SECTION V. A Bulwark Surrenders to the Turks, who make Galley-slaves of the Portuguese Garrison; with several other incidents of the siege
   On the 1st of October, a messenger came from the lesser castle offering to capitulate, being no longer able to hold out. The Turks had planted three pieces of cannon against that fort which carried balls of iron of 150 pounds weight, and pierced the tower through and through, so that the stones flew about and had slain twenty men out of an hundred in the garrison. Yet these men had slain many of the Turks with their musquets and four pieces of cannon, the fire having continued incessantly for eighteen or twenty days. On delivering his message, the person sent from the fort received a rich vest, and had a safe conduct written in the most ample form for himself and all the garrison. When the messenger returned to the tower, he persuaded the captain and two other persons to wait upon the Pacha, who gave the captain a vest and confirmed the safe conduct, only under the express condition that they should not go into the castle. The captain, whose name was Juan Francisco Paduano228, returning to the tower which was called Gogole, brought off his men to the number of eighty, all of whom the Pacha ordered to be disarmed and confined in a house under a strong guard.
   On the 3d of October, the Pacha ordered the four slave gunners of the large gallies on shore, and gave them in charge to batter the principal castle. He likewise ordered all the Portuguese who had surrendered to be distributed among the gallies and chained to the oar, captain and all. The same day, three Portuguese gallies entered the harbour of Diu without opposition, for the Pacha did not send a single vessel to hinder them. The 8th a ship arrived with provisions and was wrecked in the road. On board were fifteen men belonging to the large gallies, together with the admiral, and sixty sailors with many galley-slaves. The 13th, the fleet removed from the west to the east side of Diu, where they anchored two miles from the castle; but during this change of position, the cannon of the fortress sunk one galley and broke the main-yard of another. On the 15th, the Pacha removed from the maon where he resided hitherto into his half galley, but ordered a white sail to be taken from another galley, his own being distinguished by colours. The reason of this was that he expected the Portuguese fleet, and did not wish they should know what ship he was in. Being also afraid of the shot he caused a great ring of cables and such things to be formed on the poop, sufficient to repel cannon-shot, for he was fearful and cowardly. He likewise ordered all the Christians to be put in irons. On the 17th, being the eve of St Luke, he caused the head of one of the people belonging to the Venetian gallies to be cut off, merely for saying, the signory of Venice is not dead.
   On the 22d the Pacha gave out in orders to the gunners on shore, about 400 in number, some of whom were slain daily, that whoever shot down the great standard of the castle should have a reward of 1000 maydins and receive his freedom. This was chiefly occasioned by a desire of revenge, as his own standard had been given to the Portuguese by a Sanjak. Upon this, one of these Christian gunners at the third shot broke down the standard, which stood on the top of a great tower, on which the Turks made great rejoicings and published the news with much exultation throughout the fleet. The gunner was rewarded with a silken vest.
   The artillery belonging to the Turks was planted against the castle all in one line, but in six separate batteries. In the first was an iron culverine carrying a ball of 150 pounds, and a paderero of 200 pounds. At a small distance was an iron passe-volant of 16 pounds, which discharged cartridge shot. In another place was a paderero of 300 pounds, and a culverine of 150; and in this second post was a passe-volant like the former, both belonging to the great gallies. In another place was an iron saker of 12 pounds, a small cannon of 16 pounds, a falcon of 6 pounds, and a mortar throwing a ball of 400 pounds. In another post was a culverine of 100 pounds. By this prodigious train of artillery, the Turks had battered down one tower, so that they could easily mount the breach, the tower not being very high, and the ditch not having been dug to a sufficient depth: But as fast as the Turks ruined the defences of this tower, the besieged repaired the breach as well as they could with earth and rubbish. It must also be observed that this fortress had no flanks; and being built upon a rock, they had made no casemates, only erecting embrasures on the top of the wall, which were all ruined and shaken. The main safety of the besieged consisted in their bravery. Every day fifteen or twenty of them used to sally forth like so many furious lions, killing all they met, which struck such terror into the Turkish soldiers that they fled in confusion as soon as they saw the Portuguese.
   On the 25th of October, the Turks caused a great number of cotton sacks to be got ready, covered with skins and bound with ropes, all of which were thrown into the ditch, which they completely filled, reaching as high as the wall. This being noticed by the besieged early in the morning, before the Turks put themselves in order for the assault, sixty of the Portuguese made a sally from the castle, forty of whom fought the enemy with great gallantry, while the other twenty remained in the ditch, each of whom carried a small leather bag full of powder and a lighted match. These men cut open the cotton bales, into each of which they put a handful of powder, which they fired, so that in a short time several of the bags were set on fire; and the whole continued burning for two days. Those who sallied out upon the enemy maintained the fight for more than three hours, during which time they killed 190 Turks and wounded as many more, losing only two of their own number.

SECTION VI. Farther particulars of the siege, to the retreat of the Turks, and the commencement of their Voyage back to Suez
   On the 27th of October five Portuguese foists arrived at Diu, which took a Turkish vessel of the same kind, and landed succours for the besieged, but were unable to get into the harbour, as some of the cannon formerly mentioned commanded its entrance, by ranging past the end of the castle. The 29th the Pacha ordered out forty boats filled with Turks, having some small cannon in each, in order to assault a small fort or bulwark on the water side in the harbour at some distance from the castle, the whole defences of which had been mined by the Turkish artillery, and in which there were only five or six men, who were relieved daily from the castle by water, the distance being less than a falcon shot. On the approach of the Turkish boats, the men in this small fort or bulwark lay down that they might not be seen. On coming to the place, the Turks ran the bows of their boats on shore, where every thing lay in ruins to the very edge of the water, and instantly leapt on shore. The small but gallant party of defenders immediately met them with two fire-horns, and the cannon from the castle played against the assailants so furiously, that the Turks soon fled. Several of their boats were sunk, many of the men were drowned, and the garrison of the castle took a considerable number of prisoners, coming out in one of their barks and killing or taking them while in confusion on the water. All those who were taken were hanged next day on the battlements of the castle.
   The whole Turkish forces were drawn out in order of battle on the 30th, and advanced to that side of the castle next the harbour to make a general assault, for which purpose they carried a great number of scaling-ladders. Another party of the Turks mounted the breach on the land side of the castle, which they could do at pleasure as the place was entirely opened by the fire of the batteries. But after remaining there three hours without sufficient courage to enter the place, the besieged leapt upon the breach and pushed the Turks into the ditch, killing four hundred of them. On the 31st the Moorish captain229 went with eleven gallies to attack the little castle, but was forced to desist by the cannon from the great castle, which sunk some of his vessels.
   On the 2d of November, the Sanjak with the janizaries and all the rest of the Turks embarked, leaving all their artillery behind, which they had not time to carry off. This was occasioned by receiving news that the Portuguese fleet was advancing in order of battle. The 5th, twenty sail of Portuguese vessels appeared in sight, and came to anchor twenty miles distance from the Turkish fleet. In the morning only three of these ships were seen at a distance, at which time the Turks put off from the land: But at sunrise many ships were seen, which shot off a great number of guns, though nothing could be perceived but the flash of the powder. Upon this the Pacha gave orders for each of his gallies to fire three guns; after which, the trumpets were sounded, all the ships hoisting their foresails and plying their oars. This was done at one o'clock at night, and at four the whole fleet departed with hardly any wind, and by day-break had run 30 miles, shaping their course S.S.W.
