonging to the enemy were taken. The Turks first opposed their landing; but some of them being slain, the rest fled and abandoned the city, in which nothing of value was found; but De Gama refrained from burning the city from reverence to St Catharine, as there was a monastery at that place dedicated to her, which he visited at the instance of the friars. Being to his great glory the first European commander who took that city, he knighted several officers, who very justly held this honour in great esteem, which was even envied afterwards by the emperor Charles V. The friars of this monastery of St Catharines at Toro are of the Greek church, and of the order of St Basil. The city of Toro is in lat. 28° N.350 and is thought by learned cosmographers to be the ancient Elana.
   Proceeding onwards to Suez, after many brave attempts to sound and examine the harbour, all of which failed, De Gama resolved in person and in open day to view the Turkish gallies. He accordingly landed with his soldiers; but the enemies shot from the town was well kept up, and 2000 Turkish horse broke out from an ambush; and, though some of the enemy were slain by the Portuguese cannon, De Gama and his men were forced to retire, much grieved in being unable to accomplish the great object of the expedition.
   On his return to the fleet at Massua, he there found that owing to the severity of Emanual de Gama351 a mutiny had taken place, and that 80 men had run away with a ship, designing to go into Ethiopia. They were met however by a captain belonging to the king of Zeyla, and most of them slain after a vigorous resistance. Five of the mutineers were found hanging on a gallows, executed by order of Emanuel de Gama, for having concealed the design of the other 80 who deserted. At their execution, these men cited De Gama to answer before the great tribunal, and within a month De Gama died raving mad.
   About July 1541, while on its return from Massua to India, the fleet commanded by the governor Don Stefano de Gama encountered so severe a storm that one of the galliots sunk bodily, a bark was lost, and all the other vessels dispersed. During the continuance of this dreadful tempest, many religious vows were made by the people; but that made by one of the soldiers afterwards occasioned much mirth. He vowed, if he survived the tempest, that he would marry Donna Isabel de Sa, daughter to Don Garcia de Sa afterwards governor of India, which lady was one of the most celebrated beauties of the time. At length De Gama arrived at Goa; and as the ships from Portugal did not arrive at the expected time, and the public treasure was much exhausted by the late charges, he loaded the goods provided for the home voyage in four galleons, and dispatched them, for Lisbon.
   About this time Nizamoxa352 wished to gain possession of the forts of Sangaza and Carnala, held by two subjects of Cambaya, on the frontiers of that kingdom, which were formidable from their strength and situation; and took them by assault in the absence of their commanders, who applied to Don Francisco de Menezes, the commander at Basseen to assist in their recovery, offering to hold them of the Portuguese. Menezes went accordingly with 300 Portuguese and a party of native troops, accompanied by the two proprietors, each of whom had 200 men. The fort of Carnala was taken by assault, and the garrison of Sangaza abandoned it on the approach of De Menezes. Having thus restored both commanders to their forts, De Menezes left Portuguese garrisons with both for their protection. Nizamoxa sent immediately 5000 men who ruined both districts, and the owners in despair resigned their titles to the Portuguese, and withdrew to Basseen, whence De Menezes sent supplies to the two forts, meaning to defend them. Nizamoxa sent an additional force of 6000, men, of which 1000 were musqueteers and 800 well equipped horse. This great force besieged Sangaza, to which they gave two assaults in one day, and were repulsed with great slaughter. Menezes went immediately to relieve the place with 160 Portuguese, 20 of whom were horse, together with several naigs and 2000 Indians. After a sharp encounter, in which the Portuguese were nearly defeated, the enemy fled from Sangaza, leaving all the ground about the fort strewed with arms and ammunition. In this engagement the enemy lost 500 men and the Portuguese 20. During the action a Portuguese soldier of prodigious strength, named Trancoso, laid hold of a Moor wrapped up in a large veil as if he had been a buckler, and carried him before his breast, receiving upon him all the strokes from the enemies weapons, and continued to use this strange shield to the end of the battle.
