SECTION V. Conspiracy of the Almagrians and Assassination of Pizarro
   On his return to Quito in 1541, Gonzalo Pizarro received accounts of the most afflicting nature. When, as formerly related, Don Diego Almagro was put to death at Cuzco by Ferdinand Pizarro, a son whom Almagro had by an Indian woman was sent to reside in Lima. This young man, who was named after his father Diego Almagro, was of a graceful appearance, handsome, generous, and excelling in all the martial exercises, being particularly graceful and dexterous in riding the manage horse. His literary education likewise had been so carefully attended to, that he was considered as more versant in these things than his situation required. Juan de Herrada, formerly mentioned, to whose care he had been especially confided by his father, undertook the care of educating young Almagro in the capacity of his governor, and had been particularly watchful and successful in the charge. Their house in Lima was the rendezvous of such friends and partizans of the late Almagro as remained unemployed in Peru, and had been excepted from the division of lands and Indians after the defeat of their party, as the adherents of the Pizarros would not, and their dependents dared not to have any intercourse with them.
   After the voyage of Ferdinand Pizarro to Spain, and the setting out of Gonzalo Pizarro upon his disastrous discovery of Los Canelos, Herrada and the younger Almagro, being now left at entire liberty by the Marquis, who before had held them in a species of imprisonment, began to take measures for the execution of an enterprize they had long contemplated. For this purpose they secretly provided arms and every thing that appeared necessary for their project of revenging the death of the elder Almagro. Their partizans were farther animated to the accomplishment of this design from resentment for the death of several of their friends and companions, who had been cut off during the late civil war. The marquis had often used his endeavours to reconcile Almagro and Herrada to his authority by gentle means, and by the offer of his friendship and patronage to them and their adherents; but finding all his advances ineffectual, he deprived Almagro of the moderate repartition of Indians which had been assigned to him, on purpose to prevent him from continuing to form a party by the application of his fortune to the support of the malcontents. All these precautions were ultimately ineffectual, as the Almagrians were so closely united among themselves, that all their property was in a great measure held common among the members of their party, even every thing that the individuals acquired by play or otherwise being thrown into a common stock in the hands of Herrada to serve their general expence. Their numbers increased daily, by the accession of all who were dissatisfied by the administration of the marquis, or who thought their merits overlooked in the distribution of property and employments. They secretly increased their store of arms, and took measures for securing the success of their plot.
   Their conduct, however secretly pursued, being known among many, came at length to the knowledge of some friends of the marquis, who endeavoured to put him on his guard against the machinations of his enemies. But he, confiding in his honour and good faith, judged of others by himself, and refused to listen to this advice; saying that it was proper to leave these unfortunate men in peace, who were already sufficiently punished by the shame of their defeat, the public hatred, and the poverty to which they were reduced. So much were the Almagrians encouraged by the patient indulgence of the marquis, that their chiefs used even to pass him in public without saluting him or giving him any token of respect; and one night some of them had the audacity to affix three ropes to the gibbet, one of which was stretched towards the palace of the marquis, another towards the house of his lieutenant, and the third to that of his secretary. Even this insolence was forgiven by the marquis, in consideration of their misery and the unhappy situation of their affairs. Profiting by this indulgence, the Almagrians assembled together almost openly, several of their party who were wandering about the country without property or employment, coming to Lima from the distance even of two hundred leagues. They resolved upon putting the marquis to death; yet waited to hear from Spain what judgment might be given in the case of Ferdinand Pizarro, who was there thrown into prison as accused, of the murder of Don Diego Almagro; and to prosecute whom Captain Diego Alvarado had gone home and was actively engaged in soliciting his trial and punishment. When the conspirators learnt that his majesty had appointed the licentiate Vaca de Castro to proceed to Peru, on purpose to examine into all the past disorders, but without orders to prosecute the death of Almagro with that rigorous severity which they wished and expected, they resolved upon the execution of their long concerted enterprize. They were anxious, however, to learn exactly the intentions of Vaca de Castro, as the intended assassination of the marquis was by no means universally approved among the Almagrians. Several of the gentlemen belonging to the party, although much incensed at the death of Almagro, were anxious only for redress by legal means, and in a manner that might be conformable with the pleasure and service of the sovereign. The chiefs of this conspiracy who were now assembled in Lima, were Juan de Saavedra, Alfonso de Montemayor, Juan de Gusman controller, Manuel de Espinar treasurer, Nugnez de Mercado agent, Christoval Ponce de Leon, Juan de Herrada, Pero Lopez de Ayala, and some others. In this assemblage, Don Alfonso de Montemayor was deputed to wait upon Vaca de Castro; and accordingly set out with letters of credence and dispatches to meet Vaca de Castro at the beginning of April 1541. After his arrival at the place where Vaca de Castro then was, and before he proposed to return to his employers, news was brought of the assassination of the marquis. On this occasion, Montemayor and some others of the Almagrian party, who were not concerned in the murder, remained with Vaca de Castro till after the defeat of the younger Almagro in the battle of Chupas, preferring the service of their sovereign, in whose name and authority de Castro acted, to their individual resentments.
   So public had the measures of the conspirators become in the city of Lima, that several persons gave notice of their intentions to the marquis, and advised him to employ a guard for the protection of his person: But he always said that the lives of others would guard him from violence, and that he was resolved to give no cause for suspecting that he used precautions of defence against the judge whom his majesty was sending to Peru. On one occasion, Juan de Herrada complained to the marquis of a report that he meant to put all the friends of Almagro to death. The marquis assured him that the report was entirely groundless; and when Herrada mentioned that the marquis was collecting a great number of lances and other arms, as a confirmation of the report that these were intended against the Almagrians, the marquis replied in the gentlest terms, that these arms were by no means intended to be used against him or his friends. He even presented Herrada with several oranges which he pluckt for him, which were then esteemed a high delicacy, as they were the first that were grown in Peru; and told him privately, that if he were in want of anything, he had only to give him notice, and he might depend on being provided for. Herrada kissed his hands, and thanked him for his kindness, going away delighted with the assurance that the marquis seemed to have no suspicion whatever of the conspiracy.
   On arriving at his house, where the principal conspirators waited for him, it was determined to kill the marquis on the following Sunday, as they had not been able to put their design into execution on the festival of St John213 as they at first intended. On the Saturday immediately preceding, one of the conspirators revealed the circumstances of the plot in confession to the curate of the great church of Lima. The curate went that same evening to communicate the intelligence to Antonio Picado, secretary to the marquis, who immediately carried the curate to Francisco Martinez de Alcantara, the marquises brother214, where the marquis then was at supper together with his children215. On being informed of the urgent business on which they came, the marquis rose from table and retired to another room, where the curate informed him of every thing he had learnt respecting the conspiracy. The marquis was at first considerably agitated by his intelligence: but after a moments reflection, he said that he could not credit the story, as Herrada had been with him only a few days before, and had conversed with him with much humility; for which reason he was convinced that the man who now brought this intelligence had some secret end to serve, and had invented this story to assume merit. He sent however, for his lieutenant, the doctor Juan Velasquez216 meaning to consult with him; but as Velasquez was ill in bed, the marquis went to his house, and told him all that he had heard. Velaquez used every argument to convince him that the story was false, and that he had nothing to fear. Taking up his rod of office, he declared that no one dared to revolt so long as he held that badge in his hand, and that the marquis might rest in security. He may be said in some measure to have kept his word; for when the Almagrians came next day to kill the marquis, Velasquez made his escape over a window, and took his rod of office in his teeth, that he might use both his hands to assist himself in his descent.
   In spite of all these assurances the marquis was somewhat alarmed, insomuch that next day, being Sunday the 26th June 1541, he determined not to go to church, and had the mass said in his own house. After church, the doctor Velasquez and captain Francisco de Chaves, who were the principal persons in the colony, went along with several other persons to visit the marquis. Having paid their visit, they all retired to their houses, except Velasquez and de Chaves who remained to dine with him. After dinner, between twelve and one o'clock, when all the attendants of the marquis had retired to their dinner, and the whole city was quiet, Juan de Herrada and ten or twelve of his associates all armed sallied forth from the house of Almagro, which was not more than three hundred paces from the palace of the marquis, between which were part of a street and the whole breadth of the great square. On coming out into the street with their drawn swords, they exclaimed, "death to the tyrant who hath slain the judge sent by the emperor to execute judgment upon him." They used these words, and went thus openly, to induce the inhabitants to believe that their party was numerous, so that no one might take measures to oppose them. Besides this, the conspirators believed that there was no time for any one to interpose to prevent the execution of their purpose, and that it would either be accomplished, or themselves slain in the attempt, before any effectual succour would arrive. On their arrival at the palace of the marquis, one of the party remained at the gate with a bloody sword in his hand, who cried out repeatedly, "The tyrant is dead! the tyrant is dead! " This had the desired effect, as several of the inhabitants who hastened to the palace on the alarm, being convinced that the marquis was already slain, retired again to their houses.
   In the mean time Juan de Herrada and the rest of the conspirators rushed up the stair towards the apartment of the marquis, who, being alarmed by some of the Indian servants, desired de Chaves to shut the doors of the saloon and the hall, while he retired to put on his armour. De Chaves was so much confused, that instead of fastening the doors he went out to the staircase demanding the reason of the noise; on which one of the conspirators wounded him. "This, said he, is not the usage of a friend," and immediately drew his sword, but was soon overpowered and slain. The conspirators immediately rushed into the hall, whence ten or twelve Spaniards who were there made their escape by the windows: Among these was Velasquez, who, as has been already mentioned, took his rod of office in his mouth, that he might use his hands the more readily in making his escape by the window. The marquis was at this time in his chamber, employed in arming himself, attended by his brother de Alcantara, two other gentlemen, and two pages. Seeing his enemies so near, the marquis was unable to fasten the clasps of his cuirass, but advanced courageously with his sword and buckler to defend the entry to the chamber, in which he was bravely assisted by those who were along with him. He defended himself for a considerable time successfully, encouraging his brother and the rest by his voice and example. At length the Almagrians slew de Alcantara, on which one of the pages took his place beside the marquis. The Almagrians, being afraid lest succour might arrive, resolved to make a desperate effort, for which purpose one of the best armed among them forced in at the door and made room for the rest to enter, who now attacked the marquis and his faithful companions with such fury that he was soon exhausted with fatigue and hardly able to handle his arms. At length the marquis received a mortal thrust in his throat, and falling to the ground called out in a loud voice for a confessor. Soon losing all power of speech, he made the sign of the cross on the floor with his finger, which he kissed and expired. Besides his brother, the two pages were likewise slain. Of the Almagrians, four were killed, and several of the rest wounded.
   When the marquises death was made known, above two hundred men who waited the event, declared themselves loudly in favour of Don Diego, and went about the city arresting and disarming all who seemed to favour the party of the marquis. The conspirators went out into the street waving their bloody swords, and Herrada made Don Diego ride on horseback through the city of Lima, proclaiming him as governor of Peru. The palace of the marquis, and the houses of Alcantara and Picado the secretary were pillaged, Herrada assembled the cabildo of the city, and obliged them to acknowledge Don Diego as governor, under pretence that the elder Almagro had been appointed by his majesty to the government of New Toledo, with succession to his son or to any person he might appoint as his successor. The conspirators likewise put to death several persons who were particularly attached to the late marquis, and gave up their houses to be plundered by their own partizans. It was melancholy to behold the misery and desolation of the wives and children of those who were thus massacred, and whose houses were pillaged of every thing valuable, as they went about the streets bewailing their forlorn condition.
   Some obscure persons217 carried or dragged the dead body of the marquis to the church, where no one dared to give it burial, till one Juan Barbaran and his wife, who had been servants to the marquis, obtained permission from Don Diego, and buried the marquis and his brother as well as they could. They were obliged to hurry over the ceremony as quickly as possible, having hardly time to clothe the body in the habit of St Jago, of which order he was a member, and to put on his spurs according to the usual manner of burying the knights of that order; as they were informed that some of the Almagrians were hastening to the church to cut off the head of the marquis to affix it to the gallows. Barbaran himself performed the ceremonies of the funeral, at which he was sole mourner, and defrayed all the expences from his own funds. He next endeavoured to provide for the security of the children of the marquis, who were concealed in different parts of the city of Lima, now under the absolute controul of the Almagrians.
   In this melancholy catastrophe, we have a forcible example of the uncertainty and changeableness of fortune. In a very short space of time, a private individual who held no important office, had discovered a vast extent of country containing powerful kingdoms, of which he made himself master and governor with almost uncontrolled authority, bestowing on several persons such ample fortunes and extensive revenues as none of the richest and most powerful monarchs whom we read of in history had ever given away in so short a time. Yet was this man assassinated by only twelve men at noonday, in the midst of a city the whole inhabitants of which were his creatures, servants, kinsmen, friends, and soldiers, who had all eaten of his bread and subsisted on his bounty, even his own domestic servants and those who were in his house, flying away and abandoning him to his fate. He was interred in the most obscure manner, all his richness and greatness having disappeared, not enough being left to defray the consecrated tapers and other expences of his funeral. The unsearchable ways of Providence are surprisingly illustrated by these events; and particularly, that after all the warnings and just causes of suspicion which had been given him, he refused to take any precautions for his safety which he could have done so easily.
   As the discovery and conquest of Peru, the subject of this work, originated from the two captains of whom I have hitherto dicoursed, the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro, and the President Don Diego de Almagro; it seems proper to attempt giving their portraitures, with some account of their manners and qualifications, imitating in this the example of Plutarch; who, after giving the lives and heroic actions of two great commanders, institutes a comparison between them, shewing how far they resembled and differed from each other. We have already said all that could be learnt respecting their parentage. They were both personally brave and daring, patient of labour, of hale and robust constitutions, and exceedingly friendly, being always ready to do good offices to every one without consideration of expence. In their inclinations and manner of life they very much resembled each other, as neither of them were married, though Almagro attained to seventy-five years of age and the marquis to sixty-five. Both loved war; but Almagro, when not thus employed, willingly devoted himself to the management of his private affairs. They were both advanced in life when they undertook the discovery and conquest of Peru, in which they both encountered great fatigues, as has been formerly mentioned; but the marquis more especially was exposed to great dangers, far beyond those of the president, who remained long at Panama providing all necessaries for the success of the enterprize, while the marquis was actually engaged in the discovery and conquest of the greater part of the country. Both had great souls, continually occupied in vast designs and splendid enterprizes; yet both were of gentle and conciliatory manners, and of easy access to their followers. They were both liberal and generous in their gifts; yet the president loved to have his liberalities known and published to the world; while the marquis carefully concealed his gifts, and expressed uneasiness when they were known or blazed abroad; being more anxious to serve the necessities of those to whom he made them, than to make an ostentatious display of his munificence. One example of this is worthy of being mentioned. He learnt that one of his soldiers had lost a horse, on which occasion he went to a tennis-court belonging to his house, expecting to meet the soldier in that place, carrying with him an ingot of gold of ten pounds weight, which he meant to present him with. Not finding the soldier there, he engaged in a match at tennis without taking off his coat, as he did not wish the ingot should be noticed, which was concealed below his waistcoat. He remained there above three hours, when at length the soldier made his appearance. The marquis then took him aside and gave him the gold, saying that he would rather have given him thrice as much than have been obliged to carry that heavy weight so long.
   Many other examples might be given of the secret liberalities of the marquis, who gave all his presents with his own hand that they might not be known. On this account, Almagro was always considered as more liberal, as his gifts were made in an ostentatious manner. They may be considered, however, as perfectly equal in their liberality and munificence; for, as the marquis used to acknowledge that all came from their common funds, being partners and associates in every thing derived from their joint discovery and conquest, the half of all that was given by one belonged to the other, so that he who consented to or participated in the present, was equally generous with the actual donor. Besides, in proof that they both deserved the praise of liberality, they were both during their lives prodigiously rich in ready money and vast revenues, beyond any person or prince not sovereign who had been known for many ages; yet both died so poor that no mention is made of the treasures or estates left by them; so that hardly at their deaths was there sufficient to defray the expences of their funerals; resembling in that respect Cato and Sylla and some other famous Romans, who were buried at the public charge.
   Both were exceedingly kind to their servants and dependents, whom on all occasions they delighted to enrich and advance, and to rescue from dangers. In this last particular the marquis carried his attentions even to excess, as appears by the following instance. In passing a river called the Baranca, one of his Indian servants, of the Yanaconas tribe, was carried away by the strength of the current, on which the marquis plunged into the stream and swam after him, catching him by the hair, and saved him at the imminent hazard of his own life, in so rapid a current that the bravest and most vigorous man in his army durst hardly have made the attempt. When his officers blamed him for his rashness in thus exposing his life, he answered that none of them knew how to value a faithful servant. The marquis enjoyed the authority of governor much longer in tranquillity than Almagro; who, though he hardly enjoyed that authority at all, was more ambitious, and evinced a more ardent desire of exercising command. Both affected simplicity in dress, keeping to the same fashion in their old age which they had been accustomed to in their youth. In particular, the marquis used ordinarily to wear a close coat of black cloth, the wide skirts of which came down almost to his ankles, while the body had a very short waist and was closely fitted to his shape. His shoes were of white leather, with a white or grey hat, and a plain sword and dagger in the old fashion. Sometimes on festivals, by the entreaty of his servants, he wore a robe of fine fur which had been sent him by the Marquis del Valle; but immediately on his return from church he put it off, remaining in his shirt or a plain jacket, with a napkin hanging from his neck to wipe away sweat, as he usually passed most of the day when in peace in playing at bowls or tennis.
   Both Pizarro and Almagro were exceedingly patient of labour and fatigue, and could submit better than most men to hunger and thirst and other privations; but especially the marquis, who was so vigorous that few young men were able to compete with him in his old days at athletic sports. The marquis in general was more addicted to play than Almagro, insomuch that he often spent whole days in playing at bowls, with any one that offered, whether mariner or miller was all one; and he never allowed any man to lift his bowl for him, or to use any ceremony whatever in respect to his rank. He was so fond of play, that few affairs were of sufficient importance to induce him to give over, especially when losing. But when informed of any insurrection among the Indians, he would instantly lay every thing aside, immediately bracing on his armour and seizing his lance and target, would hasten to the place where the mutiny had risen, without waiting for his people, who followed him with all expedition.
   Both the marquis and the president were so brave and so experienced in the manner of making war with the Indians, that either of them alone would never hesitate when on horseback and armed to charge through a hundred Indians. Both were extremely intelligent, sensible, and judicious, and could take their measures both in civil and military affairs with great promptitude and propriety; yet both were so extremely illiterate that neither of them could read or write, or even sign their names; which assuredly was a great defect, and exceedingly inconvenient in carrying on the important affairs in which they were concerned; and although they in every other respect appeared like persons of high birth, and deported themselves like noblemen with much dignity and propriety, yet their entire ignorance of letters was an evident demonstration of the meanness of their birth. The marquis placed implicit confidence in his servants and friends, insomuch that in all his dispatches and orders relative to the government, and in the assignments of lands and Indians, he only made two lines with the pen, between which Antonio Picado his secretary wrote his name, Francisco Pizarro. As Ovid said of Romulus, respecting astronomy, we may say of Pizarro that he was more learned in the art of war than in the sciences, and applied himself more to know how to atchieve glorious conquests than to acquire literature. Both were exceedingly affable and familiar with the colonists, making them frequent visits, and they readily accepted invitations to dinner from any one; yet both were extremely moderate in eating and drinking; and both refrained from amorous connection with Spanish women, on the principle that to intrigue with the wives or daughters of their countrymen was both prejudicial and dishonourable to their neighbours. Almagro was the most continent in regard to the Peruvian women, as we know of no affairs of his gallantry in that country, his only son being born of an Indian woman of Panama. But the marquis had more than one attachment in Peru, having lived publickly with a sister of Atahualpa, by whom he had a son named Don Gonzalo who died at fourteen years of age, and a daughter named Donna Francisca. By another Indian woman of Cuzco he had a son named Don Francisco218.
   Both Pizarro and Almagro received high rewards from his majesty for their signal services; the former being created a marquis, with the authority of governor of New Castille, and the order of St Jago. Almagro was rewarded with the government of New Toledo, with the title of President or Lord Lieutenant of that country. The marquis always evinced the highest respect for his majesty, the utmost zeal for his service, and the most perfect obedience for his orders; insomuch that he would often refrain from doing many things which were evidently within the scope of his authority, lest he should appear to overstep the bounds of his commission. Frequently, when sitting in the meeting-houses where the gold and silver was assessed for the royal fifth, he would rise from his chair to pick up the small pieces which started from the scissars; observing that if the hands failed on such occasions, a loyal subject ought to use his mouth to serve the king. As these two great men resembled each other in many things during their lives, so in their deaths they were alike unfortunate: the president being put to death by the brother of the marquis, and the marquis slain by the son of the president.
   The marquis was exceedingly anxious for the improvement of the country, giving every encouragement to the cultivation of the soil, and the establishment of colonies of Spaniards in different places. He built for himself a fine house or palace in the city of Lima, and had two sluices constructed on the river to drive mills for its supply; employing much of his leisure in superintending the workmen, and instructing the overseers how he wished the works to be carried on. He was particularly diligent in procuring the erection of a great and handsome church in Lima, and monasteries for the Dominicans and the order of Mercy; both of whom he endowed with ample estates in lands and Indians.