   The 7th, we sailed forty miles in the same direction, the weather being still calm. The 8th, we proceeded 30 miles W. during the day, and 20 in the night. The 9th, we went 20 miles W. and this day the Christians had their irons taken off. The 10th, we made no way, the weather being a dead calm. The 11th, the wind blew from the W.S.W. We stood to N.W. advancing 30 miles in the day and night. The 12th, the wind being N.W. by N. we entered the gulf of Ormuz230 and then sailed W.S.W. advancing all that day and night only 30 miles. The 13th, we proceeded W. 70 miles by day and 90 during the night. The 14th, 100 miles during the day and as much in the night. The 15th, 80 by day and 80 by night. The 16th, 80 by day and 70 in the night. The 17th, 90 in the day and 80 in the night. The 18th, 100 in the day and 70 in the night. The 19th, 70 by day and 80 by night; all this time the course being due west. The 20th, we sailed W. by S. 90 miles, and saw land to windward, and proceeded 100 miles in the night. The 21st, we sailed W. by S. 80 miles by day and 50 in the night. The 22d, continuing the same course, we went only 10 miles during the day, and 20 in the night. The 23d it fell a calm, and we proceeded along the coast of Arabia, 30 miles in the day and 20 in the night. On the 24th, the calm continued and we had adverse currents, yet proceeded along the coast of Arabia 30 miles, and came to the islands of Curia Muria231, which are very desert and thinly inhabited. We staid here one day and took in a supply of water. The fleet departed from these islands on the 26th, sailing along the coast of Arabia towards the Red Sea, 30 miles in the day and 30 at night.

SECTION VII. Continuation of the Voyage back to Suez, from the Portuguese factory at Aser, to Khamaran and Kubit Sharif
   At the second hour of the night on the 27th of November, the fleet cast anchor in six fathoms water off a town on the coast of Arabia named Aser232, a barren desert place, where both men and cattle are forced to live on fish. At this place was found forty Portuguese with a consul or factor, who resided here for trade, besides other merchants who come frequently with spice and other things. But their chief trade was in horses, which are here excellent; being to be had at about 100 ducats each, and sell in India for 1000 ducats. As soon as the sheikh of this place understood that Solyman Pacha was coming there with his fleet, he caused all the Portuguese at the factory to be seized, and presented them to the Pacha, who made them all be chained to the oars. We here found a ship which had staid there by the way, being unable to proceed to India. We remained here three days, and the Pacha seized all the biscuit which could be procured for the use of the fleet. It may be proper to notice, that in every place at which the fleet touched in this return voyage, the Turks gave out that they had conquered the whole country of India, and had cut all the Christians to pieces. The 1st December, the fleet departed, holding a courses W.S.W. along the coast of Arabia, and sailing 40 miles cast anchor before night at a place called Mikaiya, and took in water. The 2d, continuing along the coast of Arabia, we proceeded W.S.W. 30 miles in the day, and 10 in the night. The 3d, 40 miles by day and 50 in the night. The 4th, 70 in the day and 30 in the night. The 5th, we went 60 miles farther, and by nine o'clock in the night cast anchor off the town of Adem or Aden.
   On the 6th, the Pacha sent in the morning for a renegado Turk, formerly a Christian and a person of some note, and without assigning any cause ordered his head to be cut off. The reason was they all murmured, and the Pacha feared this man might accuse him of negligence or cowardice, and was therefore determined to be beforehand with him. This man had formerly been in the service of the sheikh of Aden, and was afterwards a captain at Diu, when the former king Badur was slain by the Portuguese. The widow of Badur being possessed of a great treasure and desirous of retiring to Mecca, was persuaded by this man to embark with him in a galleon, with which he treacherously sailed to Egypt, whence he carried the treasure to Constantinople and presented it to the sultan; who, because of his conversance in the affairs of India, made him commander of a galley, and ordered him to return to India with the fleet under Solyman Pacha: And as the expedition succeeded so ill it now cost him his life. Being desirous to secure Aden, the Pacha caused 100 pieces of cannon of different sizes to be landed from the fleet, among which were two passe-volants that had been taken out of the Venetian gallies at Alexandria. He likewise landed an ample supply of powder and ball, and left a Sanjak with 500 Turks and five foists233. Thinking himself now out of danger from the pursuit of the Portuguese fleet, the Pacha removed from the half galley and returned to the maon. On the 19th, every thing being arranged at Aden, the fleet took in water, which occupied them during three days; and on the 23d we sailed from Aden with a good wind, steering W. by S. and between the evening and morning proceeded 100 miles. The 24th at the 5th hour of the day, the fleet entered the straits of the Red Sea, and lay all night at anchor. On the 25th, being Christmas, we departed three hours before day, and sailing to the N.W. with a scant wind, we ran 50 miles and came to a castle called Mokha. The same day, an old Turk who was governor of the castle came to wait upon Solyman, who received him with great honour and gave him a caftan. In return the governor sent every kind of refreshment that the place could supply to the Pacha; and came a few days afterwards on board with all his riches, which were very great, besides many slaves of both sexes.
   From Mokha the Pacha sent a messenger to the sheikh or king of Zabid, who was a Turk named Nokoda Hamet, commanding him to come immediately to the sea-side and pay his obeisance to the sultan. The sheikh sent back for answer, that he was ready to pay the tribute due to the sultan, and would willingly accept a Sanjak or banner if sent to him; but that he did not know the Pacha and would not come to the sea-side. The Pacha was much displeased at this, yet sent his Kiahya and some janizaries to Zabid, which is three days journey inland, to carry a standard to the sheikh. In return the sheikh made him a rich present, in which was a splendid scymeter and dagger, with some beautiful pearls of six carats forming a string above a foot in length, besides one fine pearl of eighteen carats: for a great deal of fine oriental pearls are found in this coast of Arabia. He likewise gave each of the Turks two rich-vests or caftans, and a young black slave. The Kiahya made him many compliments, and entreated him to wait upon the Pacha; but the sheikh would on no account consent. Finding that he could not prevail upon him, the Kiahya said, "Since you will not go to the Pacha, he will come to you:" And so took his leave and returned to Mokha.
   We remained twenty-nine days at Mokha, which we left at sunrise on the 23d of January 1539 with a brisk gale, and sailed W. by N. till noon; when the wind altered and we proceeded N.W. going in all 100 miles that day. The 24th we continued to the N.W. under easy sail with a fair wind 30 miles during the day; and by the sixth hour of the night, we cast anchor at the island of Khamaran, 20 miles farther. The Pacha landed on the 29th, and gave pay to all the janizaries who were willing to fight, but nothing was given to the slaves and mariners. The 2d of February, the weather being calm, we left Khamaran by the help of our oars, and came about six o'clock to a place on the coast called Kubit Sarif234, 20 miles from Khamaran.

SECTION VIII. Transactions of the Pacha at Zabid, and continuation of the Voyage from Kubit Sarif
   On the 3d of February, the day after our arrival at Kubit Sarif, a Turk in the service of the sheikh of Zabid235 revolted with fifty horse and came to the Pacha, who received him kindly and gave him presents. This man encamped with his followers on the shore, and we noticed that in this country they had their horses in armour, to defend them against darts and arrows which are their chief weapons. The Pacha landed on the fourth, ordering his men to be got ready with provisions and ammunition, in order to march for Zabid, and directed some light pieces of artillery to be put on carriages to accompany him. The Pacha set out on his march on the 19th, three hours before day on horseback, and was joined on the road by another Turk with fifty horse, who had deserted from the sheikh. Him the Pacha made free, and continued his march. He encamped on the 20th on the outside of the city of Zabid, and sent a message to order the sheikh to wait upon him. Seeing himself betrayed by many of his own people, and distrusting the fidelity of the rest, the sheikh came forth with a cord about his neck, as the slave of the grand signior, and presented himself before the Pacha, who immediately commanded his head to be cut off. On this the people of the city, to the number of three hundred men, fled to the mountains, among whom were three chiefs with all their riches, which were very considerable, yet knew not where to go. The Pacha sent to tell those who had escaped, that they ought to return and join him, promising to enroll them among his troops and to give them good pay. Accordingly there came back 200 black Abissins236, who had been soldiers in the service of the sheikh. These were valiant desperate fellows almost naked, who did not value their lives, and were almost as swift as horses. For arms, some carried clubs of the cornel tree headed with iron, others had pointed stakes which they used like darts, others again had short swords, a span shorter than those used by the Christians, and everyone had a dagger at his girdle, bent like those used, by the Moors and Arabs. The Pacha asked every one his name, which he caused to be written down, and with higher pay than they had received before. He then dismissed them, with orders to return next morning without arms to receive their pay, when they were all to be admitted to kiss his hand, on which occasion they would have no use for their arms. The Abissins accordingly presented themselves at the time appointed, and being ordered to lay down their arms, they went to wait upon the Pacha who was sitting near his tent on the plain, surrounded by his Turks under arms. They were no sooner within the circle, than a previously concerted signal was given, and they were all instantly cut to pieces.