   The governor Don Stefano de Gama happened at this time to be in Chual, visiting the northern forts; and considering that the maintenance of Sangaza and Carnala cost more than they produced, and besides that Nizamoxa was in alliance with the Portuguese, delivered them to that prince for 5000 pardaos, in addition to the 2000 he paid before, to the great regret of De Menezes. Soon afterwards a fleet arrived from Portugal under Martin Alfonso de Sousa, who was sent to succeed Don Stephano de Gama in the government. This fleet had the honour to bring out to India the famous St Francisco Xaviar, one of the first fathers of the society of Jesus, both in respect to true piety and virtue. He was the first ecclesiastic who had the dignity of Apostolic Legate of all Asia, and was very successful in converting the infidels: But we shall afterwards have occasion to enlarge upon his great virtues and wonderful actions.
   On his arrival in the port of Goa, Martin Alfonso de Sousa sent notice to Don Stefano de Gama at the dead hour of the night, which induced De Gama to return an answer unworthy of them both. Martin Alfonso found nothing to lay to the charge of Don Stefano, as those desired who instigated him to seek for offences; for Alfonso was a gentleman of much honour, and could never have thought of any such thing of himself. But, though he ought now to have checked himself, finding nothing against De Gama, he became the more inveterate; as it is natural for men when they are in the wrong to persist with obstinacy. Alfonzo vented his malice by refusing conveniences to De Gama for the voyage home, which so disgusted him that he never waited upon Alfonso after resigning to him the sword of command.
   Don Stefano arrived safe in Portugal, where he was received with much honour by the court, and with favour by the king; but refusing a wife offered by his majesty, he was disgraced, on which he went to reside at Venice. The Emperor Charles V. persuaded him to return to Portugal, assuring him of the kings favour; but he found none; for princes are more fixed in punishing a little omitted to please, than in rewarding much done for their service. On assuming the government of India, Don Stefano made an inventory of all he was worth, being 200,000 crowns; and when he left the government his fortune was found 40,000 crowns diminished. He was of middle stature, thick and strong built, with a thick beard and black hair, and a ruddy completion. On his tomb was inscribed at his own desire, He who made knights on Mount Sinai ended here.

SECTION II. Exploits of Antonio de Faria y Sousa in Eastern India353
   We have placed these exploits in a separate Section, because, although they appear in the Portuguese Asia as having taken place during the government of Don Stefano de Gama, yet is their chronology by no means well defined: and likewise because their authenticity is even more than problematical. In themselves they appear to carry evidence of overstepping the modest bounds of history; and there is reason to believe that they rest principally, if not altogether, on the authority of Fernan Mendez de Pinto, of notorious character. Yet they seem sufficiently curious to warrant insertion in this work; and it is not at all improbable that Antonio de Faria may have been a successful freebooter in the Chinese seas, and that he may have actually performed many of the exploits here recorded, though exaggerated, and mixed in some places with palpable romance. –E.
   About this time Pedro de Faria, who was governor of Malacca, sent his factor MENDEZ DE PINTO with a letter and a present to the king of Patane, desiring him to procure the liberty of five Portuguese who were then slaves to his brother-in-law at Siam. Pinto was also entrusted with goods to the value of 10,000 ducats, to be delivered to the factor of De Faria at Pam. Having at that place made up a valuable cargo of diamonds pearls and gold, to the extent of 50,000 crowns, it was all lost one night in a tumult, occasioned by the following circumstance. There resided in Pam an ambassador from the king of Borneo, who one night detected the king of Pam in bed with his wife, and immediately slew him. On the death of the king becoming public, the people rose in commotion, more for the purpose of plunder than revenge. In this tumult about 4000 men were slain, and the Portuguese factors were robbed, and some of their companions slain. They made their escape to Patane, where they and other Portuguese asked leave of the king to make reprisals on three vessels belonging to merchants of Pam, which were then riding at anchor in the river Calantam 18 leagues off, richly laden from China. Getting the kings permission, they set out to the number of 80 persons in three vessels, and after a sharp engagement took and brought in these ships to Patane, where their cargoes were valued at 300,000 ducats. The people of Patane urged the king to take these ships from the Portuguese; but he decided that the 50,000 crowns should be made good to them of which they had been plundered at Pam; on which the merchants paid that sum and were allowed to continue their voyage.