CHAPTER VII.
CONTINUATION OF THE EARLY HISTORY OF PERU, AFTER THE DEATH OF FRANCISCO PIZARRO, TO THE DEFEAT OF GONZALO PIZARRO, AND THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF TRANQUILITY IN THE COUNTRY; WRITTEN BY AUGUSTINO ZARATE219



SECTION I. From the revival of the civil wars in Peru, to the close of the administration of Vaca de Castro, the first governor appointed from Spain
   After Don Diego had made himself master of the city of Lima, he deprived the magistrates of all their insignia of command, but which he immediately returned to them, with orders to execute their official duties in his name and authority. He then ordered the Doctor Velasquez, who had been chief justice or adelantado under the marquis, and Antonio Picado who had been his secretary, to be taken into custody220. In the next place he appointed Juan Tello, Francisco de Chaves221, and one Sotelo to be captains of his troops. On the news of this revolution, all the idle vagabonds and debauched blackguards of the country hastened to enrol themselves under the banners of Don Diego, in hopes of participating in the plunder of the partizans of Pizarro, and of being enabled to live licentiously without labour. To enable him to pay his troops, Don Diego seized the fifth of the precious metals belonging to the crown, and took possession of the properties of those who had been massacred, and the revenues of all the absentees. In a very short time disputes and divisions arose among those who had taken part with Don Diego, as the leaders of the malcontent party among them were anxious to assassinate Juan de Herrada, because every thing was done and directed by him, Don Diego having only the name of captain general, while he in fact exercised the whole authority. The intention of these malcontents being discovered, several of them were put to death as seditious people; among whom was Francisco de Chaves, who was put to the rack and afterwards hanged as a ringleader of this new conspiracy. One Antonio de Orihuela likewise, who had only arrived of late from Spain, was beheaded, having imprudently asserted that the Almagrians were tyrants and usurpers.
   Deputies or messengers were sent to all the cities and provinces of Peru, to induce the commandants and magistrates to recognize Don Diego as governor, which was done in many places out of fear: But Alonso de Alvarado, who was lieutenant governor in the province of Chachapoyas, ordered the deputies who were sent into his government to be arrested, declaring for his majesty in opposition to Don Diego, whom he denounced a rebel. He was encouraged in this bold procedure, because he was confident of being able to defend himself with a hundred men whom he commanded in a strong fortress of his province, which he fortified with much care. Don Diego used every effort to gain Alvarado to his party, by flattering promises and menaces of condign punishment; but he uniformly replied, that he would never acknowledge his authority without an express command from his majesty to that effect, and that he hoped, by the blessing of God and the assistance of the brave men whom he commanded, to revenge the death of the marquis, and to punish the Almagrians for their injurious and outrageous conduct, and the contempt of the royal authority which they had evinced in their whole procedure. Garcias de Alvarado was therefore sent with a force of cavalry and infantry, having orders to go in the first place to the cities of San Miguel and Truxillo, to deprive the inhabitants of these two colonies of their arms and horses, and then to march with all his troops against Alonso de Alvarado. Garcias went accordingly by sea to the port of Jauta, about fifteen leagues from Truxillo, where he found Captain Alonso de Cabrera, who had fled thither with all the inhabitants of Guanuco to join the people of Truxillo against the usurpation of Don Diego. Garcias made Cabrera and some other of his companions prisoners; and on his arrival at San Miguel he cut off his head, and likewise put to death Francisco de Vozmudiana, and Hernando de Villegas.
   When the deputies or messengers of Don Diego arrived at Cuzco with orders to recognize him as governor general of Peru, Diego de Silva and Francisco de Carvajal were the chief magistrates of that city. These officers, together with the other magistrates and counsellors forming the Cabildo, were unwilling to submit to his authority, yet durst not declare themselves openly till they had maturely considered whether they were possessed of a sufficient force, and had enough of provisions and warlike stores to defend themselves in case of being attacked. On purpose therefore to gain time, they desired the messengers of Don Diego to return to their master, and to desire him to send them other deputies with more ample and more regular powers or instructions, after which they would recognize his authority. Gomez de Tordoya, who was one of the principal members of the royal council of Cuzco, happened not to be in the city when the deputies arrived, as he had gone out that day to take the diversion of hawking. The other members sent therefore a message to inform him of what was going on, and to desire his presence and advice. On his return to the city, he met the messengers of Don Diego, and having learnt the state of affairs, he twisted off the head of an excellent falcon which he carried on his fist, saying that fighting must now be followed, not the sports of the field. After a secret consultation with the rest of the Cabildo on the proper measures to be pursued on the present emergency, he left the city the same night, and went to the residence of Captain de Castro. They sent immediately a message to Pedro Anzurez, the lieutenant of the province of Charcas, giving him an account of the state of affairs, and he declared himself at once for the party of his majesty.
   Immediately afterwards Gomez de Tordoya set off in pursuit of Pedro Alvarez Holguin, who had lately marched with above a hundred men to reduce some revolted Indians: On coming up with Holguin, Tordoya immediately told him all that had taken place, earnestly intreating him to assist the loyal inhabitants of Cuzco in their just and honourable intentions, and to assume the command of such troops as might be collected for the defence of that city against the usurpation of Don Diego. To induce him to comply, Tordoya declared himself ready to become one of his soldiers, and to give an example of implicit obedience to his commands. Holguin immediately declared for his majesty, and agreed to assume the command. He and Tordoya assembled the inhabitants of the city of Arequipa, whom they confirmed in their loyalty, and immediately set out for Cuzco with all the force they could collect. On the arrival of Holguin and Tordoya near Cuzco, above fifty men who had declared themselves for Don Diego left the city, meaning to join him at Lima; but the royalists sent de Castro and Ferdinand Bachicao after them with a party of musqueteers, who came up with and attacked them during the night, and brought them all back prisoners to Cuzco.
   All the magistrates and councillors of Cuzco concurred not only in the appointment of Pedro Alvarez Holguin as military commandant, but they named him captain general and governor of all Peru, coming under an oath of obedience to him in that high capacity till the pleasure of his majesty should be made manifest on the subject: And in testimony of their zealous loyalty, the whole inhabitants of Cuzco came under obligations to replace all the sums that Holguin might be under the necessity of taking from the effects and revenues belonging to the crown for the payment and equipment of his troops, in case his majesty might not approve and allow that expence. Besides this, all the inhabitants of Cuzco, Charcas, and Arequipa engaged voluntarily to serve in the war, and to contribute towards its expences. Immediately on his appointment to the supreme power, Holguin made a proclamation of war against Don Diego as a rebel, and in a short time assembled a force of 150 cavalry, 100 musqueteers and 100 pikemen. But learning that Don Diego had more than 800 men under arms, he did not consider himself powerful enough to wait for him in Cuzco, deeming it more prudent to march from thence by way of the mountain road, on purpose to join forces with Alonso de Alvarado, who had declared for his majesty. Holguin likewise expected to be joined upon the march by several of the friends and servants of the late marquis, who had concealed themselves from the rage of the Almagrians in different parts of the mountain region of Peru. In pursuance of this plan, Holguin set out on his march from Cuzco, having appointed Gomez de Tordoya his maestre de campo or major general, Garcilasso de la Vega222 and Pedro Anzurez, captains of horse, Nunno de Castro and Hernando de Bachicao captains of foot, and Martin de Robles as ensign to carry the royal standard. On leaving Cuzco, all who were unfit for active service in the field were left behind, and proper officers were appointed for maintaining the government and to distribute justice.
   On receiving notice of all these events which had taken place in Cuzco, and that Holguin had marched from thence with his troops, Don Diego judged that Holguin would endeavour to form a junction with Alonzo de Alvarado who commanded in Chachapoyas, and would therefore proceed by the mountain road towards the north; he resolved therefore to march in such a direction as might enable him to intercept Holguin before his junction with Alonzo de Alvarado, but did not think it prudent to attempt this before the arrival of the force under Garcias de Alvarado, whom he had recalled from the originally concerted expedition against Alonzo de Alvarado223. While passing through Truxillo, levying men and providing arms and horses, Garcias proposed to have attacked Alonzo de Alvarado, but was resisted by the inhabitants of a town in the province of Chachapoyas named Levanto, and receiving his orders of recal from Don Diego he relinquished his design, and marched in all haste for Lima. Immediately after the return of Garcias, Don Diego began his march against Holguin, with a force of 300 horse, 100 musqueteers, and 150 pikemen; but before his departure, he banished the children of the late marquis and of Gonzalo Pizarro from the country, and executed Antonio Picado, having previously put him to the torture to endeavour to extort confession from him as to any hidden treasure belonging to the marquis.
   "As during the civil dissentions in Peru, all intercourse with Spain was suspended, the detail of the extraordinary transactions there between the marquis and the elder Almagro, already recounted, did not soon reach the court224. Unfortunately for the victorious faction, the first intelligence was brought thither by some of Almagro's officers, who left the country on the ruin of their cause; and they related what had happened with every circumstance unfavourable to Pizarro and his brothers. Their ambition, their breach of the most solemn engagements, their violence and cruelty, were painted with all the malignity and exaggeration of party hatred. Ferdinand Pizarro, who arrived soon after, and appeared at court with great splendour, endeavoured to efface the impression which their accusations had made, and to justify his brother and himself by representing Almagro as the aggressor. The emperor and his ministers, though they could not pronounce which of the contending factions was most criminal, clearly discerned the fatal tendency of their dissentions. It was obvious, that while the leaders entrusted with the conduct of two infant colonies, employed the arms which should have been turned against the common enemy in destroying one another, all attention to the public good must cease, and there was reason to dread that the Indians might improve the advantage which the disunion of the Spaniards presented to them, and extirpate both the victors and the vanquished. But the evil was more apparent than the remedy. Where the information which had been received was so defective and suspicious, and the scene of action so remote, it was almost impossible to chalk out the line of conduct that ought to be followed; and before any plan that should be approved of in Spain could be carried into execution, the situation of the parties, and the circumstances of affairs, might alter so entirely as to render its effects extremely pernicious."
   "Nothing therefore remained but to send a person to Peru, vested with extensive and discretionary powers; who, after viewing deliberately the posture of affairs with his own eyes, and inquiring on the spot into the conduct of the different leaders, should be authorised to establish the government in that form which he deemed most conducive to the interest of the parent state and the welfare of the colony. The man selected in 1539 for this important charge was Christoval Vaca de Castro, a judge in the court of royal audience at Valladolid; and his abilities, integrity, and firmness, justified the choice. His instructions, though ample, were not such as to fetter him in his operations. According to the different aspect of affairs, he had power to take upon him different characters. If he found the governor still alive, he was only to assume the title of judge, to maintain the appearance of acting in concert with him, and to guard against giving any just cause of offence to a man who had merited so highly of his country. But, if Pizarro were dead, he was entrusted with a commission that he might then produce, by which he was appointed his successor in the government of Peru. This attention to Pizarro, however, seems to have flowed rather from dread of his power, than from any approbation of his measures; for at the very time that the court seemed so solicitous not to irritate him, his brother Ferdinand was arrested at Madrid, and confined to a prison where he remained above twenty years225."
   "Vaca de Castro, who left Spain in 1540, was driven by stress of weather in 1541, after a long and disastrous voyage, into a small harbour in the province of Popayan; and proceeding from thence by land, after a journey no less difficult than tedious, he reached Quito. In his way he received accounts of Pizarro's death, and of the events which followed upon it, as already mentioned. He immediately produced his commission appointing him governor of Peru, with the same privileges and authority which had been enjoyed by Pizarro; and his jurisdiction was acknowledged without hesitation by Benalcazar, adelantado or lieutenant general for the emperor in Popayan, and by Pedro de Puelles, who had the command of the troops left in Quito in the absence of Gonzalo Pizarro. Vaca de Castro not only assumed the supreme authority, but shewed that he possessed the talents which the exercise of it at that juncture required. By his influence and address, he soon assembled such a body of troops as not only set him above all fear of being exposed to any insult from the adverse party, but enabled him to advance from Quito with the dignity that became his character. By dispatching persons of confidence to the different settlements in Peru, with a formal notification of his arrival and of his commission, he communicated to his countrymen the royal pleasure with respect to the government of the country. By private emissaries, he excited such officers as had discovered their disapprobation of Almagro's proceedings, to manifest their duty to their sovereign by supporting the person honoured with his commission. Those measures were productive of great effects. Encouraged by the approach of the new governor, or prepared by his machinations, the loyal were confirmed in their principles, and avowed them with greater boldness; the timid ventured to declare their sentiments; the neutral and wavering, finding it necessary to choose a side, began to lean to that which now appeared to be the safest, as well as the most just226."
   Don Diego had hardly got two leagues from Lima, in 1542, when secret orders arrived there from Vaca de Castro, addressed to F. Thomas de San Martin, provincial of the Dominicans, and Francisco de Barrionuevo, to whom he committed the direction of public affairs till his own arrival. By these persons, the cabildo of the city was secretly assembled in the Dominican convent, to whom these orders were communicated, and who immediately recognized Vaca de Castro as governor, and Geronimo de Aliaga, his principal secretary, as adelantado or lieutenant governor of Peru. Immediately upon this formal act of recognition, the members of the cabildo and several of the principal citizens fled to Truxillo, fearing the resentment of the Almagrians. Although all this had passed in secret, it was communicated on the same night to Don Diego, who was disposed in consequence to have returned with the intention of giving up the city to plunder; but he was afraid lest by delay Holguin might escape into the north of Peru, and lest by returning, the arrival of the new governor might come to the knowledge of his troops. He determined therefore to continue his march against Holguin with all expedition. In spite of all his precautions, intelligence of the arrival of the new governor reached his camp, on which several persons abandoned him secretly, particularly the provincial of the Dominicans, Diego de Aguero, Juan de Saavedra, Yllen Suarez de Carvajal the commissary, and Gomez de Alvarado.
   Although every consideration prompted Don Diego to use the utmost diligence in the present posture of affairs, he was under the absolute necessity of marching slowly, as Juan de Herrada his great friend and adviser fell sick of a mortal distemper. Owing to this delay, Holguin was enabled to get beyond the valley of Jauja in his march towards the province of Chachapoyas. Yet Don Diego followed after him with so much diligence that he very nearly got up with him. In this emergency, as Holguin was by no means in sufficient force to venture a battle with Don Diego, he put the following stratagem in practice to enable him to escape, which effectually succeeded. During the night he detached twenty horsemen to make an attack on the advanced guard of the enemy, with orders to take some prisoners if possible, and then to retire. They executed their orders successfully and made three prisoners, two of whom Holguin ordered to be immediately hanged, and offered life and liberty with a considerable reward in money to the third, if he would carry information to certain persons in the army of Don Diego, who he pretended were disposed to join him, that he intended to attack the right wing of the camp in the ensuing night, that they might be ready to assist him. He even administered an oath to this soldier that he would religiously keep the secret from every one but those to whom he was directed to carry the message. Being a young man and desirous of procuring the promised large reward, he readily undertook the commission, and returned to the camp of Don Diego. When Don Diego understood that this man had come back, and that his two companions were hanged by Holguin, he suspected that mercy had been shewn him on some private conditions; for which reason he ordered the soldier to be put to the torture, who immediately avowed all that had been confided to him. By this means, Don Diego was led to believe that Holguin actually intended to surprise him by night, and took effectual measures to receive him, placing the greatest part of his troops under arms all night on that side which the soldier mentioned as the part where Holguin was to attack. The intentions of Holguin were diametrically opposite to this story which he had put in the mouth of the soldier, meaning only to gain time for a secure retreat; so that immediately after dispatching the soldier, he decamped in the middle of the night, marching with all possible celerity to get his army into a place of safety, while Don Diego uselessly kept his army under arms in expectation of being attacked.
   When Don Diego discovered the trick which had been imposed on him, he resumed the pursuit of Holguin with as much celerity as he could: But Holguin had sent a quick messenger to Alonso de Alvarado, requesting him to hasten to his assistance, which Alvarado did without delay with all his own troops and several of the inhabitants of Truxillo. On the junction of these officers a few davs afterwards, Don Diego discontinued the pursuit, and returned towards Cuzco. Holguin and Alvarado sent off immediately to inform Vaca de Castro by letter of all the preceding events, and counselled him to advance without delay to join them, as they were in sufficient force to make him master of the country when strengthened by his authority. At this time Juan de Herrada expired at Jauja, and Don Diego detached a part of his army to the low country of Peru to collect those of his party who were at Arequipa and other places. His officers plundered the city of Arequipa, and dug up every where about the monastery of the Dominicans in search of treasure, as they were informed that the inhabitants of that city had concealed their valuable effects in that convent.
   Vaca de Castro had reached Peru with much difficulty and fatigue. The voyage from Panama was exceedingly tedious and tempestuous, and the vessel in which he sailed lost all its anchors. Having at last reached the harbour of Buenaventura at the bottom of the bay of Choco on the coast of Raposo, he went from thence by land to the frontiers of the government of Benalcazar, who commanded in Popayan, and thence to Peru. He suffered much hardship and fatigue in that journey, both from the length and difficulty of the way and the scarcity of provisions, so that he fell sick as being quite unused to such fatigues. Yet as the death of the marquis and the subsequent events were already known in Popayan, de Castro continued his journey with as little delay as possible, that he might endeavour by his presence to remedy the disorders of the country. Although Vaca de Castro had been sent to Peru ostensibly to investigate into and take cognizance of the death of Almagro, and of the subsequent transactions, without any order to deprive the marquis of the government, or even to suspend his authority; yet he had been furnished with a secret commission, by which he was authorized to assume the government, in case the marquis should die during his voyage, or after his arrival, and to exercise all the functions of that high office, till the emperor might give orders to the contrary. By the authority of this commission, he was received in the camp of Holguin and Alvarado as governor. He was accompanied thither by several persons who had joined him on his first arrival in Peru, particularly by Captain Lorenzo de Aldana, who had been lieutenant governor of Quito under the marquis. He sent before him Captain Pedro de Puelles, to make preparations for carrying on the war. He sent likewise Gomez de Royas to Cuzco, with orders to the magistrates and inhabitants of that city to receive him as lieutenant. Royas used so much diligence and address that he arrived at Cuzco and was received and acknowledged in the command of that place before Don Diego could reach it with his army.
   When Vaca de Castro passed through the province of Bracamoras on his way from Quito to Truxillo, Captain Pedro de Vergara, who was then occupied in reducing that province, and had even fortified himself in a strong post on purpose to defend himself against Don Diego, joined him with all his men. At Truxillo the new governor was joined by Gomez de Tordoya, who had quitted the camp in consequence of a dispute with Holguin. He was joined likewise at Truxillo by Garcilasso de la Vega and some other gentlemen. By all these means, when Vaca de Castro left Truxillo to repair to the camp of Holguin and Alvarado, he had already collected a well armed force of more than two hundred men, all ready to obey his orders. Immediately on his arrival at the camp, Holguin and Alvarado received him with every demonstration of joy, giving up to him their standards and all other marks of authority; all of which he restored, except the royal standard, which he retained for himself. Having appointed Holguin to the command of the army, as maestre de campo general, he ordered him to march forwards to Jauja, and to wait there till he himself might return from Lima, where he proposed going that he might establish its government in proper order, and on purpose to collect men, arms and ammunition. He gave orders to Holguin, that Captain Diego de Royas should always precede the army about twenty leagues, with a detachment of thirty horsemen, to gain intelligence of the motions of the enemy. At the same time he sent back Diego de Mora to Truxillo, to take the command in that city. De Castro thus took every proper precaution for the successful issue of his expedition, with as much prudent foresight as if he had been all his life enured to warlike affairs.
   When Don Diego found that Holguin had escaped from his pursuit, as formerly related, he went to Cuzco with his army, where Christoval de Sotelo, whom he had detached there before him, had already taken possession of the city, and had displaced the magistrates who had been established there under the authority of the new governor. Immediately on the arrival of Don Diego at Cuzco, he made every exertion to provide artillery and gunpowder for the farther prosecution of the war. Both of these warlike articles are easily made in Peru. As to artillery, there is abundance of metal for that purpose, and there were also several persons in Cuzco who were perfectly well acquainted with the manner of founding cannon: These were Levantines or Greeks, several of whom had come to Peru out of respect for Pedro de Candia, who was master of the ordnance to Don Diego. Powder was likewise easily made in great abundance, as saltpetre is to be had in every part of that country of excellent quality. At the same time he had defensive armour made for those of his people who were in want, forming corslets and helmets of silver mixed with copper, which answered amazingly well, and, were made by the native artists, who fabricated every kind of arms in imitation of, and as good as those of Milan. By these means, and by collecting all the arms throughout the whole country, every one of his men was at least provided with a coat of mail, a cuirass or corselet, and a helmet227. In this manner Don Diego was enabled to equip two hundred musqueteers, and to establish several companies of men at arms, as hitherto in Peru, hardly any thing had been seen of that kind, the cavalry being all light horse except a very few.
   While these preparations were going on, an unfortunate quarrel arose between the captains Garcias de Alvarado and Christoval de Sotelo, in which they drew their swords and Sotelo was slain. As both of these captains were principal leaders in the Almagrian party, and had many friends and partizans in the army, this unfortunate affair occasioned much strife, and had nearly occasioned a battle between the friends of the two combatants; but Don Diego appeased them with some difficulty, and by using a great deal of address. But as Garcias de Alvarado plainly perceived that Don Diego took the death of Sotelo much to heart, whom he dearly loved, and feared lest he might take measures afterwards of revenge, he endeavoured to take precautions in the meantime for his own safety, and for this purpose proposed to have assassinated Don Diego. With this view he one day invited Don Diego to dinner, intending to have put him to death during the entertainment. Don Diego accepted the invitation, but when the appointed day came, having some suspicion of what was intended, he sent an excuse for his absence, on pretence of being indisposed. As Garcias had provided every thing for the execution of his design, he went with several of his friends to endeavour to prevail on Don Diego to come to the entertainment. While on his way, he met a soldier named Martin Carillo who advised him to stay away from the house of Don Diego, who he was fully persuaded intended to put him to death. He continued his purpose however, and received a similar advice from another soldier a little farther on. Yet he persisted in going to the house of Don Diego, and even went up to his chamber, where he found him on a day-bed under pretence of being unwell. This visit seemed to be expected, as Don Diego had several armed men concealed in a neighbouring room.