   After this bloody scene, the Pacha placed a Sanjak with 1000 soldiers in Zabid to retain it under subjection. The city is well built, and the country round is pleasant and fertile, abounding in running water, delightful gardens, and abundance of productions that are not to be found in any other part of Arabia; particularly Zibibs like those of Damascus, which have no stones, and other excellent fruits, such as dates. Flesh, is to be had in plenty, and corn is not scarce.
   On the 8th of March 1539, the Pacha returned to the coast, whence he ordered ammunition to be sent to Zabid to secure his acquisition, and appointed foot foists to remain as a guard for that part of the coast. The 10th the Pacha ordered the Portuguese prisoners, to the number of 146 in all, reckoning some Indian converts, to be brought bound on shore; and having distributed them among his troops, all their heads were cut off by his command. The head of the chief237 was flayed, and the skin was salted and filled with straw. The noses and ears of all the rest were cut off, and put into bags, to be sent to the sultan. On the 13th the Kiahya departed in company with another galley for Zadem238, whence he was to go to Constantinople by way of Mecca, with an account of the expedition to India, carrying with him the heads, noses, and ears, besides magnificent presents for the sultan, to make it appear that the Pacha had performed great exploits and mighty services.
   On the 15th of March we departed from Kubit Sarif, and cast anchor at sunset at a place called Kor, five miles from the land and 100 miles from Kubit Sarif. We departed from the island of Kor on the 16th an hour before day with a fair wind and pleasant breeze, and sailing along the coast of Arabia came to anchor at sunset in 8 fathoms water at Zerzer, 70 miles from Kor, a place subject to Mecca. At this place the three persons who had fled from Zabid with their riches were brought to the Pacha, who caused their heads to be cut off, and seized their treasure, which filled six large sacks, each of which was a sufficient load for any single man.
   The 17th we sailed along the coast with a pleasant gale, which became contrary an hour before sunset, when we cast anchor in 8 fathom-water, at a place called Adiudi, 50 miles from Zerzer. We departed from thence on the 18th two hours before day, and coasted along the land till noon, when we anchored in a good port named Mugora, in 4 fathoms water, 50 miles from Adiudi, where we got wood and water. An hour before day on the 19th, we departed by means of our oars, the wind being contrary; but at sunrise the wind became fair, and we sailed 50 miles along shore to a place called Darboni, where we came to anchor in 7 fathoms water. Being calm, we coasted along by rowing till noon, when a breeze sprang up, and then using our sails, we came to anchor in 10 fathoms water by sunset at a place called Yasuf, belonging to Mecca. On the 21st we proceeded 60 miles, and anchored in 40 fathoms, at a place called Khofadan, in the dominions, of Mecca. The 22d the navigation being much encumbered with sand banks, so thick together and intricate that it was hardly possible to sail in the day, the Pacha ordered six gallies to lead-the way, and we came to a shelf or shoal called Turakh. The 23d we coasted along, still among shoals, the channel being so narrow that only one galley could pass at a time; and cast anchor at a place named Salta in 4 fathoms, having ran fifty miles. Sailing 30 miles farther along the coast on the 24th, we anchored at noon in the port of Mazabraiti in 6 fathoms, near a place called Ariadan inhabited by peasants who are subject to Mecca. On the 25th we weighed anchor early, and endeavoured to proceed along the coast; but the wind getting up at sunrise and proving contrary, we had to stand out to sea till noon, when we again made for the land, off which we cast anchor early in the evening.

SECTION IX. Continuation of the Voyage to Suez, along the Arabian Shore of the Red Sea
   We remained at anchor during the whole of the 26th and proceeded two hours before day of the 27th, in very pleasant weather, and at eight o'clock, having sailed 30 miles, we anchored in 4 fathoms at a place called Yusuma. The 28th we coasted along the land till noon with a fair wind, and then entered among certain banks two miles from the shore, where we could not let go our anchors for fear of losing them, being off a place named Mukare, 30 miles from Yusuma. The 29th, still coasting along, we came among other shoals called Balir, thirty-five miles farther on. The 30th continuing along shore till evening, we anchored in 12 fathoms at a place called Mukhi, having proceeded 35 miles. Departing on the 31st with a calm two hours before day, the wind springing up at sunrise, and in the evening we came to Ziden or Jiddah the sea-port of Mecca. The Pacha landed on the 1st of April, and pitched his tents on the outside of the town, where he rested four days. On the 7th he rode away for Mecca, on pilgrimage, leaving orders for the fleet to proceed to Suez239. On the 8th the fleet was driven two miles out to sea by a contrary wind, and was obliged to come to anchor among the shoals. Remaining here till the 11th, we made sail with a fair wind, and at the twentieth hour came into the port of Contror Abehin, where one of our gallies was sunk in attempting to double a point of land. At this place a carpenter belonging to the Venetian gallies of Alexandria, named Mark, turned Mahometan and remained behind. Having staid here two days, we proceeded again with a fair wind along shore, and cast anchor in 12 fathoms at a place called Amomuskhi, 70 miles farther. Setting sail on the 15th two hours before day, the Moorish captains galley got aground on a bank, but was towed off by the boats belonging to the other ships, without having received any damage. We then coasted along the land 30 miles, to a place called Raban or Robon, where we cast anchor in 13 fathoms. From the 16th to the 20th both inclusive, we left this place every day, and were always forced to return by contrary winds. The 21st we departed with an off shore wind; but at the sixth hour of the day were again driven towards the coast by a contrary wind, and obliged to put in among certain banks where we remained all night.
   The 22d we coasted along by favour of a land breeze; but the wind coming contrary were obliged to anchor at a place called Farsi, having only advanced 16 miles. The 23d we continued along the coast till noon, when the wind changed full in our teeth, and we had to come to anchor at a place named Sathan, having sailed 25 miles that day. The 24th we proceeded along the coast till noon, when the wind became again contrary, and we were driven to the coast, and came to Lorma, 30 miles beyond Sathan. We rowed along shore against the wind on the 25th, and came at evening to Yamboa240. This place affords provisions, particularly fish and dates. Their water is kept in cisterns, and has to be brought on camels from a place a days journey distant, as there are no wells or springs. A days journey241 inland from this place is a large town named Medinah, or Medinat al Nubi, where is the sepulchre of Mahomet, though commonly said to be at Mecca242. We remained at Yamboa six days, and set sail at four o'clock on the 1st of May; but after proceeding only 10 miles the wind became contrary, and we had to anchor among some shoals, where we staid two days. During the 3d and 4th, we had to stand off and on, beating up against a contrary wind; and so continued for six days, advancing only eight miles in all that time. The 10th and 11th, the wind being still contrary, we made only 10 miles, and anchored in a different place. Proceeding along the coast on the 13th, we came up with a galleon which left Zabid before the rest of the fleet. The pilots name was Mikali, and some of those on board belonged to the Venetian gallies of Alexandria.