   About the same period, Pedro de Faria y Sousa sent his kinsman Antonio de Faria y Sousa to treat of important affairs with the king of Patane, and in particular to preserve peace with that prince. Antonio carried goods with him to the value of 12,000 ducats, and finding no sale for them at that place, he sent them to the port of Lugor in the kingdom of Siam, a place of great trade, where he was informed they would sell to great advantage. He intrusted the charge of this valuable cargo to Christopher Borallo, who was surprised while at anchor in the mouth of the Lugor river by, Khodjah Husseyn, a Moor of Guzerat, who commanded a vessel well stored with artillery, and manned with 80 Turks and Moors. Borallo thought himself happy in escaping from these pirates by swimming on shore, and brought the news of this disaster to Antonio de Faria at Patane, who vowed that he would never desist till he had destroyed Husseyn, in revenge for this loss. Husseyn was equally inveterate against the Portuguese, ever since Hector de Silveyra had taken a ship belonging to him in the sea of Guzerat, killing his father and two brothers, and had continually exerted himself in robbing and murdering the Portuguese. Owing to this loss and his determination of revenge, Antonio de Faria was led to the performance of those brave actions which I now mean to relate with all my usual sincerity, without affection for my kindred.
   Antonio accordingly fitted out a small vessel with 50 men, in which he sailed from Patane on Saturday the 8th May 1540, and steered north-east towards the kingdom of Champa or Tsiompa, to examine that coast. He here saw the island of Pulo Condor, in lat. 3° 20' N354. and then to the eastwards rounded one six leagues from the coast of Cambodia. Entering the port of Bralapisam, he found there a vessel of the Lequii, having on board an ambassador from the prince of the island of Lossa355 in 36° of north latitude, for the king of Siam. As soon as this vessel espied the Portuguese ship, it weighed anchor and sailed away. Faria sent after them a Chinese pilot with a civil message, who brought back this remarkable answer, "We return thanks: The time will come when our nation shall have commerce with that captain in real friendship, through the law of the supreme God, whose clemency is boundless, since by his death he gave life to all mankind, and remains an everlasting faith in the house of the good. We confidently hold that this will be when half the times are past356." The pilot also brought back a rich cymeter in a scabbard of beaten gold, with a handle of the same, splendidly ornamented with pearls of great value. Antonio would have made a return, but the vessel could not be overtaken. From thence Antonio proceeded to the river Pulo Cambier, which divides the kingdoms of Cambodia and Tsiompa. At the town of Catimparu, he was informed that great river took its rise in the lake of Pinator, 260 leagues westwards in the kingdom of Quitirvam, encompassed with high mountains, around which lake there are 38 towns, 13 of which are considerable, where was a gold mine that yielded 22 millions of crowns yearly. It belonged to four lords, who were engaged in continual wars for its possession. At Bauquerim likewise there is a mine of the finest diamonds: and from the disposition of the people they might easily be conquered by the Portuguese.