   Garcias de Alvarado and his followers went into the chamber of Don Diego, to whom Alvarado said; "I hope, my lord, that your indisposition is of little importance. You must rise and shake it off, and you will be the better of some exercise and amusement. Come along with us, and though you eat little, your presence will give pleasure to the company who expect you." Don Diego agreed to go, and called for his cloak, being already armed with his sword and dagger. While the company in the room made way by going out, and Garcias de Alvarado went immediately before Don Diego, Pedro de Onnate and several others who were instructed, shut the door, and seizing on Garcias told him he was their prisoner. Don Diego drew his sword, with which he wounded Garcias, saying that he must be slain, not taken prisoner; and immediately Juan Balsa, Alfonso de Saavedra, Diego Mendez the brother of Rodrigo Orgognez, and several others who were concealed in the next room, rushed out and put Alvarado to death with many wounds.
   On the news of this event spreading through the city, it occasioned much dissatisfaction and some appearances of an insurrection which might have had very fatal consequences; but Don Diego went immediately out into the great square, where he succeeded in appeasing the people, and the friends of Alvarado were forced to be quiet. Immediately after this, on purpose to give employment to his troops, and because he heard that Vaca de Castro had joined Holguin and Alonso Alvarado, he marched out from Cuzco, meaning to seek out and give battle to the royalists. His army on this occasion was the most numerous and best appointed that had hitherto been seen in Peru, consisting of 250 horse, 200 musqueteers, and 250 pikemen, many of these being armed with halberts, and all remarkably well provided with defensive armour, especially all his cavalry, who, besides coats of mail, had back and breast-pieces of iron. Besides these, he had a great train of artillery, and was accompanied by Paul, the brother of the Inca who had been raised to the Peruvian throne by the elder Almagro. The assistance of this chief was of great importance to Don Diego on the present occasion, as his Indians always went a considerable way before the army, and obliged the natives of all the districts through which they passed to supply provisions for the troops, and to furnish people for carrying the baggage and other necessary services. In this manner Don Diego proceeded for about fifty leagues to the province of Vilcas, where he learnt that the royal army was only thirty leagues distant from him.
   While Vaca de Castro was in Lima, he procured a number of musquets to be made by the workmen of that city, and made every other preparation in his power to strengthen his army. Among other things, as Don Diego had carried off the whole royal treasure, he borrowed a large sum from the inhabitants of Lima, for the pay of his troops and other expences of the war; and all things being regulated, he set out to join the army with as many men as he could collect, leaving Francisco de Barrionuevo as his lieutenant in Lima, and Juan Perez de Guevara as commandant of his marine. He directed his march for Jauja, leaving orders with the inhabitants of Lima to retire on board the ships, in case Don Diego, as he threatened, should make an attack upon the city. On his arrival at Jauja, where Holguin and the army waited for him, he found that the general had provided good store of arms both offensive and defensive, and particularly a large supply of gunpowder which had been made at that place. The governor incorporated the horsemen whom he brought along with him from Lima among the troops or companies of cavalry already in the army, which were commanded by the Captains Pedro Alvarez Holguin, Pedro Anzurez, and Garcilasso de la Vega, and formed an additional troop of horse of which he gave the command to Gomez de Alvarado. Those foot soldiers which he brought with him were distributed into the companies of Pedro de Vergara and Nunno de Castro, and he formed a new company of musqueteers, of which he appointed the bachelor Juan Velez de Guevara captain. Although a man of letters and educated in the study of the law, Guevara was an excellent soldier, and particularly attentive to discipline, and had even greatly assisted in the construction of the musquets with which his company was armed. Being likewise very learned in the law, he executed a judicial charge at the same time with his military command, both on the present occasion under Vaca de Castro, and during the subsequent troubles produced by Gonzalo Pizarro, as will be afterwards related. Every day till noon, he held his judicial sittings and dispatched such affairs of that kind as occurred, in the ordinary sober dress of a lawyer. After that, he dressed in richly embroidered uniforms, with a buff jerkin, a feather in his hat, and his musquet on his shoulder, exercising his company with much attention, and practised himself in firing.
   Having drawn together a well armed force of seven hundred men, 370 of whom were cavalry, 170 musqueteers, and 160 armed with pikes, Vaca de Castro appointed captain Francisco de Carvajal serjeant major228 of his army; the same person who was afterwards maestre de campo general under Gonzalo Pizarro. Carvajal was an officer of great experience, having served above forty years in the army, and was bred in the wars of Italy under the great captain, having risen in that service from the ranks to a lieutenancy. By him all the movements of the army were directed.
   About this time a message was received by Vaca de Castro from Gonzalo Pizarro, who had just returned to Quito from his disastrous expedition to Los Canelos, formerly related. Gonzalo made offer to the governor to march to his assistance with all the troops he could raise; but de Castro, in answer, after thanking him for his good will, desired him to remain at Quito and on no account to come to the army, as he had hope of bringing Don Diego to terms of accommodation, being only desirous of restoring the country to peace. In this procedure, the governor meant in some measure to mortify the pride of Gonzalo Pizarro; and besides, he feared lest his natural desire of taking revenge for the murder of his brother might prove an invincible obstacle against Don Diego agreeing to any accommodation, who would never venture to submit to any one who was accompanied by Gonzalo Pizarro, whose friends in the royal army were very numerous. Some persons allege that Vaca de Castro was afraid of permitting Gonzalo to join the army, lest they might elect him as their general, as he was greatly beloved by the soldiers. At this time likewise, Vaca de Castro sent orders to those persons who had the charge of the children of the late marquis in San Miguel and Truxillo, to remain with them there till farther orders, and on no account to carry them to Lima; alleging, as a specious pretext, that they were safer there than at Lima.
   All his military preparations being completed, Vaca de Castro left Jauja with his army in excellent order, taking the route for Guamanga, as he was informed that Don Diego was in full march to take possession of that city, or to take post at a very important passage of a river in that neighbourhood, which would give great advantage in the future operations of the war to either party which might obtain possession of that post, as Guamanga was surrounded by precipitous rocks and deep vallies, serving as natural fortifications of extremely difficult access. Captain Diego de Royas, who has been formerly mentioned as commanding the advanced guard of the royal army, had already occupied the city of Guamanga; and on receiving intelligence of the rapid march of Don Diego to that place, had fortified himself there as strongly as possible, that he might be able to defend it till the arrival of the army under Vaca de Castro. The governor, therefore, marched with as much celerity as possible, sending on Captain de Castro with his company of musqueteers to take post on a craggy hill of difficult ascent near Guamanga, called Farcu by the Peruvians and Parcos by the Spaniards. Vaca de Castro, on his arrival one evening within two leagues of Guamanga, received information that Don Diego was already in possession of that city, which disappointed him greatly, more especially as the whole of his own troops were not yet come up. Alonso de Alvarado was sent back therefore, to expedite their march, and to bring them on in good order, as the enemy was so near. Some of the rear-guard of the army marched that day above five long leagues, which was a most fatiguing exertion, as the road was full of rocks and steep passes, and they were under the necessity of carrying their arms and accoutrements. Having passed the city, the whole army stood to their arms all night, not having any accurate intelligence of the enemy, who was believed to be nigh. Next day, however, learning by their scouts, who had been above six leagues in advance, that the enemy was still at a considerable distance, the royalists encamped to take some rest.
   Receiving more certain information of the situation of the enemy, who were still at the distance of nine leagues from his camp, Vaca de Castro sent a letter to Don Diego by Francisco Ydiaquez, commanding him in his majesty's name to dismiss his army, and to repair to the royal standard, on doing which he should be pardoned for all that was past: But, if he refused, he might expect to be proceeded against with the utmost severity, as a rebel against the king. The governor sent likewise a private soldier who was well acquainted with the country, diguised as an Indian, carrying letters for several gentlemen in the rebel army, offering them an amnesty and large rewards if they would abandon Don Diego. Though this man took every precaution to prevent discovery, his track was noticed in some places in the snow, and he was followed and carried prisoner to Don Diego, who ordered him to be hanged. Don Diego complained loudly of Vaca de Castro for sending spies to corrupt his followers while making offers of accommodation; and drawing out his army in complete order before the governors messengers, he ordered all his officers to prepare for battle, promising that whoever killed any of the hostile inhabitants of the country, should be rewarded with the wife, lands, Indians, and wealth of the slain. He then gave an answer to the governors message, that he would never acknowledge or obey him so long as he was associated with his enemies, Pedro Alvarez Holguin, Alonso de Alvarado, Gomez de Tordoya, Juan de Saavedra, Garcilasso de la Vega, Yllen Suarez de Carvajal, Gomez de Alvarado, and others of that party. That he would never disband his army, unless he received a formal amnesty under the royal sign manual; as he could not give faith to one signed by the Cardinal de Loaysa. That de Castro was much mistaken in supposing any of his army would abandon him, and might therefore prepare for battle, as he was determined to defend the country to his last breath.
   On receiving this resolute answer, Vaca de Castro marched his army to a small distance from Guamanga, where the ground was too rough and uneven for his cavalry, and took up a position in a smooth plain named Chupaz, where he remained three days, during all which time it never ceased raining, as it was then the middle of winter, yet the troops were forced to be always under arms and ready for action, as the enemy was very near. He had resolved to give battle, us the enemy obstinately refused all accommodation; yet finding that several persons in his army seemed to hesitate on account of the disapprobation which his majesty had evinced respecting the former battle of Salinas, on which account Ferdinand Pizarro was detained in prison, he judged it proper to take some formal judicial steps, both for his own justification, and to satisfy the scruples of his troops. He pronounced therefore a formal sentence against Don Diego, whom he declared a traitor and rebel, condemning him and all his adherents to death and the confiscation of all their goods. After signing this judicial sentence in the presence of the whole army, he commanded the officers to give him asistance for carrying it into execution.
   Next morning, being Saturday, the scouts brought intelligence after mass that the enemy, who had encamped for the night at two short leagues distance, was very near, and in full march towards the left of the royalist camp, advancing by some low hills to avoid a marsh which covered the front of the royalists. Don Diego wished to gain possession of Guamanga before giving battle, and entertained no doubt of being victorious, trusting to his great superiority in artillery over the royalist army. When the two armies were so near that the advanced guards were within musket shot, the governor detached Captain Castro with fifty musqueteers to skirmish with the enemy, while the rest of his troops marched up the slope of a hill on purpose to intercept the march of the rebels. This movement was liable to considerable danger, as Don Diego might have done the royalists much damage by means of his artillery if he had taken advantage of the nature of the ground in proper time; for during this conversion, the royalist infantry were often obliged to halt to recover their order, which was much deranged by the difficulty of the ground. When Carvajal the serjeant-major observed this circumstance, he ordered all the troops to gain the height as quickly as possible without preserving any precise order of march, and to form again when they were arrived at the summit. They accordingly got all up, while Captain Castro and his musqueteers were skirmishing with the troops of Don Diego; who likewise continued his march, and drew up in order of battle.
   After the royal army had been marshalled in good order by the serjeant-major, the governor made them a speech, in which he exhorted them to recollect that they were loyal Spaniards who were fighting in the just cause of their sovereign. He told them that the fate of Peru was now in their hands and depended on their courage. If defeated he and they could only expect to be put to death; but if victorious, besides the important service to the king, which they were bound as good and loyal subjects to perform, they would thereby secure the possession of their estates and effects, and to such as had none he would provide amply in the name and by the authority of his majesty, who only desired to preserve the sovereignty of Peru, that he might divide it among those who served him faithfully. In conclusion, he said there needed not a long harangue to encourage gentlemen of honour and brave soldiers to do their duty, whose example he proposed to himself to follow, not pretending to give them one; yet, as a proof that he meant to imitate their bravery, he intended to march at their head and should be among the first to break a lance. They all declared that they would do their duty manfully, and would rather be cut to pieces than allow themselves to be defeated, as they all considered themselves interested in the success of the war on their own accounts, as well as from duty to the king. All the officers earnestly intreated Vaca de Castro not to hazard himself in the front of battle, insisting that he should take post in the rear with thirty horsemen, whence he might send succour to wherever it might be needed. He consented to this, and as the day drew towards a close, being within an hour and a half of sunset, he proposed to postpone the battle till next morning. But Alonso de Alvarado assured him that he would be defeated if he delayed, as the whole army seemed then animated by the best resolution, and it was impossible to say whether some might not change their sentiments during the night. The governor assented to this advice, only saying that he wished to have the power which had been given to Joshua, that he might stop the going down of the sun.
   At this time the artillery belonging to Don Diego opened its fire upon the royalists; and as it was dangerous to descend the hill in front towards the enemy, on account of being too much exposed in that direction to their guns, the serjeant-major and Alonso Alvarado directed the army to move by the left, where there was a hollow which led towards the enemy, by which they were protected from the balls which all flew over their heads. The troops marched in the following order. Alonzo de Alvarado was on the right with his troops of horse, having the royal standard carried by Christoval de Barientos; on the left were the other four captains of horse, Pedro Holguin, Gomes Alvarado, Garcilasso de la Vega, and Pedro Anzurez, all at the head of their respective troops in excellent order. Between the two wings of cavalry, the Captains Pedro de Vergara and Juan Velez de Guevara marched with the infantry; and Nunno de Castro marched in front with his musqueteers to begin the battle, with orders to retire when pressed by the enemy under the protection of the main body. The governor, at the earnest entreaty of his officers, remained in the rear guard at the head of thirty horse, at some short distance from the main body, where he could see all that occurred, so as to send assistance where it was wanted, which he did with much judgment.
   During the advance of the royalists, the enemy kept up a constant fire of their artillery, but altogether ineffectually, as all their balls flew too high. Don Diego observing this circumstance, suspected that Pedro de Candia the captain of his artillery was gained by the enemy and did this on purpose; for which reason he went to him in great rage and killed him with his own hand. After this he pointed and fired off one of the cannon against a squadron of the royalists, by which shot several of the troopers were killed. Seeing this, and considering that the artillery of the royal army was too insignificant to do much service, Carvajal determined to leave it behind that the army might advance more quickly. At this time Don Diego and his officers had arranged their army in order, the cavalry divided on the two wings, and the infantry in the centre, having their cannon in front, directly over against the only ground by which the royalists could advance to the attack. The rebels believed it would argue timidity in them thus to wait for the enemy, and that it was proper for them to advance and meet them half way. This movement was much against the opinion and advice of Pedro Suarez, serjeant-major to Don Diego, a brave and experienced officer; who remonstrated that, as the enemy had to advance over a plain of considerable extent, they would be greatly injured by the artillery before they could come to the charge, whereas by advancing the troops of Don Diego would shorten this dangerous way for their enemies, and would lose an excellent advantage now in their power. Nothwithstanding this judicious remonstrance the Almagrian army continued to advance, and took post near a rising ground over which the royalists had to march, and after which the rebel artillery could do them very little harm, and was unable to prevent them from charging, as the way between was very short. Suarez was so much dissatisfied at his advice being thus despised, that he set spurs to his horse and galloped over to the royalist army.
   About this time the Indians under the command of Paullu the brother of Inca Manco Capac, attacked the left wing of the royalists with repeated vollies of stones and arrows, but were soon put to flight by a few discharges from the musqueteers. Martin Cote who commanded a company of musqueteers on the side of Almagro, advanced to that side and began to skirmish with the adverse musqueteers of Nunno de Castro. At this time the royalists, advancing slowly and in good order to the music of their drums and trumpets, made their appearance on the height, where they halted as waiting an opportunity to charge, in hopes that the incessant discharge from the artillery of the enemy might relax. Although now so near, the rebel artillery did them very little harm, as having to point upwards, most of their balls flew too high, whereas if the royalists had advanced only twenty paces farther, they would have been exposed to point blank shot. The infantry indeed of the royalists suffered materially at this time, as they were more directly exposed to the shot, insomuch that by one ball a whole file of seventeen men was brought down. This made a wide gap in the battalion, which the officers took care immediately to fill up. The serjeant-major, Francisco de Carvajal, still held back the royalist cavalry from the charge, waiting for some relaxation in the fury of the adverse artillery, by which the captains Pedro Alvarez Holguin and Gomez de Tordoya were both slain, and several others were killed and wounded by every discharge. Captain Pedro de Vergara being wounded by a musket shot, exclaimed loudly against the conduct of the cavalry, saying that all the infantry would be speedily destroyed if the cavalry did not charge the enemy. The trumpets immediately sounded a charge, and the royalist squadrons advanced, on which those of Don Diego moved forward to meet them courageously. The shock was so violent that almost all the lances on both sides were broken, and many horsemen of both armies were borne to the ground, some killed and others wounded. A bloody engagement succeeded this charge, in which they fought man to man with swords, maces and battle axes; some even of the cavalry being armed with large woodmens axes which they wielded in both hands, gave such heavy blows as no armour could withstand. After continuing the battle with great fury till both sides were out of breath, they drew off for a little.
   In the meantime the royalist infantry advanced against those of Don Diego, encouraged by the exhortations and example of Carvajal who marched at their head. "Be not afraid, said he, of the artillery: I, who am as large as any two of you, do not fear it, and you all see how many bullets pass by without hurting me." That his soldiers might not conceive that he confided in the goodness of his armour, he threw away his coat of mail and helmet, and advanced in this manner to the rebel cannon; and being bravely seconded by his men, he soon got possession of them all, killing several of those who guarded them, after which he turned them against the enemy. By this vigorous, and successful exploit, the event of the battle was in a great measure decided. The day was now ended, and the evening became so dark that the opponents could hardly distinguish each other except by the voice. After a short rest, the cavalry renewed the fight, and victory began to lean to the side of the royalists, when Vaca de Castro made a furious assault on the left of the enemy, where two troops belonging to Don Diego still kept their ground, while all the rest began to fall back. On charging the enemy, the governor exclaimed, Vittoria! Vittoria! Yet the battle continued undecided for some time, and several of the horsemen who followed Vaca de Castro were wounded and unhorsed, two gentlemen and several others being slain. The rebels were at last thrown into disorder and fled from the field, being pursued for some distance. Two of their officers, named Bilboa and de Sosa, were so enraged on seeing the defeat and flight of their companions, that they rushed like madmen into the thickest of the enemy, crying out I am he who killed the marquis, till both were slain. Many of the Almagrians saved themselves by favour of the darkness; and some of them, for greater security, threw away their white scarfs, by which the rebels were distinguished, and put on the red scarfs of the royalists who lay dead on the field. Thus Vaca de Castro obtained a complete victory, although before the charge was given his army lost many more men than the enemy, insomuch that Don Diego thought himself till then secure of conquering. Such of the fugitives as endeavoured to save themselves by way of the plain were all killed by the Indians; and a hundred and fifty horse, who made their escape to Guamanga, about two leagues from the field of battle, were disarmed and made prisoners by the small number of inhabitants who remained in that city. Don Diego fled to Cuzco, where Rodrigo de Salazar, his own lieutenant, and Antonio Ruyz de Guevara, one of the magistrates made him prisoner. Thus ended the authority of Don Diego Almagro, who one day was lord and master of the great kingdom of Peru, and the next day was thrown into prison by officers of his own appointment. This decisive battle of Chupaz was fought on the 16th September 1542.
   A great part of the night was over before their officers could reassemble the victorious army, as the soldiers were busied in pillaging the tents of the rebels, where they got a rich plunder in silver and gold, and killed several of the wounded fugitives who were unable to continue their flight any farther. When all were reassembled, Vaca de Castro made the army remain all the rest of the night under arms and in order of battle, lest the enemy might rally and renew the fight. Vaca de Castro employed himself likewise during most part of the night in going about among the troops, praising the whole in general, and thanking the individual soldiers for having so bravely done their duty. In this battle several officers and soldiers on both sides signalized themselves remarkably. Don Diego distinguished himself particularly, shewing much courage, and more conduct than could have been expected from a young man only twenty-two years of age229. He was animated by what he considered a just vengeance for the death of his father; and was well seconded by many of his followers. Many of those on the side of Vaca de Castro, were on the contrary incited by the desire of avenging the death of the marquis, for whose memory they preserved an inviolable attachment, insomuch that no danger could prevent them from using their utmost efforts to punish his murderers. On the two sides, about 300 men were slain230, among whom were several officers and men of note. Pedro Alvarez Holguin and Gomez de Tordoya eminently distinguished themselves on the side of the royalists, having mantles of white velvet richly embroidered over their armour, owing to which they were particularly marked out by the musqueteers of the enemy, and both lost their lives in consequence. Alonso de Alvarado and Carvajal likewise distinguished themselves signally, particularly the latter, as already mentioned, in a manner that it seemed almost impossible he should have escaped. But by despising death, he appeared to have made it flee from him; as indeed it often happens during great dangers, that those who meet them bravely are preserved, while those who shrink are lost. A signal instance of this happened in the present battle, as a young man who was afraid of the balls concealed himself behind a projecting rock; where his head was shattered to pieces by a splinter driven off by a cannon ball231. Many others signalized themselves in the battle, to most of whom the governor gave competent estates in lands and Indians, when he made the re-partition of the country, adding his warm acknowledgements for having resigned their individual interests and resentments in the service of the crown.
   The night after the battle was extremely frosty, and as the baggage was considerably in the rear, only two of the wounded officers had their wounds dressed, so that a good many of the wounded died of cold during the night. Next morning, the governor caused every attention to be given to the wounded, who exceeded four hundred in number232, and had the dead buried, ordering the bodies of Holguin and Tordoya to be carried to the city of Guamanga, where they were magnificently interred. On the day succeeding the battle, the governor ordered the heads of several prisoners to be cut off, who had been concerned in the murder of the marquis. Next day he went to Guamanga, where Captain Diego de Royas had already beheaded Juan Tello and some other captains of the rebels. The governor now gave orders to the licentiate de la Gama to try the rest of the prisoners, and to punish them according to their deserts. De la Gama accordingly hanged several and beheaded others, to the number of forty of the most culpable, insomuch that in all about sixty were executed. Some others were banished, and the rest were pardoned, such of them as had settlements being allowed to return to their houses.
   The governor went afterwards to Cuzco, where he brought Don Diego to trial, and ordered him to be beheaded. Diego de Mendez, Gomez Perez, and another, made their escape from prison into the mountains of the Andes, where they were kindly received by Manco Capac the fugitive Inca, who had taken refuge in an inaccessible country. The Inca was much grieved on learning the death of Don Diego, whom he was greatly attached to, and to whom he had sent several coats of mail, corselets, cuirasses, and other arms, which he had taken from the Spaniards whom he defeated and slew, at the time when he went by order of the marquis to relieve Gonzalo and Juan Pizarro, then besieged in Cuzco.
   After the death of Don Diego and the entire dispersion of his adherents, by which peace was restored through the whole country, the governor did not consider it proper to disband his army, as he had not sufficient funds to reward them according to their services; for which reason he resolved to send them in different detachments to make discoveries and conquests. Captain Vergara and his troops were accordingly sent back to complete the conquest of the Bracamoras. The Captains Diego de Royas and Philip Gutierez were sent with above three hundred men to the eastwards, where they afterwards made some establishments on the Rio de la Plata. Captain Monroy was sent to Chili with reinforcements to Pedro de Valdivia, who was engaged in reducing that country. Captain Juan Perez de Guevara was sent to reduce the country of Mullobamba which he had discovered. This is an exceedingly mountainous country, in which the two great rivers Marannon and La Plata have their sources, both of which run into the Atlantic. Its inhabitants are Caribs, or canibals, and their country so hot that they go entirely naked, or at least have only a few rags round their loins. While in this country, Juan Perez got notice of an extensive province beyond the mountains towards the north, in which there are rich gold mines, and which has camels and fowls like those of New Spain, and a species of sheep considerably smaller than those of Peru. In that country it is necessary to water all kinds of seeds regularly, as it seldom rains. In it there is a lake, the environs of which are exceedingly populous. In all its rivers there are certain fishes as large as dogs, which they likewise very much resemble, which kill and eat the Indians when they go into the water or even pass near it, as they often come out of the water and walk on the dry land233. This great country is bounded on the north by the Marannon, on the east by Brasil, and on the south by the Rio de la Plata; and it is said that the Amazons dwell in this country, of whom Orellana received intelligence while descending the Marannon.
   Vaca de Castro remained above eighteen months in Cuzco after the departure of these various expeditions, employing himself in making a distribution of the unoccupied lands and Indians, and settling the whole country in good order, issuing likewise many useful regulations for the protection and preservation of the Indians. In that period the richest gold mine ever heard of in our days was discovered near Cuzco in a river named Carabaya, where a single Indian is able to gather to the extent of a mark in one day234. The whole country being now perfectly tranquil, and the Indians protected from those excessive toils to which they had been subjected during the civil war, Gonzalo Pizarro was permitted to come to Cuzco, and after a few days went thence to Las Charcas, where he employed himself in taking care of the extensive estate which he possessed in that country. He there remained in quiet, till the arrival of the viceroy, Blasco Nunnez Vela in Peru, as shall be related in the sequel.