   The 14th, we sailed 10 miles243 along the coast, and cast anchor in 7 fathoms at a place named Sikhabo. The 15th we sailed 70 miles N.W. and came to anchor in the open sea. The 16th, we sailed along the coast 30 miles, and anchored at a place named Buducktor or Bubuktor. The 17th sailing 30 miles along the coast, we anchored in 20 fathoms in the open sea, near an island called Yenamani. Going 20 miles along shore on the 18th, we anchored for the night off Khifate. We proceeded 50 miles along shore on the 19th, and anchored at Molin. The 20th, we anchored at sea 25 miles farther. Proceeding 48244 miles on the 21st along shore, we anchored in the evening out at sea. The 22d, after sailing 10 miles, we anchored again at sea. Being in a very bad anchorage, we proceeded again on the 24th with a tolerably good wind. The half galley left an anchor and three cables at this last anchorage, and one galley ran aground but was got off. After advancing only 10 miles, we came to anchor in 8 fathoms with good ground, and remained two days. Proceeding 85 miles along the coast on the 26th, we came to anchor in a road-stead.

SECTION X. Conclusion of the Voyage to Suez, and return of the Venetians to Cairo
   On the 27th of May we proceeded on our voyage, sailing W.N.W. At noon we were abreast of Tor or Al Tor, and continued our course for two hours after night-fall, when the wind came foul, on which we lay too till day-light, when the Moorish captain set sail again, and the other gallies weighed anchor and hoisted their foresails. After running 100 miles we came to shoal water where we cast anchor in 6 fathoms, and remained five days waiting for a fair wind. Leaving the bank on the 3d of June, and holding on our course, we cast anchor sometimes on the western coast245 and sometimes on the eastern, having contrary winds, and on the 15th we arrived at Korondol, where Pharaoh and his host were drowned, and where are the baths of Moses as they are called. We took in water at this place, where we staid two days. The 16th, the fleet sailed from Korondol, and continuing its course for two days together, we arrival at Suez on the 17th of May 1589, whence we had set out on the 27th of June in the former year.
   On the day of our arrival, we began to draw the barks on shore. The 2d of June we began to haul up the large galley, and next the half galley of the Pacha, all the rest being unrigged and drawn up successively. On this occasion the whole labour rested on the Christians, who acted as porters and worked all the tackle for unloading, cleaning and unrigging all the vessels: In short the entire fatigue lay upon their shoulders. On the 16th, the Lemin246 came and paid off all the seamen, Christians as well as Turks, giving 180 maidans to each. The 19th of August, the Emin, accompanied by seven boats, went to Tor to pay off the gallies which remained behind, taking with him all the best and strongest of the Christian mariners to navigate these gallies to Suez, as they were in a manner disarmed, many of their crews having died and others run off. At Tor all were paid off, and the Christians were distributed among the gallies, which they brought up to Suez on the 20th of October, and were all drawn up by the Christians, who worked hard both day and night. On the 26th, all the gallies being hauled up, the cables, rigging, tackle, iron work, planks, small cannon, and all the other stores were carried into the castle of Suez.
   The Red Sea, from Suez to its mouth extends 1800 miles in length; the coast running all the way from N.W. to S.E.247 This gulf is 200 miles broad, and in some places more. In its whole length it is full of banks, shoals, and shelves, towards the land on both sides, so that it cannot be navigated by night, except in the middle. These obstructions are so intricately disposed that the channels can only be discovered by the eye, nor can the proper course be taken except by means of an experienced pilot standing constantly on the prow, and calling out starboard or larboard248 according to circumstances. Owing to this, the return voyage does not admit of being described so accurately as the outward bound. There are two distinct kinds of pilots for this sea; the one being acquainted with the middle of the gulf, which is the passage outwards; and the others, called Rubani, are for ships returning from the ocean, and navigating within the shoals. These are such excellent swimmers, that in many places where they cannot cast anchor on account of foul ground, they will swim under water and fix the gallies within the shoals, and will often even fasten the prows under water, according to the nature of the place249.
   On the 28th. of November 1539, the Christians belonging to the Venetian gallies left Suez, and arrived at Cairo on the 1st of December, where they were lodged in the same house that they had formerly occupied. Each of them was allowed half a maidan daily for subsistence, which is equal to about twopence of Venice. They here suffered great affliction and fatigue, as whatever laborious work was to be performed was devolved upon them. Clearing out the water-cisterns, levelling hills, putting gardens in order, new buildings, and such like, all fell to their share. On the 25th of March 1540, many of the Christians went from Cairo with a guard of Turks to a hill or mount two miles from the Nile, which seemed to have been a burying-place like the Campo Santo, where every year, on the Friday before our Lady of August250, a vast number of people assemble to see dead bodies rise out of the ground. This resurrection begins on Thursday evening, and lasts till Saturday at six o'clock, during which time great numbers rise; but after that no more appear. When they do rise, some are rolled about with linen bandages in the manner in which the ancients swathed their dead. It must not be imagined that these dead bodies move, and still less that they walk about. But, one instant you may observe and touch the arm or the leg of one, or some other part, and going away for a moment, you will find at your return the part you had formerly seen and touched still more exposed, or farther out of the ground than at first; and this will happen as often as you make the experiment. On that day, many tents are pitched about this mount, and thither many persons repair, sick as well as healthy; and near this place there is a pond in which the people bathe on the Friday night, in order to get cured of their infirmities. For my own part, I did not see these miracles.

CHAPTER III.
THE VOYAGE OF DON STEFANO DE GAMA FROM GOA TO SUEZ, IN 1540, WITH THE INTENTION OF BURNING THE TURKISH GALLIES AT THAT PORT. WRITTEN BY DON JUAN DE CASTRO, THEN A CAPTAIN IN THE FLEET; AFTERWARDS GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF PORTUGUESE INDIA251



INTRODUCTION
   Don Juan or Joam De Castro, the author of the following journal, was a Portuguese nobleman born in 1500; being the son of Don Alvaro de Castro, governor of the Chancery, and Donna Leonora de Noronha, daughter of Don Joam de Almeyda, Count of Abrantes. In his youth, Don Juan de Castro served with reputation at Tangier, and on his return home had a commandery of 500 ducats of yearly revenue conferred upon him, which was all he was ever worth, though a man of high birth and rare merit. He afterwards served under the Emperor Charles V. in his expedition against Tunis, and refused his share of a pecuniary reward from that prince to the Portuguese officers on the expedition, saying that he served the king of Portugal, and accepted rewards only from his own sovereign. After this he commanded a fleet on the coast of Barbary, and was sent to join the fleet of Spain for the relief of Ceuta. On hearing that the Moors were approaching, the Spaniards wished to draw off, on pretence of consulting upon the manner of giving battle, but Don Juan refused to quit his post; and the Moors retired, not knowing that the fleets had separated, so that he had all the honour of relieving Ceuta.
   When Don Garcia de Noronha went viceroy to India, Don John was captain of one of the ships in his fleet; and when about to embark, the king sent him a commission by which he was appointed governor of Ormuz, and a gift of 1000 ducats to bear his charges till he obtained possession. He accepted the latter, because he was poor; but refused the government, saying that he had not yet deserved it. After the expedition to Suez252, contained in the present chapter, he returned into Portugal, and lived for some time in retirement in a country house near Cintra, giving himself up entirely to study. He was recalled from this retreat by the advice of the infant Don Luys, and sent out governor-general to India in 1545; where he died with the title of viceroy in 1548, when 48 years of age. We shall hereafter have occasion to speak farther of this great man, who made himself illustrious in the second siege of Diu by the forces of the king of Guzerat. In his life, written by Jacinto Freire de Andrada, there is a particular account of this siege, with a map to illustrate its operations. The author also treats of the Discoveries, Government, Commerce, and affairs of the Portuguese in India. This book was translated into English, and published in folio at London in 1664.