   Coasting along, Antonio came to anchor in the mouth of the river Toobasoy, fearing to go up. At this place he espied a large vessel to which he made signs of peace, but received a rude answer. As night drew on, it was thought proper to wait for day; but in the dark first one vessel and then three more were descried coming towards them, and forty men from the first vessel boarded them, but were all slain, their vessel taken and the others burnt. A black, who was taken on this occasion, declared himself a Christian, saying he had been slave to Gaspar de Melo, who had been taken by the pirate Similau along with 26 other Portuguese, all of whom he had barbarously put to death. The black said that Similau had another vessel in the port richly laden, having only a few men on board. Similau with the other prisoners were put to the same death they had used to inflict on others. As soon as day appeared that other vessel was taken, and the booty in silver only amounted to 60,000 ducats, besides other goods. Thus enriched, Antonio went on to the river Tinacoreu or Varela, where the ships of Siam and Malacca, trading with China, barter their goods for gold, calamba, and ivory, with which that country abounds. He anchored off a small town called Tayquileu, the inhabitants of which called the Portuguese the bearded people; for though these people had beards, theirs were short and thin, whereas those of the Portuguese were at their full growth, many of them reaching to their girdles. By the inhabitants of this place, Antonio was informed that their river was formerly called Tauralachim or the Great Stock, to express its greatness: That it is deep and navigable for 80 leagues, up to a town named Moncalor, and then becomes wide and shallow, coming from the great country of Chintaleuho, where the country for eight days journey had been depopulated 40 years before by a multitude of birds! In the middle of that country is the great lake of Cunabetee or Chiamay, whence spring four great rivers. That lake is 180 leagues in circumference, and the country round abounds in mines of silver, copper, tin, and lead.
   From thence Antonio proceeded to the island of Hainan, passing in sight of Champiloo, in lat. 18° N. at the entrance of the bay of Cochin China. Farther on he discovered the promontory of Pulocampas, whence the island of Hainan may be seen. To the west of this they found a river, up which Borallo was sent in a small vessel with 16 men, who discovered at least 2000 sail of vessels and a large walled town. On their return they saw a large vessel at anchor. The captain supposing this might be Husseyn took it; but learnt from an ancient Christian of Mount Sinai, who was among the prisoners, that it belonged to a pirate named Quioy Tayjam, who had killed above an hundred Portuguese, and now lay hid in the forecastle with six or seven others, all of whom were drawn from their hiding place and slain. In this vessel were found 60,000 quintals357 of pepper, with a great deal of other spices, besides ivory, tin, wax, and powder, the whole valued at 60,000 crowns; besides several good cannon, some valuable baggage, and silver. In the hold were nine children, the biggest only about nine years old, all loaded with irons, and starving of hunger.
   Coasting along the island of Hainan, Antonio met some fishers of pearls, whom he used courteously. They told him that the island belonged to China. Hence he went to the river Tananquir, where he was suddenly attacked by two large vessels, both of which were taken, after a long struggle, in which 80 of the enemy were slain, with the loss of 14 men belonging to Antonio, only one of whom was a Portuguese. After a while they heard lamentable cries in the hold of one of these ships, in which 17 prisoners were found, two of whom were Portuguese. From one of these Antonio was informed that these vessels had belonged to Necoda Xicaulem, who, after becoming a Christian at Malacca and marrying a Portuguese woman, had killed her and many more of her nation. The booty in these two ships was valued at 50,000 crowns. One of the vessels was burnt, as Antonio had not a sufficient number of men to navigate her. In both vessels there were seventeen brass guns, most of which had the arms of Portugal. Antonio anchored at Cape Tilaumere, where four vessels came up to his squadron likewise now consisting of four vessels, and in one of these was the bride of a young nobleman, who had engaged to meet her at that place with a like number of ships, owing to which they had come up to the Portuguese vessels. Three of these ships were taken, in one of which was the bride. Some of the seamen were retained, and all the others were set on shore. Antonio then went to Mutipinam, as a convenient place for selling his prizes; but as the governor of that city somewhat obstructed the sale, Antonio was obliged to hasten it, and received in payment of the goods he had to dispose of to the value of 200,000 crowns in uncoined silver.