SECTION II. Commencement of the Viceroyalty of Blasco Nunnez Vela, and renewal of the civil war in Peru by the usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro
   At this period, some of the clergy who had been in the New World, represented to the Emperor Don Carlos and the lords of his council, that the Spaniards treated the natives in the conquered provinces of America with extreme cruelty, depriving them of all their property by excessive exactions, forcing them to labour in the mines and to dive for pearls beyond their strength, obliging them to carry heavy burdens in long journeys, and frequently subjecting them to arbitrary punishments, and even wantonly putting them to death; insomuch that their numbers were fast diminishing, and that in a short time they would be entirely extirpated from Mexico and Peru and the other continental dominions of Spain in America, as was already the case in the islands of Cuba, Hispaniola, Porto Rico, Jamaica, and others, where hardly any trace remained of the original inhabitants. To confirm these representations, they particularly recited many instances of cruelty exercised by the Spaniards upon the Indians, among which were numerous circumstances that were by no means well authenticated. They alleged as one of the greatest of these evils, and a principal cause of the destruction of the Indians, that they were forced to carry heavy burdens on long journeys, far beyond their strength, without any consideration of justice or humanity. They added that these tyrannical practices had been carried to the greatest excess by the governors, lieutenants, and other officers of the crown, and by the bishops, monks, and other favoured and privileged persons, trusting to their authority and immunities to be exempted from punishment for their improper conduct, by which they were encouraged to the commission of every excess. He who insisted in these remonstrances with the greatest zeal and perseverance was Fra Bartholomew de las Casas, a Dominican monk, whom his majesty had raised to the bishopric of Chiapa.
   After maturely considering these representations, his majesty was anxious to devise proper means to relieve the Indians from oppression; and for this purpose he assembled a council of all those persons to whom the administration of affairs in the Indies was confided, with several other persons of probity learned in the laws. By this assembly the whole affair was deliberately examined, and a code of regulations drawn up by which it was expected to remedy the abuses complained of. By these regulations it was enacted that no Indian should be forced to labour in the mines, or to dive for pearls; that no excessive labours should be imposed on them, and even that they should not be obliged to carry burdens except in places where no other means could be employed; that all Indians should be paid for their labour, and that the tribute which they were to pay to their masters should be fixed; that upon the death of any person to whom lands and Indians now belonged, they were to revert to the crown. Besides, that all lands and Indians belonging to bishops, monasteries, and hospitals, or to governors, lieutenant-governors, or other officers of the crown, should be taken from them and annexed to the crown, even although the possessor should incline to demit their offices for the purpose of enabling them to retain their repartitions. It was particularly ordered in regard to Peru, that all who had taken any share in the civil wars between the marquis and Almagro should forfeit their lands and Indians. And finally, all Indians set at liberty by this regulation were to belong in perpetuity to the crown, to whom their tributes were to be paid in all time coming.
   It is perfectly obvious, in consequence of the concluding clause but one of these regulations, by which all who had taken any share in the late civil wars were to be deprived of their lands and Indians, that every individual then in Peru would have been reduced to poverty, as it may be seen by every circumstance related in the foregoing part of this history, that every Spaniard in the country had embraced one or other of these parties with extreme violence. Even the native Peruvians had taken a part in the civil discords, and had frequent quarrels and engagements on the subject, some of them taking part with the Chilese, and others with the Pachacamacs, by which titles they distinguished respectively the adherents of Almagro and of the marquis. Hitherto the only court of justice or royal audience was held at Panama, at a most inconvenient distance from Peru. By the new regulations this court of Panama was abolished, and besides the establishment of a new court on the frontiers of Gauatimala and Nicaragua for all the provinces from Tierra Firma northwards, of which the licentiate Maldonado was made president, another court of royal audience was ordered to be established in Lima, consisting of four oydors or judges, and a president who was to have the title of Viceroy and captain general. This measure was deemed indispensibly necessary for the well being of this distant country, the richest and most valuable dominion which belonged to the crown in all America. All these regulations were enacted and published at Madrid in 1542, and copies of them were immediately sent to different parts of the New World. These new reglations gave extreme dissatisfaction to the conquerors of the American provinces, and particularly to those of Peru; as every Spanish settler in that country must have been deprived by them of almost every thing they possessed, and reduced to the necessity of looking out for new means of subsistence. Every one loudly declared that his majesty must have received erroneous information respecting the late events, as the partizans and adherents both of the marquis and of Almagro, had conducted themselves to the best of their judgment as faithful subjects of his majesty, believing that they acted in obedience to his orders in what respected the two rival governors, who acted in his name and by his authority, and were besides under the necessity of obeying their officers, either by force or good will, so that they were in fact guilty of no crime in what they had done; or, even if their conduct were in some measure faulty, they certainly did not deserve to be stript entirely of their property. They alleged farther, that when they discovered and conquered the country, which had been done at their own proper cost, it had been expressly covenanted that they were to enjoy the division of the lands and Indians among them for their lives, with remainder to their eldest sons, or to their widows in case of having no children; and that, in confirmation of all this, an order had been issued by his majesty, by which all who had participated in making the conquest of Peru were to marry within a certain specified time, under the penalty of losing their lands and Indians, with which regulation most of them had complied; and that it were now unjust, when they had become old and worn out, and were encumbered with wives and families, to deprive them of their substance, when they looked to enjoy repose after all their fatigues and dangers; being unable from age and infirmity to go in search of new countries and new establishments.
   Great numbers of persons repaired to Cuzco, where Vaca de Castro then resided, to lay their complaints before him. He told them, that he was persuaded his majesty would remedy their grievances when informed of the true state of affairs, and recommended therefore that the procurators or syndics of the different cities should assemble, and elect a deputation to carry a true statement of matters to the king and royal council of the Indies, with a humble supplication that his majesty might apply a proper remedy, by the revocation or modification of those regulations, which, as they stood, would produce such ruinous consequences to the colony. On purpose to facilitate this assembly, the governor promised to repair in person to Lima, as the most convenient and most central situation for the deputies of all the other cities. He accordingly set out from Cuzco for Lima, accompanied by the syndics of all the neighbouring cities, and by several gentlemen and other persons of consequence.
   In the year 1542, while these things were going on in Peru, his majesty appointed Blasco Nunnez Vela, who had been commissary general of the revenue in Castille, as Viceroy of Peru, and president of the court of royal audience, to carry those regulations into effect which we have already given an accoun of. Vela was chosen to this high and important office as a person of capacity and experience, who would dispense strict justice without respect of persons, and would punctually fulfil the royal orders. The four oydors or judges nominated to the royal audience of Lima were the licentiate Cepeda, doctor Lison de Texada, and the licentiates Alvarez and Pedro Ortiz. Augustin de Zarate235, secretary of the royal council of Castille, was appointed at the same time auditor general of accounts both for Peru and the Tierra Firma, as since the discovery and settlement of these provinces, no accounts of the royal revenues had ever been rendered to the treasurers. All these persons embarked at San Lucar de Barrameda on the 1st November 1543, and arrived safe at the harbour of Nombre de Dios, where they made some stay, on purpose to prepare for their voyage to Peru. As the viceroy was eager to proceed, he embarked at Panama in the middle of February 1543, without waiting for the judges of the royal audience, who anxiously requested to accompany him, and who were accordingly much chagrined by this procedure. Even before this, some slight disputes had occurred between them and Vela, which though of small importance in themselves, had left some impression of mutual dissatisfaction, and evinced that they were not likely to agree in the government of the country.
   Befere leaving the Tierra Firma, the viceroy began to carry one of the new regulations into effect, by which all Indians were enjoined to be at liberty to return to their native countries, whatever might have been the cause of their transportation to other places. He accordingly collected all the natives of Peru who happened to be in the province of Tierra Firma; and as there was a great and constant intercourse between that province and Peru, the number of Peruvians in Tierra Firma was considerable, and he ordered all of these to embark in the same ship with himself at the expence of their masters. The new viceroy had a quick passage from Panama to the port of Tumbez at the northern extremity of proper Peru, where he disembarked on the 4th of March, being resolved to go from thence by land to Lima, and immediately proceeded to enforce the new regulations in every one of the places by which he travelled. In regard to some of the colonists, he fixed the services and tributes which they were in future to exact from the Indians; and others he deprived entirely of their lands and Indians, annexing them to the crown. Many of those who found themselves aggrieved by these regulations, particularly all the inhabitants of San Miguel and Truxillo, waited on the viceroy, respectfully yet earnestly entreating that he would at least postpone the execution of those rigorous decrees till the arrival of the judges, when they would make their humble application for justice at Lima in the royal court of audience. In corroboration of this request, they pointed out one of the articles of the regulations, which directed that they were to be put in force by the viceroy and oydors conjunctly, and that therefore he was not authorised to execute them by his single authority. All their remonstrances and reasonings were unavailing, as he refused to listen to them, saying, that the orders with which he was entrusted were general laws, which could not be suspended or even postponed in compliance with any requests or supplications whatever. He persisted, therefore, to put the regulations strictly in force, through the whole extent of his journey from Tumbez till his arrival in the province of Guavara236, which is eighteen leagues from Lima.
   Immediately on his arrival at Tumbez, the viceroy sent an express to notify his arrival and the extent of his powers and authority to the governor Vaca de Castro, whom he directed to discontinue all exercise of authority as governor. By this messenger, and by other persons who followed him, the inhabitants of Lima were informed of the rigorous manner in which the viceroy had proceeded to enforce the new regulations, and of his refusal to listen to any supplications or remonstrances on the subject. On purpose still more to irritate every one against the viceroy, reports were spread of several other rigorous proceedings as having been exercised by him, of which he never even conceived the idea. These news caused much emotion and discontent among the persons who accompanied Vaca de Castro, insomuch that several of them urged him to refuse recognizing the viceroy, and to protest both against the regulations and his commission, as he had rendered himself unworthy of the government by executing his commission with extreme rigour, refusing justice to his majestys faithful subjects, and turning a deaf ear to their respectful remonstrances. Vaca de Castro soothed them as much as possible, by assuring them that when the oydors were arrived and had begun to act as the royal court of audience, they would certainly listen to their remonstrances on being instructed in the true state of the country; but that for himself, he could in no degree consent to disobey the orders of his majesty. At this time, Vaca de Castro had arrived at Guarachiri, about twenty leagues from Lima, and on receiving the orders which had been transmitted to him by the viceroy, he immediately divested himself of his office, and discontinued from exercising any of the functions of government; except that he granted some vacant repartitions of lands and Indians to different people, some of which grants were in his own name.
   Finding all their representations to Vaca de Castro ineffectual, the principal persons who attended him set out in their return to Cuzco, under pretence that they dared not to await the arrival of the viceroy so long as he was alone; but that they would return to Lima on the arrival of the judges: Yet, in spite of these specious pretexts, it was easy to see that they were much discontented and had evil intentions. Indeed they clearly evinced this soon afterwards on their arrival at the city of Guamanga, where they excited a great tumult, and took possession of all the artillery which Vaca de Castro had disposed in that place after his victory over Don Diego. They then collected a great number of Indians, and caused the whole of this train or artillery to be removed to Cuzco.
   Vaca de Castro continued his journey from Guarachiri to Lima, which he found all involved in confusion and discontent, the inhabitants being much divided in opinion as to the expediency of receiving the viceroy or refusing to recognize him in that capacity. Some alleged that the orders of his majesty did not command his recognition till his actual arrival. Others said that he ought not to be recognized even on his arrival, considering the unjust regulations which he brought along with him, and the rigour with which he put them in force, in spite of every remonstrance and supplication to the contrary. But by the earnest exhortations of Yllan Suarez, alcalde or judge of police and royal commissary of Lima, they came at length to the resolution of receiving the viceroy, and even to admit the regulations, which were published with much solemnity. Upon this all the magistrates principal inhabitants of the city, went to Huaura to welcome the viceroy and to pay him their respectful compliments. From Huaura he was accompanied by the whole cavalcade to Lima, where he was received with great pomp and magnificence, making his entry under a canopy of cloth of gold. All the magistrates walked in procession, carrying the ensigns of their office, and dressed in long robes of crimson satin turned up with white damask. In this grand stile the viceroy was conducted in the first place to church, and thence to his palace.
   Next day as the viceroy had received information of the discontents and seditious conduct of the persons who had retired to Cuzco, he ordered Vaca de Castro to be arrested and thrown into the common prison, as he suspected that he had fomented these seditious practices, and that he had even been their secret adviser to that step. Although the inhabitants of Lima were by no means perfectly satisfied with the conduct of Vaca de Castro, they yet humbly petitioned the viceroy, not to allow a person of such high rank, who was a member of the royal council and had been governor of the country, to be thrown into the common prison; as, even if he merited the punishment of death, and were to be beheaded next day, he ought to be more honourably dealt with. The viceroy was softened by these remonstrances, and ordered Vaca de Castro to be placed under arrest in the palace, taking a bail bond from the burgesses for his safe custody under a heavy penalty; and besides, he placed all the effects of the late governor under sequestration. The inhabitants of Lima were extremely discontented by the harsh conduct of the viceroy, holding frequent secret conferences among themselves, and a considerable number of them withdrew gradually from the city, repairing to Cuzco, at which place toe viceroy was not acknowledged.
   At this time Gonzalo Pizarro dwelt at Chuquisaca de la Plata, in the province of las Charcas, employed in the arrangement of the estate which had been conferred upon him by his brother the marquis, where ten or twelve of his most intimate friends resided along with him. On learning the arrival of the viceroy, the causes of his mission, and the regulations which he had brought out for the government of the colony, and which he rigorously enforced, Gonzalo took the resolution of going to Cuzco, under pretence of inquiring after news from Spain, and to regulate the affairs belonging to his brother Ferdinand, according to the instructions he had received on that subject. While employed in collecting money for his journey, he received letters from all parts of Peru, written both by private persons and the magistrates of the cities and towns, endeavouring to persuade him to stand forwards in defence of the common interests on the present emergency, by protesting against the execution of the royal ordinances, and demanding either that their execution should be delayed, or that some other remedy should be interposed to prevent universal ruin among the colonists. Gonzalo was even urged to this interference, as a person to whom the government of the country belonged of right, as heir to the marquis his brother. In some of these letters the writers offered to devote themselves and their fortunes to his service: Others informed him that the viceroy had publickly declared he would put Gonzalo to death. In this way every means was used to irritate Gonzalo, that he might come to Cuzco to prevent the entry of the viceroy into that city. As every thing seemed to conspire towards the accomplishment of the desire which he had always cherished, of acquiring the government of Peru, he gathered a large sum of money, both from his own funds and those belonging to his brother Ferdinand, and repaired to Cuzco accompanied by a retinue of twenty Spaniards237.
   The whole Spanish population of the city went out to meet him, and received him with every demonstration of joy. Every day additional persons flocked to Cuzco, withdrawing from Lima in consequence of the rigorous conduct of the viceroy, who continually irritated the inhabitants by his tyranny. Numerous meetings were held in the town-house of Cuzco, both of the magistrates and the citizens in general, to consult as to what ought to be their conduct in the event of the viceroy arriving at their city. Some proposed that he ought to be received, and that a deputation should be sent to his majesty, praying him to give relief in respect to the regulations, which would ruin the colony unless changed or considerably modified. Others alleged, if the viceroy were received, that he was so determined on the establishment of the regulations in their entire rigour, that he would instantly deprive them of all their Indians; and that, whatever alteration might be afterwards made, it would be exceedingly difficult to recover them. It was at length resolved to elect Gonzalo Pizarro procurator-general, and Diego Centeno, who had been sent to represent the city of la Plata, was appointed his deputy. Gonzalo was authorised, in the exercise of this new office, to lay the remonstrances of the Spanish inhabitants of Peru, in regard to the new regulations, before the royal Court of Audience; and at first considerable difference of sentiment took place in the councils of the remonstrants, as to the mode in which he should proceed to Lima: whether he should be accompanied by a body of troops for his defence in case of need, or should go there merely as a peaceful messenger. At last the former alternative was resolved on, and for the following reasons, in excuse for taking up arms against the viceroy. First, that the viceroy had beat up for volunteers at Lima, under pretence of chastising those who had taken possession of the artillery. Secondly, that the viceroy conducted himself with the most inflexible rigour in carrying the regulations into effect, without listening to the supplications and remonstrances which had been presented to him, and without waiting for the arrival of the judges of the royal audience, to whom, not less than to himself, the authority had been confided for enforcing or suspending the execution of the regulations. Lastly, because the viceroy had been several times heard to declare that he would put Gonzalo to death, on account of his participation in the late civil war, and in the death of Don Diego. Some of the remonstrants were disposed to place this measure, of escorting the procurator general by an armed force, upon a more moderate pretext, alleging that it was necessary for him to travel through a part of the country, in his way to Lima, where the Inca was in arms, and that it was proper in consequence that Gonzalo should be enabled to defend himself from the hostility of the natives. Others talked more openly, saying that the viceroy was a person of an obstinate and inflexible disposition, who did not confine himself within the bounds of justice and equity, and against whom it was necessary to have some other protection than that of the law. Some able persons among them endeavoured to place their present conduct in a favourable light, by drawing up a kind of manifesto, in which they endeavoured to demonstrate, that there was nothing in their present conduct which could be considered as derogatory to the respect which was due to the royal authority, as justice allowed every one to repel force by force, and to defend themselves against unjust oppression, even resisting by violence a judge who acts unlawfully, and against the essential forms of law and justice