   Such was the illustrious author of the following journal, which was never published in Portuguese; but having been found, if we are rightly informed, on board a Portuguese ship taken by the English, was afterwards translated and published by Purchas. Purchas tells us that the original was reported to have been purchased by Sir Walter Raleigh for sixty pounds; that Sir Walter got it translated, and afterwards, as he thinks, amended the diction and added many marginal notes. Purchas himself reformed the style, but with caution as he had not the original to consult, and abbreviated the whole, in which we hope he used equal circumspection: For, as it stands in Purchas253 it still is most intolerably verbose, and at the same time scarcely intelligible in many places; owing, we apprehend, to the translator being not thoroughly acquainted with the meaning of the original, if not to the fault of the abbreviator. These two inconveniences we have endeavoured to remedy the best we could, and though we have not been always able to clear up the sense, we presume to have succeeded for the most part; and by entirely changing the language, except where the places were obscure, we have made the journal more fit for being read, and we hope without doing it any manner of injury254.
   This expedition was undertaken for two important purposes. One, to carry succours to the emperor of Habash or Abyssinia; and the other, to endeavour to destroy the Turkish ships at Suez. For, soon after the retreat of Solyman Pacha from Diu, it was rumoured that another fleet of the Rumes or Turks was on its way to India; but as Don Stefano de Gama was afterwards informed that the Turks could not set out during the year 1540, he determined to be before hand with them, in some measure to be revenged for the late siege of Diu, and to prevent a second attack by burning the fleet they had prepared for that purpose. The governors liberality brought more men to inlist under his banners than he desired, so that he was enabled to select the best. The fleet consisted of 80 sail of different sorts and sizes, and carried 2000 soldiers besides mariners and rowers. On coming into the Red Sea, he found most of the cities and islands abandoned, the inhabitants having notice of his coming. At Suakem, the sheikh or king, who had retired a league up the country, amused De Gama with pretences of peace, that he might not destroy the town and island. In consequence of this delay, De Gama was prevented from carrying his design into execution of destroying the ships at Suez; as it afforded time for the Turks to receive intelligence of the expedition. This is the account given by De Faria; but Bermudas gives a different reason for the want of success in that design, as De Gama could not get at the ships, which were all drawn up on the land, which we have already seen to have been the case, in the journal of the voyage of Solyman Pacha, in the immediately preceding chapter.
   In revenge for the duplicity and delay of the sheikh of Suakem, De Gama marched into the interior with 1000 men, accompanied by his brother Don Christopher, and defeated the sheikh with great slaughter. He then plundered the city of Suakem, where many of the private men got booty to the value of four or five thousand ducats, and then burnt it to the ground. From thence, he went towards Suez with only sixteen, Katurs or Malabar barges, and sent back the fleet to Massua under the command of Lionel de Lima. On this occasion, there was a great dispute, as every one strove to go on this expedition; whence the bay got the name of Angra de los Aggraviadas, or bay of the offended. Many gentlemen went in the barges as private soldiers or volunteers, willing to go in any capacity if only they were admitted. The number of men on this fruitless expedition was 250. They plundered and burnt Cossier or Al Kossir; whence crossing to Tor or Al Tur, they took some vessels belonging to the enemy. At first the Turks opposed their landing; but some of them being slain, the rest abandoned the city, in which nothing was found of value. De Gama did not burn this town, in reverence for the relics of St Catharine and the monastery and religious men there, which he visited at their request. He was the first European commander who had taken that city, where he knighted several of his followers, an honour much prized by those who received it, and which was envied; afterwards even by the emperor Charles V. From thence De Gama proceeded to Suez; and after many brave but fruitless attempts to sound the harbour, De Gama determined to go himself in open day to view the gallies. He accordingly landed and saw the enemies but endeavouring to force his way towards them, the enemies shot poured thick from the town, and 2000 Turkish horse broke out from an ambush, by which the Portuguese were reduced to great straits. Though the Portuguese cannon slew a good many of the enemy, their numbers were so much superior that the Portuguese were obliged to retreat with some loss, and much grieved that the object of their expedition was frustrated. Thus far we have deemed necessary to premise, relative to the design and success of the expedition, from De Faria and other authors; because the journal of Don Juan de Castro is almost entirely confined to observations respecting the places visited in the voyage, and gives little or no information respecting these particulars.
   The rutter or journal must be allowed to be very curious.-The author, like an exact and diligent navigator, has not only given the course and distance from one place to another, with the latitudes of the principal ports and head-lands; but has noticed the minute windings of the coast, and the situations of islands, with observations on the tides, currents, shoals, sand-banks, and other particulars respecting the Red Sea. Yet, far from confining himself to mere nautical remarks, he has given an account of all the places at which he touched, together with accounts of the countries and the inhabitants, so far as he was able to collect from his own observations, or the accounts of such as he was able to converse with, particularly the natives. Don John hath gone farther yet, and has even attempted to draw a parallel between the ancient and modern geography of this sea. If in all points of this last he may not have succeeded, the great difficulty of the task, owing to the obscurity of the subject, is to be considered: most of the ancient places having been destroyed; the ancient names of others long since out of use and forgotten; and that very little is known of these coasts by Europeans, even at this day. For these reasons, as the conjectures of the author are often erroneous respecting the ancient geography, and as at best they are very uncertain, we shall for the most part insert them by way of notes, with our own remarks respecting them255. Whether the altitudes have been taken by Don Juan with that precision which geography requires, may also be in some measure questioned; since we find there was a crack in the instrument employed, the size of which is not mentioned; neither were all the observations repeated. Even if they had been, it is well known that the observations of those times were by no means so accurate as those made of late years. After all, however, the observations in this journal appear to have been made with a good deal of care, and they cannot fail to be of great service to geography.
   It is alone by the observations contained in this journal that geographers are able to determine the extent of the Arabian Gulf or Red Sea from north to south256, as well as the situation of its principal ports on the west side. The latitude of the straits was verified by the observations of Don Juans pilot. But as most maps and charts give the situation of Suez, at the northern end of the Red Sea, very different from that marked in this journal, which is 29° 45' N. it may not be amiss to examine this point.
   By several very accurate observations made in 1694, M. Chazelles of the Royal Academy of Paris found the latitude of Cairo to be 80° 2' 20". The difference of latitude therefore between Cairo and Suez, will be 17 minutes; which we conceive cannot be very far from the truth, if not quite exact, since the map published by Dr Pocock makes the difference about 20 minutes. It is true that in Sicards map of Egypt, and in a late257 French chart of the eastern ocean, Suez is placed only two or three minutes to the southward of Cairo. But as these authors had no new observations made at Suez to go by, and seem to have been unacquainted with those of Don Juan de Castro, their authority can weigh very little against an express observation, and against Dr Pococks map, which, among other helps, was constructed upon one made by the natives. Besides this, in his later maps De L'isle regulates the situation of Suez according to the latitude found by Don Juan. Indeed Sicard places Suez nearly in that parallel, but egregiously mistakes the latitude of Cairo, so that he seems to have given it that position more by chance than design.
   This may suffice to support the credit of the observations of latitude as made by Don Juan, till new and better ones can be made, which we are not to expect in haste, as European ships now seldom sail any farther into the Red Sea than Mokha or Zabid, for which reason this journal is the more to be prized. In other respects it is full of variety; and if some parts of it be dry and unamusing, these make amends by their usefulness to geographers and navigators, while other parts are calculated to instruct and give pleasure on other accounts.-Astley.