   In the beginning of the year 1541, Antonio sailed in search of the port of Madel in the island of Hainan, and by the way took some prizes. Here he met with Hinymilau, a bold pirate and a great enemy to the Christians, whom he delighted to put to cruel deaths. With him they had a desperate engagement, and at last took him. He gave a bold account of the many cruelties he had practised upon the Portuguese, and was therefore immediately slain with four more. The prize was valued at 70,000 ducats. This action struck such terror into all who were in that river, that they sent a message to Antonio, calling him King of the Seas, offering him 30,000 crowns to take them under his protection, and desiring to have passes for their safe trading. He accepted the money and gave the passes, only for writing which his servant received 6000 crowns in the space of twelve days. So great a reputation had he acquired in these parts, that the governor of the city offered to make him admiral of those seas for the emperor of China, with a salary of 9000 crowns yearly. Antonio ran all along this coast without any remarkable occurrence, only that he saw many towns, none of which were large, and a fruitful country, and was informed that there were mines of silver, tin, saltpetre, and brimstone.
   Being now weary of looking out for the pirate Husseyn, the soldiers demanded their shares of the prizes and to be discharged. This was agreed to, and their course was directed towards Siam; but by a furious storm they were cast away upon the Ladrones, where out of 500 men, only 86 got on shore naked, 28 of whom were Portuguese. At this place they were fifteen days with hardly any thing to eat. While in utter despair, as the island was uninhabited, they discovered a small vessel making for the shore where it cast anchor, and presently thirty Chinese landed, some of whom went to procure wood and water, while the others diverted themselves. Our men ran furiously and possessed themselves of the vessel and put to sea as quickly as possible. In this vessel they found only an old man and a child, but were quite delighted upon finding plenty of provisions and much silk. Sailing for Xamoy in Liampo, they took another Chinese vessel and went to the island of Luxitay358, where they remained fifteen days refitting both vessels, and then proceeded on their voyage. On the coast of Lamau they discovered a large vessel having fifteen guns, which began to fire upon them as soon as within range; but on coming close it was observed to have several crosses and some men in Portuguese habits, on which they hailed each other, and the vessel was found to belong to Quiay Panjau a Chinese and a great friend of the Portuguese, having thirty soldiers of that nation on board. He came on board of Antonios vessel, bringing a present of amber, pearls, gold, and silver, worth 2000 ducats. Among other discourse, Antonio told him that he was bound for Liampo to furnish himself with necessaries, meaning to attempt the mines of Quamjaparu, where he was told he might get much treasure. Quiay Panjau offered to accompany him, demanding only a third part of what might be taken, which was agreed to.
   They refitted at the river Ainay, and going from there to Chincheo, Faria hired 35 Portuguese whom he found at that place. Soon after putting again to sea he found eight Portuguese, almost naked and all wounded in a fishing-boat, who told him that the pirate Khojah Husseyn had taken their ship, worth 200,000 ducats, in the harbour of the isle of Cumbor, and that they had escaped with difficulty in that miserable condition. Faria was quite rejoiced to hear of that pirate, and immediately turned back eight leagues to Layloo to prepare for engaging him. He there changed his old vessels for new ones, and provided men arms and ammunition, paying generously for every thing. In four vessels which he there fitted out, he had 40 pieces of cannon, 160 muskets, 6000 darts, with abundance of other arms and ammunition, and a force of 500 men, 95 of whom were Portuguese. In a day and a half sail from Layloo he came to the fisheries where those Portuguese had been robbed, and was informed by some fishermen that Husseyn was only at the distance of two leagues in the river Tinlau. To make quite sure, he sent a person to see if that were the case, and finding the information accurate he proceeded immediately to the place. The engagement began before day-light upon four ships belonging to the pirate, which were soon reduced to great straits, when four small vessels came up to their assistance. One of the Portuguese cannon was so well pointed that it sank the first of these at the first fire, and killed several men in another vessel. At length Antonio boarded Husseyns vessel, and gave him such a cut over the head as struck him down on the deck, and by another stroke cut his hamstrings so that he could not rise. The pirates wounded Antonio in three places; but being succoured by his men the victory was complete, almost 400 of the enemy being slain or drowned by leaping overboard, while it cost 43 men on the side of Antonio, 8 of whom were Portuguese. Antonio immediately landed to bury his dead, and finding 96 men belonging to Husseyn in a house where they were left to be cured, he set the house on fire, and destroyed them all. He here restored the Portuguese ship to her owners, and gave liberty to all the slaves, as he vowed on going upon this enterprise, paying their masters the value. After all this generosity, the remaining booty was worth 100,000 crowns.