  It was flnally determined therefore, that Gonzalo should raise a body of troops, and for this purpose many of the inhabitants of Cuzco offered their persons and properties, declaring themselves ready to hazard their lives in defence of the common cause. Besides the title of Procurator-general of Peru, for the purpose of presenting the supplications and remonstrances of the colonists, Gonzalo was appointed general of the army which was to defend him against the Inca. As is usual in such matters, these resolutions were all extended with much formality, to give a colour of regularity to their proceedings. The remonstrants then proceeded to levy an army, for the payment of which they took possession of the royal treasure, and availed themselves of the property belonging to deceased colonists and some other funds, under pretence of a loan. After this captain Francisco de Almendras was detached with some troops to take possession of the defiles of the mountains, on purpose to prevent any intelligence of their proceedings being conveyed to Lima. In this measure, they were aided by Paullu, brother to the Inca, who guarded all the passes on his side by means of his Peruvians, to prevent any one from carrying intelligence to the low country.
   The Cabildo or council of Cuzco sent letters to the Cabildo of la Plata, representing the prodigous injuries which would accrue to all the colonists from the execution of the obnoxious regulations, informing them of the measures which they had resolved upon for averting the ruin of the colony, and requiring them to approve of and concur in these measures, to which in fact they were already parties, since captain Diego Centeno, their deputy, had already consented to them in their name and behalf. They therefore required their concurrence and assistance, and requested them to repair immediately to Cuzco with their arms and horses. Gonzalo wrote by the same conveyance to all the inhabitants of La Plata, soliciting their individual concurrence and aid. At this time, Luis de Ribera acted in the city of La Plata as lieutenant to Vaca de Castro, the former governor, and Antonio Alvarez, another inhabitant of the same place, held the office of judge ordinary. These men, on hearing of the transactions which had taken place at Cuzco immediately revoked the commission which had been given to Centeno as deputy from their city, and sent an answer to the regency of Cuzco in the name of the whole cabildo of La Plata declaring that they were resolved to obey the orders of his majesty, although it should cost them their lives and properties: That their city had always preserved its loyalty against all who had acted against the royal authority, and they were resolved to persist in the same line of conduct: That Centeno had only been authorised to concur in their name to such measures as might appear conducive to the service of his majesty, the advantage of his dominions, and the preservation of the natives of the country; and since, in the election of Gonzalo, and the other measures which had been resolved upon at Cuzco, they saw no tendency towards those things which had been confided to Centeno, they could not be implicated in the consent which Centeno had given beyond his legitimate powers, nor were they to be considered as bound to ratify what he had done in their name, as every thing which had been done was contrary to the orders and instructions which they had given him.
   This letter did not contain the universal sentiments of the citizens of La Plata, in which Gonzalo had several friends, who used their endeavours to gain over the inhabitants to his side, and to engage them to join his army. They even endeavoured more than once to kill Ribera and Alvarez, but these officers used such precautions as to baffle all their attempts. Ribera and Alvarez waited patiently for receiving the regulations from the viceroy; but owing to the great distance of their city from Lima, these had not yet reached them. In the mean time, they commanded all the inhabitants, under severe penalties, to remain in La Plata; yet several of them left the city and joined the remonstrants at Cuzco.
   The viceroy made his entry with great pomp, in the month of May 1544, into Lima, where no one dared to speak to him on the subject of suspending the obnoxious regulations. The magistrates, indeed, had already made their respectful remonstrances and supplications, alleging substantial reasons why they ought to be suspended, but all in vain. He engaged indeed, after the regulations should have been carried into effect, that he would write to his majesty, representing that it was for the interest of the crown, as well as for the advantage of the natives of the country, that they should be revoked; and that those who had drawn them up were certainly ignorant of the true state of the country, or they could never have advised the king to establish them. He acknowledged that the regulations were prejudicial to the royal interest and the good of the country; and he recommended that deputies should be sent to him from all parts of Peru, in conjunction with whom he would write to the king what might be proper on the subject; and that doubtless he would then receive orders calculated to remedy the apprehended evils: But that he could not of his own authority suspend the execution of the ordinances, and must continue to act as he had already done, as his orders left him no choice but absolute obedience to the royal instructions.
   At this time three of the judges of the court of audience, Cepeda Alvarez and Texada, arrived at Lima, leaving Ortiz, the other judge, sick at Truxillo. The viceroy issued immediate orders for the inauguration of the royal Court of Audience; for which purpose all the necessary preparations were made for the solemn reception of the royal seal, as usual on the first establishment of this high tribunal. The seal was placed in a rich casket, carried by a horse superbly caparisoned and covered by housings of cloth of gold, and led under a canopy of the same splendid materials, held up by the magistrates of the city dressed in flowing robes of crimson velvet, in the same ceremony as is used in Spain on the entry of the king in person into any of the cities. On this occasion, Juan de Leon led the horse, being appointed to officiate as chancellor, in the place of the Marquis de Camarasa, president of Cazorla, who then held the seals in Spain. After this procession, the court of audience was installed, and proceeded immediately to business; but a subject of dispute soon arose between the viceroy and the judges, which renewed the dissentions which had arisen between them even before their arrival in Peru, the explanation of which requires some detail.
   When the viceroy arrived at the Tambo or palace of Guavra238, where he waited till he was sure of being received at Lima, he found written on one of the walls of the tambo to the following effect: "Whoever may endeavour to deprive me of my house and property, I shall endeavour to deprive of life." He dissimulated his displeasure at these words for some time; but being afterwards persuaded that these words had been written by Antonio de Solar, to whom the district of Guavra belonged, and who he believed was not well inclined towards him, because he had found the tambo entirely deserted on his arrival, he sent for Solar a few days after his reception at Lima. In a private conference, he spoke to Solar concerning these words which he had seen on the walls of the tambo, and reproached him likewise for having spoken to him personally with much insolence: Then, ordering the gates of the palace to be shut, the viceroy sent for one of his chaplains to confess Solar, declaring his resolution to have him immediately hanged from one of the pillars of a gallery fronting the great square of Lima. Solar refused to confess himself, and the dispute continued so long that news of what was going forwards spread over the city, on which the archbishop and some other persons of quality came to the palace and humbly requested the viceroy to defer the execution. At first he obstinately persisted in his intention; but at last consented to postpone the execution till next day, and sent Solar to prison loaded with fetters. On the morrow, the anger of the viceroy was somewhat appeased, so that he did not renew his orders for hanging Solar, but detained him for two months in prison and in irons, without any information or process respecting his crime.
   After the installation of the court of audience, the judges went on a Saturday to visit the prison; and having been informed of the foregoing circumstances by a judicial note or request presented to them on the subject, they demanded to see Solar, whom they asked the cause of his imprisonment; to which he answered that he knew nothing about the matter. On examination, they found no process against Solar, and the jailor and registrars were only able to say that the viceroy had given orders for his imprisonment. On the ensuing Monday, the judges represented to the viceroy that they had found no process or informations against Solar, and could only learn as the reason of his imprisonment that it was by his orders; and consequently, having no documents to instruct the lawfulness of his detention, they could not in law or equity do otherwise than order him to be set at liberty. The viceroy said that Solar had been arrested by his orders, and that he had even been inclined to have hanged him, on account of the writing on the wall of the tambo, and because of his personal insolence when there was no witnesses present; believing, by his sole authority as viceroy, that he had the power of arrest, and even of ordering him to be hanged, without being under the necessity of giving them any reasons for his conduct. To this the judges made answer, that his authority as viceroy could only extend so far as justice and the laws of the kingdom allowed. As the viceroy and they could not agree on this point, when they visited the prison on the following Saturday, they ordered Solar to be liberated, desiring him however to remain under arrest in his own house; and on a subsequent visitation, they set him entirely at liberty.
   The viceroy was much chagrined by this affront, and sought anxiously for an opportunity of being revenged, for which he thought the following circumstance gave him a favourable opening. The three judges lodged separately with some of the richest inhabitants of Lima, who likewise provided their tables, and furnished every thing that was necessary for themselves and their servants. At first this was done with the consent of the viceroy, till such time as they might be able to procure and to furnish houses for themselves. After the dispute concerning Solar, the viceroy caused them to be informed, that it did not seem to him consistent with decorum that they should live at the expence of the citizens, which would be assuredly displeasing to his majesty, and therefore that they ought to look out for houses for their accommodation: And that, besides, he did not approve of their walking about the streets in company with the merchants and other inhabitants of the city. The judges made answer, that they had not been able to find any houses for hire, and that they were under the necessity of waiting till some then building were finished: That in future they would live at their own charges: but as to walking in the streets with the inhabitants, it was neither a criminal nor a forbidden conduct, nor in any way improper; as even in Spain the members of the royal council, or of any other tribunal, were in use to do the same, which was even useful, as in that way the merchants had an opportunity of informing or reminding them of their affairs. The viceroy and the judges were always upon bad terms, and their misunderstanding broke out into disputes on every occasion. It is said that at one time the licentiate Alvarez, one of the judges, preferred an oath to a procurator or attorney, respecting a bribe which he had given to Alvarez de Cueto, brother-in-law to the viceroy, for his interest to obtain the appointment. By this procedure of Alvarez, the viceroy is said to have been greatly offended.
   During all this time, the passes of the mountains leading towards Cuzco had been so well guarded by the Spaniards and Peruvians appointed for that purpose, that no intelligence could be had at Lima of what was going on among the remonstrants. It was only known that Gonzalo Pizarro had gone to Cuzco, and that all those who had withdrawn from Lima and other places in the plain had repaired to the same place in expectation of a civil war. The viceroy and judges of the royal audience issued their joint proclamation, ordering, in the name of the king, all the inhabitants of Cuzco, and the other cities of Peru, to recognize and submit to Blasco Nunnez as viceroy, and to repair with their arms and horses to Lima to offer their services. Most of these proclamations were lost by the way; but that which was sent to La Plata was more fortunate, and, by virtue of its authority, Luis de Ribera, Antonio Alvarez, and the other magistrates and officers of that city, proclaimed Blasco Nunnez with much ceremony and great rejoicings: And, in testimony of their submission to his authority, they equipped twenty-five horsemen, being all the city could spare, who were sent to join the viceroy under the command of Captain Luis de Ribera. Lest Gonzalo might cut off their passage and arrest them on their march, Ribera made his way towards Lima by a desert and unfrequented road.
   Some even of the inhabitants of Cuzco got copies of the proclamation, in consequence of which several of them repaired secretly to Lima to offer their services to the viceroy, as will be more particularly specified in the sequel. By their means the viceroy became acquainted with the transactions at Cuzco, on which account he found himself under the necessity of using every effort to increase his forces by means of additional levies; for which purpose he fortunately possessed ample funds, as Vaca de Castro had embarked upwards of 100,000 crowns which he had drawn from Cuzco to transmit to the king, which the viceroy took possession of and employed for the equipment and pay of his troops. He appointed Don Alfonso de Montemayor and Diego Alvarez de Cuero, who was his own brother-in-law, captains of horse; Martin de Robles and Paul de Menezes captains of foot; and Gonzalo Diaz de Pignera captain of musqueteers. Vela Nunnez, his own brother, was made captain-general of the troops. Diego de Urbina maestre de campo, or major general, and Juan de Aguire serjeant-major, or adjutant general. Without including the citizens, his army amounted to 600 men; of whom 100 were cavalry, 200 musqueteers, and the remaining 300 armed with pikes. On purpose to arm these soldiers, he caused a considerable number of musquets to be made, some of which were of iron, and others of cast metal, which he procured by melting down some of the bells belonging to the great church.
   Besides frequently exercising his troops to perfect them in their discipline, he occasionally caused false alarms to be given that he might ascertain their disposition towards him, as it was much suspected that the majority were by no means hearty in the cause. Having some suspicion of Vaca de Castro, the former governor, whom he had lately allowed to be a prisoner at large on parole not to leave the city, and believing that he had some secret intelligence with his former friends and dependents, the viceroy ordered a false alarm one day about noon, reporting that Gonzalo was near at hand; and when the troops were all assembled in the great square, he sent his brother-in-law, Diego Alvarez de Cueto to arrest Vaca de Castro. At the same time he arrested Don Pedro de Cabrera, Hernan Mexia de Gusman, Lorenзo de Aldana, Melchior Ramirez, and Baltazar Ramirez his brother-in-law, all of whom he sent prisoners on board a ship comanded by Jeronimo de Zurbano. A few days afterwards, he set Lorenзo de Aldana at liberty, and sent off Cabrera and Mexia to Panama, and the two Ramirez to Nicaragua. Vaca de Castro remained prisoner in the ship, neither he nor any of the rest being informed of what they were accused, nor were any informations or law-processes made respecting them. While these civil discords were going on, two ships loaded with merchandise arrived at the port belonging to Arequipa239, both of which were purchased by Gonzalo Pizarro, with the intention of employing them to transport his artillery, and for getting possession of the harbour of Lima, and seizing the ships belonging to the viceroy, believing that whoever was master of the sea along the coast of Peru must command the country, by having it in his power to land in any unguarded place and to do all the mischief he pleased, on account of the prodigious extent of coast. By commanding at sea, he would likewise have been enabled to procure arms and horses from the vessels which are in use to bring these to Peru, and would have it in his power to stop all vessels coming there from Spain with merchandise or other supplies. On learning that Gonzalo had purchased these two vessels, and the purpose for which he destined them, the viceroy was a good deal distressed, fearing they might occasion considerable detriment to his affairs, as he had no means of opposing two ships so well provided with artillery; yet he took the best measures in his power to prepare for his defence. He equipped, therefore, one of the vessels in the port of Lima, which he armed with eight brass cannon and some others of iron, with several musquets and cross-bows, appointing Jeronimo de Zurbano to the command, with orders to make the best resistance he could against the ships of Gonzalo. Fortunately these preparations became unnecessary; for the captains Alfonso de la Caзares and Jeronimo de la Cerna, who dwelt in Arequipa, went secretly by night on board the two ships which Gonzalo had purchased, and which remained waiting for their artillery, and by large bribes to the masters and mariners got possession of them for the viceroy; then, abandoning their houses lands and Indians, they immediately set sail for Lima. On their arrival off the harbour of Callao, the viceroy got notice of their approach from some centinels who were stationed in a neighbouring island, and having no doubt that they were enemies, he immediately set out from Lima at the head of a body of cavalry. In the meantime, Zerbana discharged his artillery against the two ships, which immediately lowered their sails in token of peace, and sent some of their people on shore in a boat to surrender the ships to the viceroy. This circumstance gave much satisfaction to the viceroy and all the inhabitants of Lima, as it relieved them from a danger of which they were in great fear.
   While these things were going on, Gonzalo Pizarro levied troops at Cuzco, which he carefully armed and disciplined, and made every necessary preparation for war. He assembled a body of 500 men, of which he appointed Alfonso de Toro major-general, retaining the chief command in person. He divided his cavalry into two troops, one of which he gave the command of to Don Pedro de Porto-Carrero, placing himself at the head of the other. Gumiel, and the bachelor Juan Belez de Guevera, were appointed captains of two companies of pikemen; and Captain Pedro Cermeno had the command of the musqueteers. He had three standards, one having the royal arms, which was given to Porto Carrero; a second having the arms of Cuzco was confided to Antonio de Altamirano, alcalde of Cuzco, whom he afterwards beheaded as inclined to the royal interests: the third, bearing his own arms, was carried by his ensign; but was afterwards given to Captain Pedro de Puelles. Ferdinand Bachicao was made commander of the artillery, consisting of twenty excellent field-pieces, with a plentiful supply of powder, balls, and every other necessary for their service.
   Gonzalo endeavoured to secure the troops in his interest, covering his designs and endeavouring to justify his criminal enterprize by the most specious pretexts. Having assembled his army he made a long harangue to the soldiers, in which he represented, "That he and his brothers, as was well known to to them all, had discovered the kingdom of Peru, which they had reduced under the dominion of the king at their own proper charges, and had already remitted very large sums in gold and silver to his majesty; yet, after the death of the marquis, the king had not conferred the government of the country, either on the son of the marquis, or on him who now addressed them, as ought to have been done in conformity with the promises and agreements which had been made at the first discovery, but had even sent a cruel and inflexible person at this time to strip all of them of their property, as it was quite obvious that every person in Peru came under the scope of the obnoxious regulations. Blasco Nunnez Vaca, to whom the execution of these fatal regulations was confided, caused them to be put in force with the utmost rigour, not only refusing to listen to remonstrances and petitions the most respectful, but treating every one harshly who presumed to offer the most humble representations against their execution; of all which, and many other things of a like nature, every one who heard him were able to testify. Besides which, it was publickly given out, that the viceroy had orders to cut off his head; although it was well known to them all that he had not only never done any thing contrary to the service of the king, but had always conducted himself with the most zealous loyalty. For all these reasons, and by the consent and appointment of the city of Cuzco, he had resolved to go to Lima, to make a representation of their grievances to the royal audience, and humbly to supplicate a suspension of the ruinous regulations, that time might be given for sending deputies to the king in the name and on behalf of the whole kingdom of Peru, to inform his majesty of the true state of affairs, and of what seemed necessary to be done in the present conjuncture; having no doubt, when his majesty was truly informed, that he would devise a suitable remedy. If however, after using their utmost efforts, his majesty should still think proper to enforce the regulations, he and all with whom he acted would then obey the royal orders with the most entire and unreserved submission. His own journey and compearance before the viceroy, considering the menaces of that officer and the troops which he had levied, were obviously attended with the utmost danger to himself and all who should accompany him, unless he and they should be in a situation to defend themselves from lawless violence. For this reason it had been deemed indispensably necessary that he and the other deputies should be accompanied by a body of troops, which they had not the most distant intentions of employing to injure any person, unless they were attacked. He entreated them, therefore, to accompany him in his journey to Lima, and to observe during their march the strictest and most vigilant discipline, and that they might be assured, he, and those other gentleman who acted along with him, would reward them liberally for their toil and bravery, in enabling them to act with effect for preserving the properties of all from ruin."
   By this specious discourse, in which Gonzalo endeavoured to persuade his troops that his cause was just and his intentions pure, a considerable effect was produced, and his soldiers unanimously declared their determination to follow and defend him at the risk of their lives. He then marched out from Cuzco, accompanied by all the inhabitants of that city; and having put his troops in proper order, he gave permission that same evening to several of the citizens, as had been previously concerted between them, to return on purpose to prepare for the journey. Next morning early, twenty-five of the most eminent citizens, who had first given their assent to the supplications against the obnoxious regulations, considering that the steps which were now taking were criminal and rebellious, and dreading the injurious consequences which they would necessarily produce in Peru, came to the resolution of abandoning the party of Gonzalo and offering their services to the viceroy. They immediately set about executing this design, and went by long journeys through unfrequented ways in the deserts and mountains, lest Gonzalo might order them to be pursued, which he actually did. The principal persons in this defection were Gabriel de Roias, and Gomez de Roias his nephew, Garcilasso de la Vega, Pedro del Barco, Martin de Florencia, Jeronimo de Soria, Juan de Saavedra, Jeronimo Costilla, Gomez de Leon, Luis de Leon, and Pedro Manjares240. On setting out from Cuzco, they carried with them the orders they had received from the royal audience, by which they were enjoined to compear at Lima to submit to the authority of the viceroy.
   When Gonzalo was informed of this notable defection from his cause, by which all his troops seemed very considerably disconcerted, he was almost in the mind to have abandoned his enterprize, and to withdraw into the district of Charcas with about fifty horsemen of his most attached friends, to fortify himself there as well as he could; but after mature reflection, he considered it as less dangerous to follow his first intentions, and to continue the march for Lima. Having taken this resolution, he endeavoured to encourage his troops, by telling them that the deserters were assuredly ill-informed of the true state of affairs at Lima, as he had letters from the principal inhabitants of that city, assuring him that, with fifty horsemen only, he might easily bring his enterprize to a happy conclusion, and without incurring the smallest danger, as all the colonists entertained the same sentiments with him, and only needed his countenance and direction to declare themselves. He continued his march accordingly, but very slowly and with infinite difficulty, on account of the extreme labour which was requisite for bringing forward his artillery. All the cannon and warlike stores had to be carried on the shoulders of Indians, by means of levers or long spars, for which purpose the guns were taken off from their carriages, and it required twelve Indians to each gun, who were hardly able to go above a hundred paces under their load, when they were relieved by an equal number. On this account, 300 Indians were assigned to each gun, so that the artillery alone, with its ammunition and stores, required above 6000 Indians to conduct it over the mountains.
   Several gentlemen and other persons of consideration who accompanied Gonzalo, began to repent of being engaged in the enterprize. They had concurred with the rest at the beginning, in the propriety of remonstrating against the execution of the obnoxious regulations, and had even offered to risk their lives and fortunes in that measure; but on seeing the turn which affairs had taken, and that Gonzalo gradually assumed an authority to which he had no pretensions, they wished sincerely to get away from the engagements into which they had entered. Before leaving Cuzco, Gonzalo had seized the treasure belonging to the crown, not only without the consent and authority of the magistrates, but contrary to their advice and desire. They were anxiously desirous, therefore, of retracing the dangerous and criminal steps which they had taken, and the rather because they already believed that it would be unsuccessful. Gaspard Rodriguez De Campo-rondo, the brother of the deceased Captain Pedro Anzurez, and who had succeeded to the management of his estate and Indians, was the leader of these persons who wished to return to their duty. He and the rest concerted with each other how they might best abandon Gonzalo and join the viceroy; but they were somewhat afraid of trusting implicitly to Blasco Nunnez, in consideration of the extreme severity of his character, fearing that he might punish them for the share they had taken hitherto in the insurrection, notwithstanding of this their intended tardy abandonment of Gonzalo. For this reason they resolved to take effectual measures for securing an indemnity, and sent off, by a secret and unfrequented road, letters for the viceroy and the audience, in charge of a priest named Baltasar de Loaysa, by which they craved pardon for the past and a safe conduct for their compearance at Lima; adding, that, as they held some rank in the insurgent army, being captains under Gonzalo, all their friends and dependents might be expected to follow their example, by which in all probability the army of Gonzalo would fall to pieces of itself. Besides Rodriguez, Philip Gutierez, Arias Maldonado, Pedro de Vila-Castin, and others to the number of twenty-five, concurred in this plan of abandoning Gonzalo.
   Loaysa went in all haste to Lima, and, for the better concealment, he avoided uniting himself with Gabriel de Roias and the others who had formerly set out from Cuzco to join the viceroy. On his arrival at Lima, he immediately delivered his dispatches to the viceroy and the audience, and received without delay the safe conduct which his employers required. The news of this affair was soon spread over Lima, in which many of the inhabitants and others secretly wished well to the party of Gonzalo, as conformable to their own interest; and they were therefore a good deal mortified at the defection among the insurgents, which they supposed would soon occasion the army of Gonzalo to disperse; after which, the viceroy would assuredly carry the regulations into execution with the utmost rigour, when there was no one to oppose him.
   At the time when the viceroy was received at Lima, Pedro de Puelles, who was lieutenant of Guanuco under Vaca de Castro, came among the first to pay his compliments and to tender submission to his authority. As he had resided long in Peru, and had great experience in the affairs of that country, the viceroy gave him a new commission, by which he was confirmed in the lieutenancy of Guanuco, to which city he was sent back, with orders to hold the inhabitants in readiness to take the field with their horses and arms in case of need. Puelles not only prepared the people of his government for taking the field, but even retained in his pay some soldiers who had come from the province of Chachapoyas along with Gomez de Soliz and Bonefaz. Thinking it necessary to strengthen his army as much as possible to oppose Gonzalo, who was now marching towards Lima, the viceroy sent Jeronimo de Villegas with a letter commanding Puelles to join him without delay with all his force. On the arrival of Villegas at Guanuco, he and Puelles consulted together on the state of affairs, and concluded that if they should join the viceroy they would give a decided superiority to his side; and after the defeat of Gonzalo, having no one to oppose him, the viceroy would then cause the regulations to be enforced in their utmost rigour, by which the whole colonists of Peru would suffer extreme injury; as by depriving them of their Indians, not only the burgesses to whom they belonged would be reduced to poverty, but even the soldiers would be materially injured, as the burgesses would be no longer in condition to furnish subsistence to the troops as now. They came to the resolution therefore to join the party of Gonzalo, and set out immediately in search of his army for that purpose