   * * * * *
   So far the foregoing introduction is taken from Astleys collection. In our edition of the Journal of Don Juan de Castro, we have used the earliest known copy as given by Purchas, Vol. II. p. 1122-1148, under the title of A Rutter or Journal of Don John of Castro, of the Voyage which the Portugals made from India to Zoes, &c. and here abbreviated. The original of which is reported to have been bought by Sir Walter Raleigh, at sixtie pounds, and by him caused to be done into English out of the Portugal.
   Of this Journal Purchas gives the following account in a marginal note, which is inserted in his own words: "This voyage being occasioned by sending the Patriarch Bermudez to Ethiopia, and relating how that state decayed, invaded by the Moores, and embroiled with civil discontents, contayning also a more full intelligence of the Red Sea, than any other Rutter which I have seene, I have here added; and next to it, Bermudez own report, translated, it seemeth, by the same hand (not the most refined in his English phrase, which yet I durst not be too busie with, wanting the original) and reduced to our method; here and there amending, the English, which yet in part was done, as I thinke, and many marginall notes added, by Sir Walter Raleigh himselfe."-In the present edition, while we have adhered closely to that of Purchas, with the assistance of that in Astleys Collection, we have endeavoured, little more busy than Purchas, to reduce the language to a more intelligible modern standard; and have divided it into Sections, in imitation of the editor of Astleys Collection of Voyages and Travels. On purpose to carry on the series of events, we have inserted as a necessary introduction, an account of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from the discontinuance of the siege of Diu and retreat of Solyman Pacha in November 1538, to the commencement of the expedition of Don Stefano de Gama to the Red Sea in December 1540, when the journal of Don Juan de Castro begins; which first section of this chapter is taken from the Portuguese Asia of De Faria. –E.

SECTION I. Portuguese Transactions in India, from the Siege Diu by the Turks, to the Expedition of Don Stefano de Gama to Suez258
   Soon after the retreat of Solyman Pacha from Diu in November 1538, but in the beginning of the subsequent year 1539, when the new viceroy Don Garcia de Noronha had returned from his tardy expedition to relieve Diu, Don Gonzalo Vaz Confino259 came with five small vessels from Onore, where he had been sent by the former governor Nuno de Cuna on the following occasion. One of the gallies belonging to the fleet of Solyman Pacha had been forced into the port of Onore260, and it was thought the queen of that province, then a widow, had violated the treaty subsisting between her government and the Portuguese, by giving protection to that vessel. Gonzalo Vaz called her to account on this subject, when she declared that the vessel was there against her will, as she was not in condition to prevent it, but would be glad that it were taken by the Portuguese. Gonzalo Vaz accordingly made the attempt, but was repulsed after a sharp engagement, in which he lost fifteen of his men, and among these his own son Diego Vaz. Gonzalo suspected the queen of having secretly assisted the enemy, and refused some refreshments she had sent for the wounded men, returning a rash and resentful answer mingled with threats. The queen cleared herself of the imputation, and again offered a treaty of peace with the Portuguese, which was concluded, and some Portuguese were left by Gonzalo at Onore, to observe what conduct was pursued by the queen for expelling the Turks.
   Before leaving Diu, and having repaired the fortifications of the castle, the command of which was given to Diego Lopez de Sousa, pursuant to a commission from the king of Portugal, a treaty of pacification with the king of Guzerat was set on foot and concluded, very little to the advantage of the Portuguese, owing as was generally believed to the covetousness of Noronha.
   The late success of the Portuguese terrified all the princes of India who had been their enemies. Nizam-al-Mulk and Adel Khan sent ambassadors to the viceroy to renew the former treaties of peace; and the zamorin, to obtain the more favourable reception from the viceroy, employed the mediation of Emanuel de Brito, commandant of the fort at Chale. Brito accordingly promised his interest, and the zamorin sent Cutiale as his ambassador to Goa accompanied by a splendid retinue, where he was received by the viceroy with much courtesy and great pomp. Had not the viceroy fallen sick, he intended to have gone to Calicut, to perform the ceremony of swearing to the observance of the articles of pacification and amity which were agreed to upon this occasion; but he sent his son Don Alvaro on this errand, under the discretion of some discreet men, as Alvaro was very young. They came to Paniany with a numerous fleet, where they were met by the zamorin, accompanied by the kings of Chale and Tanor. The peace was confirmed and ratified with great demonstrations of joy on both sides, and lasted thirty years to the great advantage of the Portuguese.
   The illness of the viceroy became serious and threatened to end fatally, insomuch that he could not attend to the affairs of government; for which reason he proposed that some worthy person might be chosen to supply his place, and even desired that the choice might fall upon his son Don Alvaro. This surprised all men as violating the public liberty of choice, and might have proved of dangerous consequence, had not the death of the viceroy prevented its adoption. On the death of the viceroy, the first patent of succession was opened in which Martin Alfonso de Sousa was named; but he had gone a short while before to Portugal. On the second being opened, Don Stefano de Gama was therein named, who then lived in retirement a short way from Goa.
   Don Stefano de Gama, who was the son of Don Vasco de Gama the discoverer of India, entered upon the government in the beginning of April 1540. The first thing he did was to have his whole property publicly valued, that it might not be afterwards laid to his charge that he had acquired riches during his government; and indeed at his death, his fortune was found considerably diminished. Finding the public treasury very much exhausted, he advanced a large sum to it from his own funds. In the next place he refitted the fleet, which had been laid up by his predecessor after his return from Diu. He likewise founded the college of Santa Fe, or St Faith, at Goa for the education of the heathen youth who were converted, appointing the vicar-general Michael Vaz as first rector. He sent his brother Christopher de Gama, to attend to the repair of the ships at Cochin, and gave notice to several commanders to hold themselves in readiness to oppose the Rumes or Turks, whose fleet was reported to be again proceeding towards the western coast of India. But being afterwards credibly informed that the Turks would not set out this year, he attended to other affairs.

SECTION II. Journal of the Voyage from Goa to the Straits of Bab-al-Mandab261
   Having expedited all the affairs of his government, and collected an armament of 80 sail of different sorts and sizes, on board which 2000 soldiers were embarked, besides mariners and rowers. Don Stefano de Gama set sail from the bar of Goa, at sunrise of the 31st December 1540, on his expedition to Suez. The wind was easterly, blowing from the land, and they advanced under an easy sail, coming to anchor about ten o'clock at the mouth of the river Chaparoa. Proceeding on their voyage till the 13th of January 1541, they saw in the morning of that day great quantities of weeds which grow on the rocks of the sea coast, and soon afterwards a sea-snake, being indications of the neighbourhood of land; and when the sun was completely risen, they descried the island of Socotora, whither they were bound in the first place, bearing due south.
   After coming to anchor at this island, I inquired at the principal pilots of the fleet how far they had reckoned themselves from the land when we first came in sight. The chief pilot was 90 leagues short; the pilot of the Bufora galleon 100 and odd; those who made the least were 70 leagues short; and my own pilot, being only 65 leagues, was nearest in his reckoning. They were all astonished at this difference, and all affirmed in excuse for their short reckoning, that the way was actually shorter than was expressed on the charts; with them the Moorish pilots concurred in opinion, affirming that it was only 300 leagues from Goa to Socotora262. The island of Socotora is 20 leagues in length from east to west, and 9 leagues broad, being in lat. 12° 40' N. on its north side. This northern side runs east and west, somewhat inclined towards the north-west and south-east The coast is all very clear without rocks and shoals, or any other hinderance to navigation. The anchoring ground in the road is sand, stony in some places, but not of such a nature as to cut the cables. On this side the north wind blows with such force as to raise up great heaps of sand over the hills, even beyond their highest craggy summits. In the whole circuit of the island there is no other place or harbour where a ship may winter in safety. The sea coast all around is very high, and girt with great and high mountains, having many pyramidal peaks, and having a grand appearance. The tides on the coast of this island are quite contrary to those on the opposite shore of India, being flood when the moon rises in the horizon, and as the moon ascends the tide of ebb begins, and it is dead low water when the moon comes to the meridian of the island; after which, as the moon descends, the tide begins to flow; and when set it is full sea. I made this observation for many days by the sea side, and always found it thus.