   On the night after sailing from Tinlau so violent a storm arose that two of the ships were cast away, and most of the goods in the others had to be thrown overboard, to the value of 200,000 ducats. One hundred and eleven men were lost, eleven of whom were Portuguese. Thirteen men who escaped the shipwreck were carried prisoners to Nauday, where Faria came with the five remaining ships to anchor. He immediately offered 3000 crowns to the governor of the city for the liberty of the prisoners, and meeting with an unfavourable answer, he determined to liberate them by force. His men were fearful of the issue of so dangerous an enterprise; but he so encouraged them, that they agreed. He had at this time, which was in the beginning of the year 1542, a force of 470 men in all, 60 of whom were Portuguese. Of these he chose 300 men to accompany him on shore. After sending another civil message to the governor, who answered by hanging the messenger, he landed with his small but resolute band. While marching towards the city, 12,000 foot and 100 horse came out to meet him. His musqueteers killed at least 300 of them, and pursued the rest to a bridge which led into the city. The governor was on the inside with 600 men, and defended the passage of the bridge till he was slain by a musquet shot, immediately on which his men fled, and were pursued with great slaughter till they ran out at the opposite side of the city. The city was plundered, on which occasion he who even got least was enriched, after which the place was reduced to ashes. Having thus gloriously redeemed his prisoners, Antonio returned to his ships with many beautiful female captives, having only lost eight men, one of whom was a Portuguese.
   Antonio now resumed his intended expedition for the mines, but in the first place went to pass the winter at Pulo Hindor, an inhabited island fifteen leagues from Nauday. When near the islands of Commolem, he was attacked by two large ships in which were 200 resolute men commanded by a pirate named Premata Gundel, a mortal enemy to the Portuguese, to whom he had done much harm, but thought now he had only to encounter Chinese merchant ships. One of the pirate ships came up to board one of those belonging to Antonio, but Qiay Panjau came up against her in full sail and ran so furiously upon the pirate ship that both went down instantly, but Quiay and most of his men were saved. The other pirate ship commanded by Premata in person boarded Faria, who was in great danger of being taken, but was at length victorious and slew 90 of the enemy; then boarding in his turn, he put the whole to the sword. This action cost Antonio 17 men, 5 of whom were Portuguese, and above 40 were wounded, among whom Antonio himself had two great cuts and a thrust of a spear. The prize was valued at 120,000 ducats. After staying 20 days in the island of Buncalen to cure the wounded men, they steered for the gates of Liampo, which are two islands three leagues from the city of that name which was built by the Portuguese who there governed in the nature of a commonwealth.
   Anchoring at the gates of Liampo, Antonio sent to ask leave to come into the port, when he received a courteous answer, praying him to wait six days till the inhabitants had prepared a house for his reception. On Sunday morning, the time being expired, he hoisted sail and went up the river accompanied by many boats sent to receive him, in which were 3000 of the citizens, who saluted him with the sound of musical instruments. About 200 ships then in the port were ranged in two lines forming a lane through which de Faria passed, all the cannons in the vessels and on shore firing a salute. Some Chinese who saw this magnificent reception asked whether this was a brother or near kinsman to the king of Portugal, and being answered he was only his smiths son, they concluded that Portugal must be the greatest kingdom in the world. From his ship, Antonio was received into a barge shaded by a natural chestnut tree full of ripe fruit, and was seated on a silver chair raised on six steps adorned with gold, six beautiful maids richly clad standing on each side, who played and sang melodiously. When he landed on the quay, he was placed in a still richer chair on mens shoulders under a canopy, guarded by 60 halberdiers, and preceded by 16 men on fine horses, and before these eight with silver maces, all in splendid attire. In this manner he was conducted to a large scaffold covered with fine tapestry, where being placed in his chair of state, he received the compliments of the magistracy and principal inhabitants of the city. From the quay to the city, which was a considerable distance, there was a closely covered lane formed of chestnut, pine, and laurel trees, and the ground was strewed with flowers. And all the way, at regular distances, there were companies of dancers, and perfumes burning, with astonishing multitudes of people the whole way.