Notes

1

   Clavigero says that Cortes had some troops of the Totanacas, among whom were forty nobles, serving at the same time as auxiliaries, and as hostages for the fidelity of their nation.-Clavig. II. 30.

2

   In Clavigero, II. 29. the army of Cortes on this occasion is stated to have amounted to 415 Spanish infantry and 16 cavalry. –E.

3

   In Clavigero, II. 31. Iztacmaxitlan is said to have been the next stage after leaving Xocotla, and is described as a populous district, with a strong city or fortress on a high rock, defended by barbicans and ditches. –E.

4

   In Clavigero, II. 31. Xicocentcatl Maxicatizin, is given as the name of one chief; and only three other lords or great caciques are said to have then borne sway in the Tlascalan republic, Tlekul, Xolotzin, and Citlalpocatzin. The person named Chichimecatecle by Diaz, is called Chichimeca Teuchtli by Clavigero: But it is impossible to reconcile the differences between these authors respecting the other names of the chiefs, nor is it important. –E.

5

   Clavigero, II. 37. says the grand standard of the republic of Tlascala, used on this occasion, was a golden eagle with expanded wings. –E.

6

   According to Clavigero, II. 37. Xicotencatl, to show how little he regarded the Spaniards, sent them 300 turkeys and two hundred baskets of tamalli, to recruit their strength before the approaching battle. –E.

7

   Called the son of Chichimeca Teuctli by Clavigero; perhaps his name was Guaxocingo, and Diaz, after a long interval of time, transposed the names of the father and son. –E.

8

   It has been already mentioned that Clavigero writes these two as the names of one man, Xicotencatl Maxicatzin, informing us that the latter name signifies the elder. –E.

9

   This place, so often mentioned by Diaz, seems to be the same called Huexotzinco by Clavigero. –E.

10

   Clavigero calls this the god of providence, the soul of the world, the creator of heaven and earth, and the master of ill things, the rewarder of the just and the punisher of the wicked. –E.

11

   Along with the work of Bernal Diaz, and in the history of Mexico by Clavigero, there are representations of ancient Mexican temples. In both they consist of six frustums of truncated pyramids, placed above each other, having a gallery or open walk around at each junction, and straight outside stairs reaching between each gallery, not unlike the representations that have been ideally formed of the tower of Babel. –E.

12

   Clavigero pretends that the defeat and death of Escalante were known to Cortes and his followers while at Cholula. This is highly improbable, both from the narrative of Diaz, and because Cortes would not certainly have put himself entirely in the power of Montezuma, after this unequivocal demonstration of resolute enmity. –E.

13

   In the original of Diaz they are said to have retreated to Almeria, but this is an obvious mistake. Almeria, according to Clavigero, II. 55, was the name given by the Spaniards to Nauhtlan, a city on the coast of the Gulf of Mexico, thirty-six miles north of Villa Rica, which was governed by Quauhpopoca for Montezuma, and by whom the Mexican detachment was commanded by which Escalente was defeated. –E.

14

   It is obvious from a circumstance in the sequel of this story that Diaz and other soldiers attended Cortes on this occasion. Clavigero, II. 77. says there were twenty-five soldiers besides the five captains, who repaired two by two to the palace, and joined Cortes there as if by accident. This daring transaction took place eight days after the arrival of Cortes in the city of Mexico. –E.

15

   Diaz calls this Tuzapan; but as Nauhtlan was in the country of the Totonacas, called Totonacapan by the Mexicans, we have chosen here and everywhere else that this could be done with certainty, to adopt the orthography of Clavigero. –E.

16

   According to Clavigero, II. 82. Quauhpopoca, his son, and fifteen other nobles were cruelly put to death on this occasion. Diaz names the principal chief Quetzalpopoca. –E.

17

   Diaz says that he assumed the name of Don Carlos on this occasion; but does not allege even that he had been baptised. This name was probably merely imposed upon him by the Spanish soldiery; or he may have acquired it on becoming a Christian after the conquest of Mexico was completed. –E.

18

   It is impossible now to say what were these jewels so much valued by the Mexicans. Clavigero, I. 422, enumerates among their precious stones, "Emeralds, amethysts, cornelians, turquoises, and others not known in Europe." In another passage, I. 424, he mentions many small red stones similar to rubies, as among the Mexican curiosities transmitted to Charles V. by Cortes. –E.

19

   We are duly sensible of the divine super-excellence of Christianity, and the gross barbarism of idolatry joined with abominable human sacrifices. Yet, the mere change of two crossed sticks and the images of Saint Somebody or Saint Nobody, for the idols of the Mexicans, under pretence of introducing the pure religion of the meek and holy Jesus, seems in our humble opinion a mere qui pro quo; and, when taken in conjunction with the proposed conversion by military execution, and the introduction of the bloody tribunal of the Inquisition, not one iota less idolatrous or less barbarous. –E.

20

   Bernal Diaz neglects to accommodate his readers with the very useful appendage of dates; it therefore may be proper to remark that the Spaniards entered the city of Mexico for the first time on the 8th November 1519; and as Cortes left it in the beginning of May 1520, in his march against Narvaez, he had now spent about six months in the capital of a mighty empire, with hardly 450 soldiers. –E.

21

   The date is supplied in the text from attentive consideration of dates mentioned by Diaz in the sequel, and in this date Clavigero, II. 97, agrees. Diaz gives no account of the strength of Cortes on the present occasion, but afterwards mentions 206 soldiers, with five horsemen and two gunners, independent of 70 more who joined under Sandoval from the garrison of Villa Rica. This would make the whole force 285 soldiers, against 1400 who were under the command of Narvaez. –E.

22

   No such place is to be found in the map of Clavigero, nor in that recently published by Humbolt. –E.

23

   These numbers, as arranged for the attack on Narvaez, only amount to 230 men. At the occupation of Mexico the Spanish army is said to have been about 450, besides the garrison of Villa Rica. Eighty-three men are stated to have been left in Mexico under the command of Alvarado, which would still leave 367 to march under Cortes for Chempoalla, to which 70 being added from Villa Rica under Sandoval, would raise the amount of the army now under Cortes to about 437 men, so that about 207 are unaccounted for in the arrangement for the attack, besides Ordas, and other eminent captains are not now mentioned in the text. We may, therefore, reasonably conclude, that these captains and the unaccounted for remaining force of Cortes, were left at the ford of the river, about a league from Chempoalla, as a rear guard, on which to retreat in case of a defeat, or may have formed a main body for the assault. –E.

24

   This victory of Cortes over Narvaez took place on the 26th May 1520. –E.

25

   We are not writing the history of the conquest of Mexico, yet may be allowed to say that Cortes committed a gross military error, in entering Mexico without establishing a strong communication of posts between that insulated city and the land, along one of the causeways; which he might easily have done along the shortest causeway of Tacuba or Tlacopan, or by the aqueduct of Chapoltepec. –E.

26

   It is to be noticed that the lake in which the city of Mexico was built contained water so salt as to be unfit for drinking. –E.

27

   This prince, whom Diaz names Coadlavaca, was brother to Montezuma, prince of Iztapalapan, and Tlachcocoatl, or grand general of the Mexican army. –E.

28

   The expression in the text, of having nearly reached the firm land, is rather obscure, and may possibly mean that they had nearly forced their way along one of the causeways leading from the insular city to the continental shore of the lake. –E.

29

   Tlaltelulco was the name of that division of the city of Mexico through which the Spaniards marched in their way towards the causeway of Tacuba, and was probably used to summon the inhabitants of that quarter to the attack. –E.

30

   Clavigero, II. 116, says that the miserable remnant of the Spaniards assembled in Popotla, a village near Tacuba or Tlacopan. Diaz is often negligent of dates, but we learn in a subsequent passage, that this disastrous retreat from Mexico was on the 1st of July 1520. –E.

31

   This place is about nine miles W.N.W. from Mexico, and only about a mile and a half from Tacuba. Its Mexican name, according to Clavigero, was Otoncalpolco. It is almost in an opposite direction from the road to Tlascala, but was probably chosen on purpose to avoid the populous hostile vale of Mexico, and to get as soon as possible among the hills, and among some of the conquered tribes who bore the Mexican yoke with impatience. Clavigero says that the Spaniards procured at this place some refreshments from a tribe of Otomies, who inhabited two neighbouring hamlets. –E.

32

   The distance from where they now were to Tlascala was between 80 and 90 miles in a straight line; but as they chose a very circuitous route, by the west and north of the lakes in the vale of Mexico, before turning south-eastwards to Tlascala, their march must have much exceeded that distance. –E.

33

   Named Quauhtitlan by Clavigero, and Guautitlan, Huauhtitlan or Teutitlan, in Humboldts map of the Vale of Mexico. –E.

34

   As related in the text, this march to the villages appears to have been made on the same day with that to Guauhtitlan, and the battle of Otumba or Otompan, to have been fought on the second day of the march from Popotla or Los Remedios. But the distances and difficulty of the march renders this almost impossible. The chronology and distances, taking the names of some of the stages from Clavigero, II. 117, and the distances from Humboldts map, may have been as follows; Retreat from Mexico to Popotla, 1st July, 9 miles. March to Quauhtitlan, 2d July, 10 miles. To Xoloc, 3d July, 13 miles. To Zacamolco, 4th July, 10 miles. To Otompan, 5th July, 3 miles:-and indeed these dates are sufficiently confirmed by Diaz himself in the sequel. –E.

35

   According to Clavigero, II. 118, this standard was a net of gold fixed to a staff ten palms long, which was firmly tied to his back, and was called by the Mexicans Tlahuizmatlaxopilli. –E.

36

   Cortes entered Mexico with above 1300 men, and there were there under Alvarado about 75. Of these above 870 were slain, down to the close of the battle of Otumba; so that about 500 still remained under the command of Cortes. Diaz reckons only 440; but these were probably exclusive of such as were entirely disabled from service by their wounds. –E.

37

   A long digression is here omitted, in which Diaz severely reprehends the account given by Gomara of this and other transactions in his history of the conquest of Mexico, altogether uninteresting to the English reader. –E.

38

   Clavigero, II. 132, mentions about this time an expedition against Tochtepec, a considerable town on the river of Papaloapan, in which Salcedo and a detachment of 80 Spaniards were entirely cut off. –E.

39

   This must have been a very considerable treasure. On one occasion, Clavigero reckons a load of gold at 800 ounces. The eighty Tlascalans might therefore carry off 64,000 ounces, which at Ј4 the ounce, is worth Ј256,000 Sterling, and of considerably more efficacious value in those days than a million is now. –E.

40

   According to Clavigero, II. 135, the Spanish force at this time amounted to forty cavalry, divided into four troops, and 550 infantry, in nine companies: But he swells the auxiliary force of the Tlascalans to 110,000 men. –E.

41

   In the very imperfect maps of Diaz and Clavigero, Tezcuco is placed near the mouth of a rivulet which discharges itself into the lake of Mexico: In the former, the buildings are represented as extending two miles and a half along the rivulet, and coming close to the edge of the lake; but the map of Clavigero has no scale. In the map given by Humboldt, Tezcuco is placed on a rising ground, near two miles from the edge of the lake. But the lake has since the time of Cortes been much diminished in extent by a grand drain, insomuch that Mexico, formerly insulated, is now a mile and a half from the lake. –E.

42

   On this occasion Diaz mentions the inhabitants of Chalco, Tlalmalanco, Mecameca, and Chimaloacan, as the allies of the Spaniards; but these states do not appear to have submitted to the Spaniards till afterwards. Cortes employed the interval, from his arrival at Tezcuco in the end of December 1520, to the investment of Mexico, at the end of May 1521, five months, in detaching a great number of the native states from their dependence upon Mexico. –E.