   If I am not deceived, this island of Socotora was in ancient times named Dioscorides, and had a city of the same name, as appears in the sixth table of Asia by Ptolemy: But by the situation which he has given it, he appears to have had bad information from navigators263. The Socotorians are Christians, their ancestors as they say having been converted by the holy apostle Thomas. The island has many churches, in which there is no oracle264 except the cross of Christ. They pray in the Chaldean tongue; and are very ignorant, but as I was informed they are desirous of being instructed in the doctrines and ceremonies of the Romish church, which they confess to be alone good and worthy of being followed. The men have names like us, as John, Peter, Andrew, &c. that of the women being generally Mary. The manner of life of these people is singular, as they have no king, governor, prelate, or other person in authority, but live in a manner like wild beasts, without any rule, or order of justice or policy265.
   In the whole island there is no city or great town, and most of the people dwell in caves, though some have small thatched cottages, separated from each other, more savage than pastoral. Their food is flesh and wild dates, and their drink chiefly milk, as they taste water but seldom. They are much devoted to the cross, and you will hardly meet a single individual without one hanging from the neck. Their dispositions are good; their persons tall and straight, their faces comely but swarthy, the women being somewhat fairer, and of very honest behaviour. They have no arms either of defence or offence, except very short swords of dead iron. The men go entirely naked, except a clout of a certain cloth called Cambolis, a considerable quantity of which is manufactured in the island. The country is very poor, and produces no other merchandise than verdigris266 and sanguis draconis; but the verdigris is in great abundance, and is esteemed above all. All the island is mountainous, and breeds abundance of all kinds of cattle like those of Europe. There is no wheat or rice or other provisions of that kind, which I believe is not the fault of the ground, but owing to want of skill and industry in the people; as the land within the external mountains is fresh, and hath many vallies and plains, very convenient for culture. They have no manner of navigation, neither do they catch any fish, though the sea around their coast has an infinite quantity. They have very few fruit trees, among which the palm tree is chiefly esteemed, and produces a principal part of their food. The land produces all kind of garden and medicinal plants, and the mountains are covered with the herb Basil and other odoriferous herbs.
   Leaving Socotora, we were very near Aden in the morning of the 27th of January 1541, which was to the north-west, distant from us about 6 leagues. The wind being from the east and fair, we sailed W.S.W. and then knew that the land we had seen the evening before, thinking it an island, was the mountain of Aden. This mountain is very high and is full of crags on every side, with some very high peaks, like the hill of Cintra, having a noble appearance. This hill descends to the sea, into which it projects a very great and long cape or promontory; on each side of which there is a deep harbour or bay, the strong city of Aden being situated on that which is to the east of the cape. In ancient times the hill was called Cabubarra, famous among navigators, and the city of Aden was then known by the name of Madoca. Within these three years, this city of Aden has fallen under the power of the Turks, being taken by the treachery of Solyman Pacha, governor of Cairo, in the following manner. At the request of the king of Cambaya and all the inhabitants of the Straits of Mecca267, the grand Turk sent the governor of Cairo, Solyman Pacha eunuch, with a great fleet of ships and gallies for India. On coming to Aden, the king and inhabitants, fearing the treachery of the Turks, refused to allow them to come into their city, but supplied them, with all kinds of provisions and necessaries. As Solyman and his soldiers shewed no resentment, the king became reassured, and after many messages and declarations of friendship on both sides, consented to an interview with the Pacha on board his galley, that they might treat respecting the conquest on which the Pacha was bound. But the king was made prisoner by Solyman on board the galley; and the Turks landing possessed themselves of the city, before the gates of which the king was hanged next day. Whereupon Solyman left a garrison to keep possession of the city, and proceeded on his voyage to Diu.
   From the Cape of Guardafu on the coast of Africa, anciently called Aromata, and from the opposite promontory of Siagros or Cape Fartak in Asia, all the sea to the city of the heroes, now Suez, is called the Arabian Gulf, vulgarly the Red Sea. The distance between these two promontories may be 58 leagues. From these promontories the coast on both sides of this sea extends towards the west, nearly at the same distance, till they come to the two cities of Aden in Arabia; and Zeyla in Ethiopia or Abexi268; and from thence the two shores begin to approximate rapidly, with desert coasts and little winding, till they almost meet in the straits which are formed by two capes or promontories; that on the Arabian side being named Possidium by the ancients, but I could never learn either the ancient or modern name of that on the side of Ethiopia269. This strait between the promontories is called by the neighbouring people and those who inhabit the coasts of the Indian ocean Albabo270, which signifies the gates or mouths in the Arabic language. This strait is six leagues across, in which space there are so many islands, little islets, and rocks, as to occasion a suspicion that it was once stopped up. By those straits, sluices, and channels, there entereth so great a quantity of water, which produces so many and great creeks, bays, gulfs, and ports, and so many islands, that we do not seem to sail between two lands, but in the deepest and most tempestuous lake of the great ocean. Now returning to the mouths of the strait, which is the object of our description, we are to note that the land of Arabia at this place stretches out into the sea with a long and large point or promontory; and as there is a great nook or bay, it appears on coming from sea as if this cape were an island separate from the continent. This is what was named the promontory of Possidium by Ptolemy. Not more than a stones throw from this promontory is a small islet called the Isle of the Robones. For Roboan271in Arabic signifies a pilot, and in this isle dwell the pilots who are in use to direct ships coming from sea to the ports for which they are bound within the straits. This islet is round and quite flat, about the sixth part of a league in circuit, and the channel between it and the main land of Arabia may be crossed on foot at low water; but at one quarter-flood it becomes too deep for being waded. To seawards from this little island about a league from the coast is an island about a league and a half in length, which has a large haven on the side towards Ethiopia secure in all winds, where a large fleet of gallies may be safely harboured; but the side of this island towards Arabia has neither harbour nor landing-place272. This channel is easily sailed in the middle, steering N.W. and by W. from S.E. and by E. having 11 fathoms all through. It is all clean in every place, without flats, shoals, or any other obstruction, so that it may be passed on either side or in the middle. The whole ground is a soft coral rock, with hardly any sand. Being far within the channel, and going to seek the road or haven for shelter from the east winds which are here very strong, the depth somewhat diminishes, but is never less than 9 fathoms.
   Besides this channel of the Arabians273, there are many others by which we may safely enter the straits; but we shall only mention one other, which they called the channel of Abyssinia, between the Island of the Gates, or Prin, and the promontory opposite to Possidium, which is on the Abyssinian shore, and is about five leagues broad; but in this space there are six great high islands, which being seen by sailors while without the straits are apt to put them in fear that there is no passage that way; but between all these islands there are large channels of great depth all of which may be taken without danger, or leaving them all on the right hand, we may pass in safety between them and the coast of Abyssinia. At noon on the 29th of January 1541, I took the altitude of the sun, which at its great height rose 62-3/4 degrees above the horizon, the declination of this day being 15 degrees, whence the latitude of the promontory Possidium and mouth of the straits is 12° 15' N. The pilot took the same altitude with me, and being taken on the land, it cannot but be accurate.