   At the entrance into the city, a temporary castle was built for the occasion, having the arms of the Faria family in front, being Sanguin, a tower argent; in base, a man torn in pieces. At this place he was received by a reverend old man, attended by four mace-bearers, and after some ceremonies the old man made a long speech in praise of the family, concluding with a panegyric on his own actions, and bidding him welcome to the city. The orator then offered him, in the name of the city, five chests full of silver in bars, worth twenty thousand pieces of eight, which he refused, saying he would endeavour to deserve in some measure the honours which wore heaped on him. From thence he walked on foot, passing through many splendid arches, to the church of our Lady, where he assisted at mass under a canopy, and heard a sermon full of his own praises. After this he was conducted by above 1000 Portuguese to a large open space before the house in which he was to reside, shaded by a variety of fine trees, the ground strewed with flowers and sweet herbs, where three long tables were splendidly decorated and richly covered with a sumptuous entertainment. When Antonio was seated, the whole multitude departed, except about 80 of the principal citizens who were to dine along with him, and 50 soldiers who attended, while the halberdiers stood at a distance to keep off the people. As soon as the company was seated, the music began to play, and eight beautiful maids came forwards playing on instruments and dancing, eight others being placed beside Antonio singing. The dishes were brought in by a number of fine women, and set upon the tables by men, the abundance and costliness of the entertainment being wonderful. After dinner the company adjourned to another place, where there was a bull-feast, with several wild horses among them, and at the death of each animal there followed dancing music and other entertainments.
   De Faria continued here five months, entertained in great splendour, having dogs and horses to go a hunting, as the environs abounded in game. The time being come for going to the mines of Quamgiparu, Quiay Panjau who was to have accompanied him thither was carried off by sickness. After this another Chinese named Similau dissuaded Antonio from attempting the adventure of the mines, as attended with too much difficulty and danger, and proposed to him to undertake an expedition to the island of Calempluy, in which were the tombs of the ancient kings of China, which were said to contain great treasures. To this Antonio gave ear, as covetousness had great sway even upon his generous mind. Happy had it been for him if he had returned to India, satisfied with the victories he had already achieved. About the middle of May 1542, he set sail accompanied by Similau in two galliots with 146 men, 52 of whom were Portuguese, and among these the priest Diego Lubato. Next day they discovered the islands of Nangnitur, and then entered upon seas till then unknown by the Portuguese. Having crossed a gulf of 40 leagues, they discovered the high mountain, of Nangalaci, and held on their course northwards. At the end of ten days they anchored in a river where they saw white people like the Chinese, but differing in language, and could never prevail to have any intercourse with them. After eight days sailing they entered the strait of Silcapaquim, in which they spent five days in sight of many populous towns. But this course appearing dangerous, they steered up the river Humbepadam by the advice of Similau, passing to the east of the mountain Fangus, and came thirteen days afterwards to the bay of Buxipalem in the latitude of 30°, which produces fish, serpents, and crocodiles of wonderous size, and many sea-horses. Farther on they came to the bay of Calinclam, surrounded with high mountains, whence four great rivers fall into the sea. They next sailed under the great mountain Botinasora, abounding in lions, rhinoceroses, tigers, ounces, and other wild beasts, and then past Gangitanu, inhabited by the Gigahui, a wild gigantic people, some ten and some eleven spans high, of whom they saw fourteen of both sexes. They have good complexions, being white and red, but very ill-favoured features. Antonio gave them some procelain dishes and silk, for which they seemed thankful, and brought some cows and deer in return, but their language could not be understood.