43

   From the circumstance of the gold, it is probable Yuste and his companions had been slain on their retreat from Mexico, not on their way there as stated in the text. From this and other similar incidents, of parties of Spaniards having been slain in different places after the retreat from Mexico, it is highly probable that several detached parties made their escape, who missed forming a junction with Cortes. He, it will be recollected, made a detour round the west and south sides of the lake; and it is probable that they had turned to the east, as the nearest and most direct way to Tlascala and Villa Rica. –E.

44

   Clavigero, II. 146, exaggerates the armed escort to 30,000 Tlascalan warriors, commanded by three chiefs, Chichimecatl, Ayotecatl, and Teotlipil. Diaz calls the two last, Teuleticle and Teatical; but though his facts are fully more to be depended upon, Clavigero may be accounted better versant in Mexican orthography. –E.

45

   Clavigero, II. 146, quotes Diaz as saying that it extended six miles from front to rear. This may very likely have been the case, but Diaz nowhere specifies the length of the line. –E.

46

   Clavigero says, 350 Spanish infantry, 25 horsemen, and 30,000 Tlascalans, with six small cannon. –E.

47

   Clavigero, II. 147, says that Cortes endeavoured at this time, but in vain, to come to an amicable agreement with the court of Mexico. –E.

48

   In this expedition Cortes appears, by the information of Clavigero, II. 152, to have crossed the southern mountains of the Mexican vale, and to have reduced Huastepec, Jautepec, Quauhnahuac, and other towns belonging to the Tlahuicas, who were subject to the Mexican empire; thus judiciously using his endeavours to strengthen his own party and to weaken that of the Mexicans, before proceeding to assail the capital of that powerful empire. –E.

49

   This beautiful city was the largest in the vale of Mexico, after the capital and the royal residences of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, and was famous for its floating gardens, whence it derived its name, signifying flower gardens in the Mexican language.-Clavig. II. 155.

50

   Diaz mentions a poem circulated at the time, as beginning in reference to the melancholy of Cortes on this occasion, somewhat in the following strain:
   In Tacuba was Cortes, with many a gallant chief; He thought upon his losses, and bow'd his head with grief.

51

   Clavigero, II. 159, carries the number of allies which joined Cortes on this occasion, to more than 200,000 men. In his enumeration of the several divisions of the army appointed for the investment of Mexico, Diaz makes the Indian allies very little more than 24,000 warriors. –E.

52

   Diaz mentions, that about this time intelligence came to Tezcuco, that three of our soldiers who had been left by Pizarro to search for mines in the country of the Zapotecas had been put to death by the Mexicans, one only, named Barrientos, having escaped to Chinantla, where he was protected by the natives. –E.

53

   According to Clavigero, II. 162, the 30th of May 1521, on which day Cortes dated the commencement of this memorable siege. –E.

54

   Corpus Christi fell that year, according to Clavigero, on the 30th May, so that the occupation of Iztapalapa, by which the investment of Mexico was completed, was on the 3d of June.

55

   The whole of this topographical account of Mexico and its approaches is added by the editor, and has been placed in the text, distinguished by inverted commas, as too long for a note. A plan is added, constructed from a comparison of the maps in Diaz and Clavigero, both evidently drawn without any actual survey, and corrected by means of the excellent map of the vale of Mexico given by Humboldt. By means of a great drain, made considerably posterior to the conquest, the lake has been greatly diminished in magnitude, insomuch that the city is now above three miles from the lake; so that the accurate map of Humboldt does not now serve for the ancient topography of Mexico and its near environs. –E.

56

   It is hard to guess which way the brigantines could get there, as by the maps both of Diaz and Clavigero, the great double causeway of Xoloc or Iztapalapa, ought to have completely prevented his penetrating to that part of the lake. It was probably Xoloc against which this attack was made, and Diaz may have mistaken the name after an interval of fifty-one years; for so long intervened between the siege of Mexico in 1521, and 1572, when he informs us his history was concluded. –E.

57

   Perhaps along the mound or causeway of Mexicaltzinco; by which he approached towards the great causeway of Xoloc, and the position of De Oli at Cojohuacan. –E.

58

   Though not mentioned by Diaz, this necessarily implies that one of the bridges of each causeway must have been taken possession of by the Spaniards, to allow the brigantines to get through into those parts of the lake which were intersected by the causeways. –E.

59

   Though not especially mentioned by Diaz, it appears that Cortes had taken the immediate command of the detachment of De Oli, at Cojohuacan, which formed the southern attack. –E.

60

   On some former occasions the xiquipil has been already explained as denoting eight thousand men. –E.

61

   Clavigero, II. 180, supplies the brevity used by Diaz on this occasion. He says that the chiefs of the districts of Matlatzinco, Malinalco, and Cohuixco came to Cortes and entered into a confederacy with him against Mexico; by which means, added to his former alliances, he was now able to have employed "more warriors against Mexico than Xerxes did against Greece." Clavigero everywhere deals in monstrous exaggeration, while Diaz is uniformly modest, and within due bounds of credibility. Even in the few miracles of which Diaz makes mention, his credulity is modestly guarded by devout fear of the holy office. –E.

62

   The whole western division of Mexico called Tlaltelolco was now in possession of the Spaniards, and probably destroyed by them to secure their communications; and the miserable remnant of the brave Mexicans had retired into the eastern division, named Tenochtitlan. –E.

63

   According to the genealogy of the Mexican kings in Clavigero, I. 240, this princess, whose name was Tecuichpotzin, was queen successively to her uncle Cuitlahuatzin, and her cousin Guatimotzin. After the conquest, she became a Christian, by the name of Donna Elizabeta Montezuma, marrying three noble Spaniards in succession; and from her descended the two noble families of Cano Montezuma, and Andrea Montezuma. Montezuma left likewise a son, Don Pedro Johualicahuatxin Montezuma, whose male descendants failed in a great-grandson; but there are several noble families both in Spain and Mexico descended from that sovereign of Mexico in the female line. –E.

64

   We have formerly said, on the authority of Clavigero, that the siege of Mexico commenced on the 30th of May, and as it ended on the 13th of August, the siege, by this mode of reckoning, could only have lasted 76 days. It is highly probable, therefore, that the commencement of the siege must have been on the 13th of May, and the 30th of Clavigero may only be an error of the press. –E.

65

   The province here named Panuco, is situated on the coast of the gulf of Mexico, at the mouth of a considerable river which drains the superfluous waters of the Mexican vale, named at first Rio del Desague, then Rio de Tula, and Rio Tampico at its mouth, in about lat. 22° 15' N. The Modern town of Panuco is about 200 miles almost due north from Mexico. –E.

66

   These were probably the Chichimecas and Otomies, who inhabited to the north-west of the Mexican empire. –E.

67

   From these slight notices, nothing certain can be gathered respecting these large bones: Yet there is every reason to believe they must have been of the same kind with those now familiar to the learned world, under the name of Mammoth. The vale of Mexico has every indication of having once been an immense inland lake, and the other big bones of North America have all been found in places of a similar description. The greatest deposit of these hitherto known, is at a place called big-bone-swamp, near the Mississippi, in the modern state of Kentucky. –E.

68

   This expedition appears to have been for the reduction of certain provinces to the south-east of the vale of Mexico, now forming the intendency of Oaxaca, inhabited by the Mixtecas and Tzapotecas. The Tustepeque of the text, was probably a town on the Boca de Chacahua on the South Sea, now called Tututepec, in lat. 15є 50' N. and long. 100є 15' E. On the very imperfect map of Clavigero, it is named Tototepec, and is placed in the country of the Mixtecas. –E.

69

   Named, more appropriately, in the map of Clavigero, Tzapoteca-pan. –E.

70

   I suspect this ought to be named Chinantla. –E.

71

   This way probably be some corruption of the native name of the Rio Coatzacualco, or Huaxacualco; by giving it the ordinary Spanish prefix agua; which signifies water, or a river, with the native termination cualco. –E.

72

   This is probably the river of Nueva Santander, about 100 miles north from the Rio Tampico or river of Panuco-E.

73

   A very uninteresting episode, respecting the misfortunes of the liceniate Zuazo, who has been formerly mentioned, is here omitted, as having no reference whatever to the general history in hand: It is sufficient to say that, after many perils by sea and land, Zuazo came to Mexico, where Cortes gave him the office of alcalde-major, which seems to have resembled our provost-marshal, or chief military judge. –E.

74

   Though without any warrant for this purpose, we believe that the numbers of these allies ought to have been reckoned by thousands instead of hundreds. –E.

75

   Diaz is often variable in his orthography of Indian names; calling this people in different places, Gueguestitlans, Guehuistlans, and Quiahuistlans. –E.

76

   This probably alludes to lawyers, as on a former occasion, Diaz mentions a request from the Spaniards that none of that fraternity might be sent over to New Spain, probably to avoid the introduction of litigious law suits. –E.

77

   Like the solitary Phoenix, I, without a peer, serve you, who have no equal in the world.

78

   In Clavigero, at the close of Vol. I. this lady is named Donna Jeroma Ramirez de Arrellano y Zuniga, daughter of Don Carlos Ramiro de Arellano, Count of Auguiller, by Donna Jeroma de Zuniga, a daughter of the Count of Benares, eldest son of Don Alvaro de Zuniga, duke of Bejar. After two male descents from this marriage, the Marquisate of the Valley of Oaxaca, and the great estates of Cortes in New Spain, fell, by various collateral female descents, to the Neapolitan family of Pignatelli, duke of Montelione and Terranova, marquis of the Valley of Oaxaca, Grandee of Spain, and prince of the Roman empire. –E.

79

   The true lion, Felis leo, is only found in the old world, chiefly in Africa and the south of Persia. The American lion, or puma, the Felis concolor of naturalists, is considerably less than the true lion, being about the size of a large wolf, of a lively red colour tinged with black, but without spots. It climbs trees, whence it drops down by surprise on animals passing below; and though fierce and cunning, hardly ever ventures to attack mankind. –E.

80

   The iguana, instead of being a serpent, is a large species of lizard, the Lacerta iguana of naturalists. It abounds in all the warm and marshy parts of America, and is reckoned excellent eating. –E.

81

   Diaz is very lax in his topographical notices of this famous expedition. The settlement of St Gil de Buena Vista, where Cortes now was, appears to have been at the bottom of the gulf of Amatique in the bay of Honduras, on the east side of the inlet which communicates with the golfo dolce. His exploration of that inland gulf, was probably in the hope of finding a navigable passage to the Pacific Ocean. The settlement which Cortes projected in Puerto Cavallos, must have been near that now called Fort Omoa. –E.

82

   These islands of Guanajes appear to be those called by the English settlers of Honduras, Ratan and Bonaeo, off cape Honduras. –E.

83

   The harbour of Medelin is fifteen or twenty miles south from Vera Cruz; but I suspect the place named St Juan de Ulua in the text is the modern town of Vera Cruz, the harbour of which is protected by the island and castle of St Juan de Ulua. The ancient town of Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz, now called Antigua, is about twenty-five miles north from modern Vera Cruz. –E.

84

   Diaz is frequently inattentive to dates, and does not on this occasion inform us of the year: By reference to Robertsons History of America, II. 266, 12mo. ed Lond. 1800, it certainly apoears to have been in the year 1524. –E.

85

   It may be proper to remark in this place, that the cacao nuts were used by the Mexicans before the conquest as a medium for purchases of small value instead of money, and the practice was continued under the Spanish dominion, as the markets were supplied by the original natives. Clavigero, I. 366. says that the Mexicans used five substitutes for money. 1. Cacao, which they counted by xiquipils, or in sacks containing each three xiquipils, or 24,000 nuts. 2. Small cotton cloths, called patolquachtli. 3. Gold dust in goose quills. 4. Pieces of copper in the form of the letter T. 5. Thin pieces of tin. –E.

86

   According to Robertson, II. 266. Cortes took the resolution of returning into Spain to avoid exposing himself to the ignominy of a trial in Mexico, the scene of his triumphs, on hearing that a commission of inquiry into his conduct was on the point of coming out to New Spain for that purpose. Diaz almost perpetually neglects dates, in the latter part of his work especially: but we learn from Robertson that it was now the year 1528. –E.

87

   The Mexican Tiger, or Jaguar, called Tlatlauhqui ocelotl by the Mexicans, the felis onca of naturalists, is of a yellowish colour with cornered annular spots, which are yellow in the middle. It grows to the size of a wolf or large dog, and resembles the Bengal tiger, felis tigris, in craft and cruelty, but not in size or courage. –E.

88

   Perhaps the Balsam of Capivi, which is of that consistence. The indurated balsam may be that of Tolu. –E.

89

   These were albinos, an accidental or diseased rariety of the human species, having chalky white skins, pure white hair, and a want of the pigmentum nigrum of the eye. The white rabbit is a plentiful example of animal albinos, which variety continues to propagate its kind. –E.

90

   According to Herrera, Dec. iv. lib. iij. c. 8. and lib. iv. c. 1. as quoted by Robertson, note cxxiv. the treasure which Cortes took over with him consisted of 1500 marks of wrought plate, 200,000 pesos of fine gold, and 10,000 of inferior standard; besides many rich jewels, one in particular being worth 40,000 pesos. The value of this enumerated treasure amounts to L.104,250 Sterling numerical value; but estimating its efficient value in those days, with Robertson, as equal to six times the present amount, it exceeds L.600,000. –E.

91

   Those who had worn the san benito, or penal dress, in an auto de fe. In the original translation the descendants of Indians are included in this proscription, which certainly must be an error. –E.

92

   New Gallicia, to the north-west of Mexico and upon the Pacific Ocean, is now included in the Intendencia of Guadalaxara, and appears to have been named Colima by the Mexicans. –E.

93

   Mechoacan, to the west of Mexico and reaching to the south sea forms now the Intendency of Valladolid. –E.

94

   For the information of some readers, it may be proper to observe, that the order of St John of Jerusalem, lately known by the name of the order of Malta, then resided at Rhodes. –E.

95

   Santa Cruz is a small island in the Vermilion sea, on the eastern coast of California, in lat. 25є 23' N. lon. 110є 47' W. from Greenwich.-.E

96

   This appears to be the country now called Cinaloa, or Culiacan. The strange appellation of the seven cities seems to have reference to that fancied ancient Spanish colony which has been formerly spoken of in the introduction to the discovery of Columbus. –E.

97

   This name, which is not to be found in any map, is probably a mistake for Zacatula, in lat. 18є N. on the coast of the Pacific Ocean, W.S.W. from Mexico. –E.

98

   The expedition of Alvarado to Peru will be related in the subsequent chapter. Diaz merely gives this slight hint on the subject. –E.

99

   In the sixth section of this chapter, it has been already mentioned that Don Pedro Alvarado was married to Donna Luisa the daughter of Xicotencatl, one of the princes or chiefs of Tlascala, through whom he acquired a great inheritance, and by whom he had a son Don Pedro, and a daughter Donna Leonora, married to Don Francisco de la Cueva, cousin to the Duke of Albuquerque, by whom she had four or five sons. The widow of Don Pedro destroyed in Guatimala, seems to have been a second wife-E.

100

   This extended account of the descendants of Cortes, is adopted from Clavigero, I. 442. The first paragraph, which enumerates the younger children of the marquis, and his natural children, are from Diaz. There is a difference between these authors in the name of the marchioness, whom Diaz names Donna Juanna, and Clavigero Jeroma: The former likewise names the eldest son of Cortes Martin, and the latter Martinez. –E.

101

   This refers to the period when Clavigero composed his History of Mexico, about the year 1780; according to Humboldt, the dukes of Montelione retained the vast estates of Cortes in Mexico within the present century. –E.

102

   This genealogical deduction has been somewhat abridged, as to the multiplicity of high sounding titles, and minute particulars of marriages and noble connections, altogether uninteresting to the English reader. –E.

103

   In this section Diaz gives a minute enumeration of the valiant companions who passed over to the conquest of Mexico with the most adventurous and most magnanimous Don Hernando Cortes, Marquis of the Valley. This must assuredly be a most valuable document to vast numbers of the present inhabitants of New Spain, by enabling them to trace their honourable descent from the conquerors; but, as totally uninteresting to the English reader, is here omitted. –E.

104

   These are the ordinary municipal officers of Spanish townships, answerable to our mayors, aldermen, bailiffs, constables, &c. –E.

105

   History of America, note cxxv.

106

   Even the orthography of the name of Pizarro is handed down to us with some variety. In the work of Garcilasso de la Vega it is always spelt Piзarro: Besides which, the Inca Garcilasso, in his almost perpetual quotations of our author Zarate, always gives the name Carate; the з, or cerilla c, being equivalent in Spanish to the z in the other languages of Europe. –E.

107

   In a note of the French edition of 1742, it is said that, in the folio edition of Zarate printed at Seville in 1677, Luque was called the father of Almagro, and that no mention is made of that ecclesiastic having taken any part in the expedition. Robertson, in his History of America, II. 273, says that Pizarro was the natural son of a gentleman of honourable family by a low woman, and that his education was so entirely neglected that he could neither read nor write. He adds that, after serving some years in Italy, he embarked for America, where he greatly distinguished himself. In our last chapter, Diaz makes frequent mention of Pizarro as serving with reputation under Cortes, in the early part of the expedition to Mexico; but gives no account of his quitting the service of Cortes; to whom he was probably somehow related, as the mother of Cortes was named Catalina Pizarro Altamirano. Almagro, according to Robertson, was a foundling, and bred like Pizarro in the army. Luque acted as priest and schoolmaster at Panama, and had amassed considerable riches. –E.

108

   Named Pedrarias by Robertson. –E.

109

   Chinchama, by the map in Zarate is that part of the western coast of Tierra Firma or Darien, opposite the Isla del Rey. The poor province of Peru, beyond or to the southwards of Cinchama, is that now called Biruquete; and the Pueblo quemada, or Burnt People, must be looked for in the province of Novita, perhaps Nounamas, immediately to the south of which is the river of St Juan. –E.

110

   Tacamez, otherwise called the district of Esmeraldas, or of emeralds, is in the kingdom of Quito near the equinoctial line. –E.

111

   Instead of twelve, the text only names eight of the brave associates of Pizarro. –E.

112

   Morope, in lat. 6° 35', in the district of Sana, is in the situation of the place mentioned in the text. –E.

113

   This river, otherwise called Amatape, runs into the bay of Payta, in lat. 5° 10' south. –E.

114

   Under the name of Peruvian sheep, five species of the Camel genus are known to naturalists, the Glama or Llama, Guanaco, Chillihueque, Vicugna, and Pacos. The three former were used as animals of burthen by the native Peruvians, and domesticated, the two latter, especially the Vicugna, are valuable for the firmness of their fleeces. The three larger species carry loads of about a hundred pounds weight, the other two, when domesticated, may be made to carry smaller burdens of from fifty to seventy-five pounds. –E.

115

   It was now towards the close of 1527, the third year from the first departure of Pizarro from Panama.-Robertsons America, II. 281.

116

   Robertson, II. 284. gives a different account of these four relations of Francisco Pizarro from Zarate. According to him, Ferdinand was the only lawful son of old Gonzalo Pizarro; Francisco, Juan, and the younger Gonzalo being all natural sons; and Francisco de Alcantara was the uncle of Don Francisco, being the brother of his mother. In the sequel, the conqueror of Peru shall be always mentioned by the single name of Pizarro, distinguishing his brothers by the addition of their Christian names. While in Spain, Pizarro received a supply of money from Cortes, under whom he had served in the early part of the conquest of Mexico. –E.

117

   His commission from the crown of Spain, imposed the condition of raising 250 men, and to supply the ships and warlike stores necessary for the expedition; but his funds and credit were so low that he could hardly complete half the number, and had to steal away from the port of Seville to elude the examination of the officers as to the fulfilment of his contract.-Robertsons America, II. 284.