SECTION III. Continuation of the Voyage, from the Straits of Bab-el-Man-dub, to Massua
   On the same night, two hours after midnight, we set sail from the mouth of the straits, and by day-light on the 30th we saw the land of both the Arabian and African coasts, being nearer to the latter. The wind blew hard at E.S.E. till noon, and we sailed to the N.W. and by W. making our way by a channel between the first islands and the coast of Abyssinia, till that day unknown to the Portuguese, being about 4 leagues distant from that coast. An hour after sunrise, we saw a range of islands along the coast, most of them low, stretching from S.E. to N.W. and which extended about 60 leagues. Continuing our course in this channel with a fair wind, we saw many little islands on either side, at whatsoever part we cast our eyes. In this channel of the Abyssins, as it is called, it is not proper to sail by night, nor unless the wind is in the poop, as if the wind should change there is not room to turn to windward, neither can we come to anchor till so far forward as the first of the first islands, when we shall observe to seawards nine little islands, and from thence forwards the sea remains free and open to seaward, but towards the land there still are many islands. Some of these islands are about two leagues distant from the coast, but the greatest part of them are close to the land. The length of this channel, between the three first islands and the coast of Abyssinia is about 8 leagues, and the safest navigation is nearer the continent than the islands: But in my opinion no one ought to venture upon this passage without a pilot of the country.
   On the 31st day of January we came to a shoal with six fathoms water, and to seawards of which, over against certain islands called the Seven Sisters, there is a very dangerous rock as I was told by the Moorish pilots; so that the safe navigations in this part is to go between the shoal and the land, and in no case to pass to seawards of the shoal. At night we came to anchor in a haven named Sarbo, or Sorbo, in 9-1/2 fathoms water; having all this day seen many little islands close to the coast. On the 1st of February I landed at the port in this island of Sarbo taking the pilot and master along with me, that we might all three take the altitude of the sun. At its greatest height it was scarce 71° above the horizon, and the declination of that day being 13° 56', the latitude was 15° 7' N. About 24 leagues short of Massua, and 4 leagues from the Abyssinian coast, in lat. 15° N. there is a great cluster or archipelago of islands, some of which hardly rise above the surface of the sea, while others are so lofty that they seem to touch the clouds; and between these there are so many bays, ports, and harbours, that no wind can annoy us. All of these islands want water, except one very high island, called Whale Island by the Portuguese, because it very much resembles one, in which there is water and plenty of cattle, with a large haven in which ships may winter. Of all these islands, that which is most out to sea is called in Arabic Sarbo, where we now lay at anchor. The island of Sarbo is about a league in length and half a league broad, all low land with many low barren trees, and covered with grass. In every place we found the marks of men and cattle, but we only saw one camel, for which reason our men called it the Island of the Camel. Though we sought the whole island with much diligence we could find no water, except in one well dug in a stone which seemed intended to contain rain water. Between these islands there are numerous arms of the sea, reaches, and channels. At sunrise on the 4th of February, we set sail from the port of Sarbo. February 7th we sailed along many islands about three or four leagues distant from the main land, most of them very low, almost even with the sea. We passed to seaward of them all about a league, and about even-song time, we saw to seawards of us a very long range of islands about 5 leagues in extent and about four leagues from us, which lay N.W. and S.W. as far as I could discern. The coast all this day trended N.W. and by W. and S.E. and by E. so that the channel in which we sailed this day was about 5 leagues broad. The greatest part of this day I caused the lead to be constantly thrown, always having 25 fathoms on an ouze bottom.
   Two hours after sunrise on the 8th of February we set sail, steering mostly to the N.W. and at sunset we were nearly entered into the channel between that point of Dallac which looks to the continent, and an island called Shamoa274. But as night was coming on, and many of the galleons were far astern, so that it might be difficult for them to hit the channel, and as besides the wind was now scarce, we took in our sails, and with our foresails only we went rummore275, sailing to the south-east, and two hours after night-fall we cast anchor in 40 fathoms water the ground ouzing. All this day we saw many islands along the coast, so low and flat that they seemed to have no surface above water. The coast stretched N.W. and S.E. to a low point which is as far forward as the island of Dallac. On doubling this point, a great bay or creek penetrates ten or twelve leagues into the land.
   The Island of Dallac is very low land, almost level with the sea, having no mountain or any other height. In the common opinion it is 25 leagues long by 12 in breadth. The side of the island opposite to the south stretches E.S.E. and W.N.W. being all the coast which I could see, and along the coast lay great numbers of little islands, all very low, and having the same direction with the coast. I only went along this coast of the island seven leagues, at two leagues from the land, and though the lead was often cast I never found ground. The metropolitan city or chief town is situated almost on the point of the island which lieth on the west side, and is a frontier to Abyssinia. It is called Dallaca, whence the island took its name. Dallac, in the Arabic language signifies ten lacs, because in former times the custom-house of this city yielded that sum yearly to the king. Every Arabian lac is 10,000 Xerephines; so that ten lacs are worth 40,000 crusadoes276. The west point of the island, opposite to Abyssinia, is distant from the continent about 6 or 7 leagues, and in this space there are five very flat islands. The first of these, one league from the point, called Shamoa, is two leagues in circuit, and contains some springs and wells. Between this island of Shamoa and the western point of Dallac, is the principal and most frequented channel for going to Massua. In this channel the water is 70 fathoms deep. The land of this island is red, and produces few trees, but plenty of grass. The king of it and all his people are Moors. He resides most part of the year at Massua, because of the trade which he carries on with the Abyssinians. At present this island and Dallac yields very little profit; for since the rise of Suakem, Massua, Aden, and Jiddah, it has lost its trade and reputation.
   The 12th of February the whole of our fleet came into the harbour of Massua. Massua is a small island very low and flat, in which anciently stood the city of Ptolomaida of the wild beasts. This island is in length about the fifth part of a league, and a caliver-shot in breadth, being situated in a large crooked nook or bay of the sea, and near the north-west head-land of the bay. The channel which divides it from the main land is about a falcon-shot across, and in some parts not so much, in which channel the harbour is situated, which is safe in all weathers, as all the winds that blow must come over the land, and it has not much current. The depth of water is eight or nine fathom with an ouze bottom. The proper entrance into this port is on the north-east by the middle of the channel, between the island and the main; because from the point which runneth to the E.N.E. a shoal projects towards the land, and the continental point of the bay hath another projecting towards the point of the island, both of which make it necessary for ships to avoid the land and to keep the mid-channel, which is very narrow and runs N.E. and S.W. Very near this island of Massua, towards the south and the south-west, there are two other islands, that nearest the main land being the larger, and that more out to sea being smaller and very round. These three islands form a triangle, being all very flat and barren, having no wells or springs; but in Massua are many cisterns for the use of the inhabitants. There are many shoals interspersed among these islands, but there is a channel through among them, through which gallies and rowing vessels may pass at full sea. This island of Massua, with all the coast from Cape Guardafu to Swakem, was only a short time before under the dominion of Prester John; but within these few years the king or sheikh of Dallac hath usurped it, and resides there the greater part of the year, because of the trade which he carries on with the Abyssinians, from whom he procures great quantities of gold and ivory. In the months of May and June, in consequence of excessive calm weather, the air of this island is exceedingly intemperate and unhealthy; at which season the sheikh and the other inhabitants go all to Dallac, leaving Massua entirely empty. All the coast of the bay of Massua on the main-land is extremely mountainous, till you come to a place called Arkiko277 by the sea-side, where there are many wells of water, where the coast is more clear and open, with many fields and plains. Arkiko is about a league from Massua to the south, and through all these mountains and fields there are many wild beasts, as elephants, tygers, wolves, wild boars, stags, and elks, besides others not known to us; whence Massua was called Ptolomaida of the wild beasts, which is farther confirmed, as the latitude of Massua is the same as that assigned to Ptolomaida278.