   At length they arrived in the bay of Nanking, and six days afterwards to the great city of Pamor, whose bay was almost hid under three thousand vessels. Fearing danger here they stood off and came to Tanquilem, where Similau and 36 Chinese seamen ran away for fear; because Antonio, weary of the voyage, and finding that Similau could give no good account of where they were, threatened to kill him. Similau was not indeed ignorant, but he was so terrified by the ill usage of the Portuguese that he knew not what he said, and they were afraid that either he knew not the coast or meant to betray them. It was a great error to believe him at Liampo, and to use him ill at Nanking where they had most need of him. In fine the Portuguese gave themselves up for lost, not knowing where they were till some of the natives informed them that they were only ten leagues from the island of Calempluy, on which they sore repented the ill usage they had given to Similau. Doubling Cape Guinaytarau, after a tedious voyage of two months and a half, they discovered the island of which they were in search in the middle of the river. This island is quite plain and seemed four miles round. Next morning Antonio sailed round it in his galliots, and found it surrounded by a wall of jasper so closely built that it seemed all one stone. The wall rose 19 feet above the surface of the water, and was terrassed on the inside. On the top of the wall was a massy twist, on which was a brass rail, having little columns at regular distances, on which were the statues of women having balls in their hands, all likewise of brass. At some distance from these were figures of iron, of monstrous shapes, that seemed to give each other their hands; and further on were several curious arches of stones of various colours. On the inside there were afterwards seen a delightful assemblage of small groves of orange trees, among which were 366 chapels dedicated to the gods of the year. On one side was a great building, not all of a piece, but divided into seven parts, all over splendidly ornamented with gold.
   In the evening Antonio entered the island by one of its eight gates, accompanied by sixty men, four of whom were Portuguese. On entering one of the chapels, they saw a man who seemed an hundred years of age, who fell down with fear; but, on recovering, rebuked the soldiers for taking the bars of silver from the tombs. Having received information of what was in the other chapels, Antonio went on board with a considerable quantity of silver taken from the first chapel, meaning to return next day to plunder them all. About midnight, lights were seen on the top of the great building, and numbers of bell were heard all over the island. Antonio went again on shore, though advised to make off as the alarm was given. He brought away two old men with some candlesticks and a silver idol, and was informed that the island would soon be relieved, as the first hermit had given the alarm; on which Antonio found that he had erred in not bringing away that old man as he was advised. He departed therefore from the island, much dissatisfied at having missed the acquisition of so much treasure by his own fault. After sailing a month, there arose so great a storm on the 5th of August, that his galliot was swallowed up. The other galliot perished a few days afterwards, and only fourteen of the crew escaped. Thus perished the brave Antonio de Faria; a just judgment, doubtless, for the sacrilegious robbery he intended to have committed.
   No less unfortunate was the end of the city of Liampo, where Antonio had been so nobly received, falling a sacrifice to the base and insatiable avarice of its inhabitants. Lancelot Pereyra, judge of that city, having lost a thousand ducats by some Chinese, went out with a body of troops to rob and plunder others in satisfaction of the debt. This unadvised and barbarous procedure brought the governor of the province against the city with 80,000 men, and in four hours burnt it to the ground, together with 80 ships that were in the port. Twelve thousand men were slain, among whom were 1000 Portuguese, and three millions of gold were lost. Thus scarce any thing was left of Liampo but the name; and thus what the Portuguese gained by their valour was lost by their covetousness. Liampo had above three thousand catholic inhabitants, almost the half of whom were Portuguese. Those who survived this cruel execution, obtained leave in 1547, by great presents, to settle in the province of Chincheo, in a village which began to flourish in consequence of a rich trade, but it came to the same end with the other.