118

   It is impossible to give any competent geographical account of this extensive country in the compass of a note. Proper Peru begins at the river Tumbez in the gulf of Guayaquil, in about lat. 3° 20' S. and extends S.S.E. along the Pacific Ocean to the desert of Atacama, which divides it from Chili, in lat. 21° 28 S. an extent of about 1200 miles; consisting of two remarkably different tracts of country. A narrow valley along the Pacific Ocean, seldom so much as 70 miles in breadth, bounded on the east by the enormous main ridge of the Andes; beyond which are many elevated vallies or table lands of various extent, divided by collateral ridges and branches of the Andes, from each other and from the prodigiously extensive plains of the vast Orinoco Maranon and La Plata rivers. Quito, which had been annexed to the kingdom of Peru, only a short time before the Spanish conquest, is similarly situated, both as to maritime vale, and elevated table land, immediately to the north of Peru proper, and seems to have reached from lat. 3° 20' S. to about lat, 1° N. but is now included in the viceroyalty of New Granada which reaches to the Carribbean sea, with which it is connected by the river Magdalena. –E.

119

   The substance of this description appears to refer entirely to that province of the kingdom of Quito which is named Esmeraldas or Tacamez, on both sides of the equator. –E.

120

   Various reasons have been assigned for the origin of the word Peru, as the name of the empire of the Incas, unknown to themselves, at least in that sense. The most probable derivation is from the river Piura, near its northern frontier, where it was first visited by Pizarro. –E.

121

   This circumstance is unintelligible, as the bones could not shrink, unless by supposing these human heads to have been the heads of small apes, resembling human faces. The expression of the text, immediately before, of human carcasses hung up in the form of crosses, ought perhaps to have been rendered instead of crosses. –E.

122

   A good deal more is said of these giants, both by Zarate and Garcilasso de la Vega, p. 363, but so vague and absurd as not to be worth insertion. The whole story seems to have arisen out of the colossal representation of a man and woman at Puerto viejo. –E.

123

   This is merely a repetition of the big bones of Mexico and the Ohio, already referred to the Mammoth, or animal ignotum. –E.

124

   Puna is in the bay of Guayaquil, in lat. 3° S. and is near thirty leagues in circumference, being about ten leagues long by five in breadth. –E.

125

   The estimate in the text is exceedingly erroneous. The city of Parto is in lat. 1° 12' N. and the Rio de Loa, or commencement of the desert of Atacama, in lat. 21° 26' S. which give only a difference of nearly 25 degrees of latitude, which at 17-1/2 Spanish leagues to the degree are only 438 leagues. Even supposing the text to include Chili, which extends to 39° 21' S. the whole extent of Peru and Chili is only 753 Spanish leagues. –E.

126

   This is only to be understood of the period when Zarate wrote, about the middle of the sixteenth century, or two hundred and fifty years ago. The first town he enumerates, Puerto Viejo, is now in the viceroyalty of New Granada. –E.

127

   The wool-bearing animals of Peru, improperly named sheep, are one or other of the species of camel already mentioned in a former note. –E.

128

   Instead of four degrees, Quito is only the fourth part of a degree beyond the line. –E.

129

   Bracamoras, or Jaen de Bracamoras, in lat. 5° 30' S. is in the district or province of Jaen in the kingdom of New Granada, on one of the branches of the Lauricocha or Tanguragua, which is one of the great rivers which contribute to form the vast Maranon, or river of the Amazons. –E.

130

   No place of that name is now found in our best maps. The principal town of the district of Chachapoyas has the same name, otherwise called St Juan de la Frontera. –E.

131

   Not far to the south of San Leon de Guanuco, in the mountains of Lauricocha, there are considerable silver mines. –E.

132

   No such place is now found on our maps in the province of Guamanga; but the ruins of a town named Vittoria are marked in the district of Calca, about fifty miles north-west from the city of Cuzco. Perhaps the Vittoria of the text is the town now called Guamanga. –E.

133

   Probably the country of the people now called Chunchos, who are implacable enemies to the Spaniards. –E.

134

   Probably the province now called Chicas on the eastern side of the Andes, occupying the head of the river Chirivionas which joins the Paraguay or Rio Plata. –E.

135

   Off the mouth of the river Lurin, in lat. 12° 26' S. is the island of Pachacamac, probably indicating the situation of the ancient province of that name. –E.

136

   The first of the Incas is named by Robertson, II. 290. and III. 47. Manco Capac. –E.

137

   By Zarate this Inca is named Guaynacava, but the more general name used by Garcilasso de la Vega and other Spanish writers, and from them by the illustrious Robertson, is adopted in this translation. –E.

138

   Garcilasso de la Vega, p. 65, describes the bridge over the Apurimac not far from Cuzco, as about two hundred paces in length. He says that its floor consisted of three great cables as thick as the body of a man; having another cable on each side, a little raised, to serve as rails. The two hundred toises or four hundred yards of the text seem an exaggeration; perhaps a mistake of the French translator. –E.

139

   This prince is called Atabaliba by Zarate, and Atabalipa by some other writers, but we have chosen to follow the illustrious historian of America in naming him Atahualpa. –E.

140

   These names are not to be found in our best modern maps of Peru: but some other names not unlike, as Mayobamba, Chachapoyas, Partas, and Caxamarca, are in the present bishopric of Truxillo, the most northern in Peru proper, and therefore likely to have been the seat of war against the revolters in Quito. –E.

141

   The whole of this appendix to the first section is an addition to Zarate, extracted from Garcilasso de la Vega and Robertson; which, being too long for a note, has been placed in the text. The introductory part of this deduction is from the History of America, Vol. II p. 289. The list of kings is from Garcilasso, whose disarranged work is too confused for quotation. –E.

142

   By some authors an Inca Roca is here interposed, who was deposed after a reign of eleven days. –E.

143

   Not good.

144

   Great Lake.

145

   Mother Lake.

146

   Huampu likewise signifies a canoe, and probably a ship might be named Atun huampu, a great canoe. –E.

147

   With regard to this person, the original French translator makes the following observation: "Perhaps this is the person named Hernando de Luque at the beginning of the first section, who is said to have been one of the original adventurers in the enterprize. If so, the name of de Luque on the former occasion may be an error of the press."-It must be observed however, that Garcilasso de la Vega names the third person of the original fraternity Hernando de Luque, and makes no mention whatever of Ponce de Leon. –E.

148

   Neither Zarate nor Garcilasso mention the number of troops embarked on this expedition, but we learn from Robertson, II. 206, that the whole armament consisted of 180 soldiers, 36 of whom were horsemen. –E.

149

   According to Robertson, II. 293, Pizarro landed in the bay of St Matthew. The distance of 100 Spanish leagues from Tumbez, mentioned by Garcilasso as the intended place of landing, would lead us to the Rio de Santjago in lat. 1° S. on the coast of Tacames or Esmeraldas. Garcilasso says that Pizarro had two vessels, which he immediately sent back to Panama. But these seem to have accompanied the march of Pizarro to Coaque. –E.

150

   From the sequel, this place appears to have been in the province of Tacames. –E.

151

   A species of gold coin worth 14 reals 18 maravedies. Garcilasso says that Pizarro sent 24000 or 25000 ducats of gold to Almagro, part of which was plunder, and part received in ransom for prisoners. –E.

152

   In making this small progress the whole of the year 1531 had been employed, and the year 1532 was already begun before Pizarro left Coaque.-Roberts. H. of Amer. II. 288.

153

   Perhaps that now called Mancora, intermediate between the river of Tumbez and that of Piura. In this route Pizarro had to cross a mountainous district, not mentioned by Zarate, called the hills of Castro, Aguarro, and Pachini-E.

154

   Garcillasso suspects that this message must have come from some curaca in the interest of Huascar, who was then a prisoner to Atahualpa. –E.

155

   San Miguel stands on the river Piuru, which runs into the sea upwards of forty miles farther south than the Chira. This colony being intended for a harbour to receive reinforcements, was probably first established at the mouth of the river, where Sechura now stands. The present town of San Miguel is near thirty miles from the sea-E.

156

   In this adventurous march into the interior of an extensive empire, the forces commanded by Pizarro, who had now received several reinforcements, consisted of 62 horsemen and 102 foot soldiers, twenty of whom were armed with cross-bows, and only three carried muskets or rather matchlocks.-Robertson, H. of Amer. II. 295. He appears also to have had two small field-pieces. –E.

157

   This envoy would assuredly bring some other message; and accordingly Robertson, II. 296, says that he offered an alliance, and a friendly reception at Caxamarca. Garcilasso gives a long and vague account of the object of this message, and enumerates many articles of provisions and curiosities, and some rich presents of gold and silver dishes and vases which were sent on this occasion by Atahualpa to Pizarro. –E.

158

   Robertson, II. 299, suppresses all mention of any hostile intentions on the part of Atahualpa. –E.

159

   Robertson, note cxxx, justly observes, that the extravagant and absurd discourse of Valverde, of which that given by Zarate in the text is an epitome, is merely a translation or paraphrase of a form, concerted in 1509 by a junto of Spanish lawyers and divines, for directing the office employed in the New World how to take possession of any new country. –E.

160

   In this engagement, or massacre rather, according to one Spanish writer 2000 Peruvians were slain, while another author swells the number to six or seven thousand, and a third says five thousand. Of the Spaniards not one was even hurt except the general Pizarro, who was wounded in the hand by one of his own soldiers.-Roberts. Hist. of America. II. 302. and note cxxxi.

161

   Considerable even as this sum appears, it seems too small for the sovereign of so vast an empire which abounded so much in gold; yet we have no means of correcting the amount. Garcilasso however mentions one piece of goid plate found in the baths of Atahualpa after the battle worth 100,000 ducats; but his work is so strange a farrago of confusion and absurdity as to bear very little authority. –E.

162

   The omission of the length and breadth of this room by Zarate, is supplied by Robertson, ii. 503, from the other original Spanish authors, who say the room was 22 feet long by 16 feet broad. The reach of Atahualpa could not be less than. 7-1/2 feet, 2640 cubic feet of gold, even heaped up of hollow vessels, must have produced a most astonishing value of that precious metal; but there are no data on which to calculate the numerical value of this imperial ransom, which the Spaniards certainly meant to accept, but would never have fulfilled the alternative. –E.

163

   The sum in the text is quite vaguely expressed; perhaps pieces of eight reals, or dollars. –E.

164

   At 17-1/2 leagues to the degree, this government accorded to Pizarro, would have reached from about Tacames to the lat. of 11° 25' S. whereas the kingdom of Peru extends to lat. 21° 35' S. and its most valuable and richest provinces would have fallen to the share of Almagro. –E.

165

   This expression is entirely vague, and does not even say which governor is meant. We shall see afterwards that this project of Almagro to appropriate the southern part of Peru took place at a subsequent period, and involved the recent conquest in long and destructive civil wars. –E.

166

   Reckoning the mark at eight ounces, the gold at L.4, and the silver at 5s 6d. per oz. this royal fifth would come to L.108,000, and the whole treasure to five times that sum, or L.540,000. But as the precious metals were then worth at least six times as much as now, or would purchase six times the amount of labour or necessaries, this first fruit of the conquest of Peru exceeded the value of three millions sterling. –E.

167

   Of this tragical event, the illustrious Historian of America, gives a somewhat different account, II. 310, from Herrera and Garcilasso de la Vega; which, as much too long for a note, is subjoined in the text to the narrative of Zarate, and distinguished by inverted commas. –E.

168

   Probably the district now called Jauja: as the x and j have nearly the same sound in Spanish with the aspirated Greek xi. –E.

169

   Apparently Guancavelica, in which is the town of Vilca-bamba. –E.

170

   This name of Paul could hardly be Peruvian. Manco Capac, a full brother of Huascar, had been recognized as Inca at Cuzco; perhaps the person named Paul by Zarate, is the same prince who is called Paullu by Gardilasso, and may have received that name in baptism at an after period. –E.

171

   This it probably an error of the press for Condesugo. To the south of Cusco, and in the plain of Peru, there are two contiguous districts named the Condesuyos of Arequipa and Cusco, which are probably the province alluded to in the text. The term seems Spanish; but it is not unusual with Zarate to substitute posterior names to those of the period concerning which he writes. –E.

172

   This paragraph is added from the history of America, II. 313, to the text of Zarate, as necessary to account for the subsequent operations of Pizarro, after the secession of a considerable part of his original followers. –E.

173

   Tumbez seems here substituted by mistake for Payta. San Miguel is not less than 130 miles from Tumbez, and only about 30 from Payta-E.

174

   From the subsequent operations of Alvarado, this seems an error of the press for Quito. –E.

175

   Probably that now called Riobamba by the Spaniards, about 100 miles south from Quito. –E.

176

   Garcilasso says that the soldiers of both armies, being mostly natives of Estremedura, mixed together without permission of their officers, and made propositions of peace and amity, by which the generals were in a great measure forced to an agreement.

177

   Two thousand marks of gold of eight ounces each, and the ounce at four pound Sterling are worth L.64,000, perhaps equivalent to near L.460,000 of modern money. –E.

178

   Perhaps that now called Xibarros, in the south of the kingdom of Quito. –E.

179

   According to Garcilosso, Pizarro made an additional free gift to Alvarado of 20,000 gold pesos to defray the expence of his voyage back to his government, with emeralds and turquoises to a considerable value, and several articles of gold plate for the use of his table. –E.

180

   Lima or Los Reyes is built on the banks of a river named Rimac or Limac by the Peruvians, whence its ordinary name of Lima. It is about ten miles from the sea, having a port named Callao at the mouth of the river. This city got the name of the City of the Kings; either from its foundation being laid on the 18th of January 1535, on the festival of the three kings; or in honour of Juana and Carlos, joint sovereigns of Castile. –E.

181

   Though not mentioned directly in the text, it appears that Almagro knew of and intended to conquer the country of Chili, and that he chose to march by the high country of Peru, through the great elevated valley of the lake Titicaca, probably the highest inhabited land of South America. His object was in all probability to avoid the extensive desert of Atacama, which divides the plain of Peru from Chili. –E.

182

   From the desert of Atacama in lat 25° S. to the island of Chiloe in about lat. 42° S. Chili Proper, between the Pacific ocean and the western ridge of the Andes, stretches about 1100 English miles nearly north and south by an average breadth of about 140 miles. –E.

183

   Valparayso stands nearly in the latitude indicated by the text. Valdivia, taking its name from that commander, is in lat. 30°40' S. –E.

184

   Zarate is extremely remiss in regard to dates, and not a little confused in the arrangement of his narrative. We learn from Robertson, II. 325, that Ferdinand Pizarro returned to Peru in 1536. –E.

185

   According to Robertson, II. 326, the place where the festival was to be celebrated was only at a few leagues distance from Cuzco. Garcilasso says that it was a garden belonging to the Incas only a league from the city. –E.

186

   The return of Almagro to Cuzco was in the year 1537. –E.

187

   Garcilasso names this prince Paullu Inca. –E.

188

   Named Atavillos by Garcilasso de la Vega. –E.

189

   The arrangement of Zarate is extremely faulty and confused, as he here recounts circumstances which preceeded the return of Almagro to Cuzco. We are here giving a translation of a original document; not endeavouring to write a history of the Conquest of Peru, and have not therefore authority to alter the arrangement of our author. –E.

190

   Garcilasso names the Peruvian general Titu Yupanqui. The remainder of the sentence, respecting the brother of the Inca and Gaete, is quite unintelligible. I suspect it has been misunderstood by the French translator and ought to stand thus: "The commander of these Peruvians was Titu Yupanqui, a brother of the Inca, and the same person who had driven Gaete and others to take refuge in Lima."-E.

191

   Abancay is a town on one of the branches of the Apurimac about 60 miles west from Cuzco. –E.

192

   We learn from the History of America, II. 331, that this bloodless victory over Alvarado took place on the 12th July 1537. Garcilasso calls it the battle of the river Amancay, and names Alvarado Alonso. –E.

193

   Nasca is about 240 miles S.S.E. from Lima, or about sixty Spanish leagues. –E.

194

   Zarate forgets that only a few lines before, he had mentioned that Almagro carried these officers along with his army:-E.

195

   Mala, or San Pedro de Mala, is a town and sea-port on a river of the same name, about 50 miles south from Lima.

196

   According to Robertson, II. 334, after an unsuccessful attempt to cross the mountains by the direct road from Lima to Cuzco, Ferdinand marched southwards in the maritime plain to Nasca, whence he penetrated by the defiles of the mountains in that quarter. –E.

197

   Garcilasso informs us that the musketeers of Pizarro used a kind of chain shot on this occasion; their leaden bullets being cast in two hemispheres connected together by several links of a small iron chain. –E.

198

   In Zarate the date of this battle is given as the 26th of April, in which he is followed by Robertson; but Garcilasso carefully notices the mistake, and assures us that it was fought on the 6th of the month. –E.

199

   Collao in the text is probably Cailloma of modern maps, a very elevated valley at the head of one of the branches of the Apurimac. The marshy country beyond, to which Candia and Peranzures were sent on discovery, is called Musu by Garcilasso, and was probably the Pampas or marshy plains of the Mojos or Muju, to the east of the Andes, nearly in the latitude of Cailloma-E.

200

   We learn from Garcilasso that in this province the city of La Plata was afterwards built, not far distant from the famous mines of Potosi and Porco-E.

201

   Perhaps the Inca Titu Yupanqui is here meant, who was named Tizogopangui by Zarate on a former occasion. –E.

202

   We shall have a future opportunity of giving a better account of the discovery and conquest of Chili than this extremely meagre notice by Zarate from Molina, Ovalle and other early authors. The nameless city mentioned by Zarate was probably St Jago de Chili, which was founded by Valdivia. The commencement of the Valdivian expedition was in the year 1530. –E.

203

   This force, according to Garcilasso, amounted to 100 horse, and an equal number of foot. –E.

204

   According to Garcilasso de la Vega, his force consisted of 340 Spaniards, of whom 150 were horsemen. –E.

205

   These Indians, according to Garcilasso, were laden with arms, provisions, and ammunition, besides large quantities of hatchets, ropes, nails, and wooden pins, to use upon occasion. –E.

206

   Perhaps the elevated valley of Macas on the river Morona which runs into the Tunguragua. –E.

207

   Even Garcilasso, who is sufficiently fond of the marvellous and ever ready to adopt absurdities, honestly relates of these Amazons, that they were a fierce and wild nation of men, whose wives went forth to war along with their husbands; and that Orellana invented the tale of a nation of Amazons to raise the honour of his atchievement, and to induce the emperor to bestow upon him the government of the country he had discovered. –E.

208

   According to Garcilasso, he contrived with great difficulty and danger to navigate in his rude bark from the mouth of the Marannon or Amazons to the island of Trinidada, where he purchased a ship for his voyage to Spain. –E.

209

   The river Napo joins the Maranon in lat. 3° 20' S. and long. 70° W. But we are uncertain whether this were the place where Orellana deserted, as there are many junctions of large rivers in the course of the vast Maranon. The two greatest of its tributary streams are the Negro which joins in long. 60° W. from the north, and the Madeira in long. 58° W. from the south. –E.

210

   Garcilasso preserves the name of that faithful Spaniard, Hernando Sanchez de Vargas, a young gentleman of Badajoz. –E.

211

   We learn from Garcilasso that this new road was on the north side of the river, Napo probably, and consequently that they had kept the south side in their way eastwards. –E.

212

   It is hardly necessary to say that cinnamon comes only from Ceylon, not from the Moluccas; and that so entirely different was the substance sought for in this disastrous expedition from cinnamon, that it is now entirely unknown in Europe; unless it be the Canella alba, now only used as a light aromatic of small value by druggists.
   Zarate is generally loose and confused in his accounts, and almost entirely neglectful of dates. We learn from the History of America that this unfortunate expedition lasted near two years, and that two hundred and ten Spaniards and four thousand Indians perished during its continuance, only eighty Spaniards returning to Quito. Garcilasso says that two thousand of the Indians returned along with the Spaniards, and served them during the hardships of the journey with the most affectionate fidelity, supplying their extreme necessities with herbs, roots, and wild fruit, and with toads, snakes, and other reptiles, which the Spaniards greedily devoured, or they must have died for want of food. –E.

213

   The festival of St John the Evangelist is on the 5th May but the assasination of the Marquis did not take place till the 26th June 1541. –E.

214

   In a former note, it has been mentioned, on the authority of Robertson, that Francisco de Alcantara was the uncle of Pizarro by his mother; yet Garcilasso calls him his brother, and perhaps he was so by a different father. –E.

215

   The language of the French translator is here rather equivocal, but distinctly bears the construction here given of the marquis being at supper in the house of de Alcantara. –E.

216

   By Garcilasso, Velasquez is called the Chief Justice. –E.

217

   Garcilasso, quoting Zarate, says that the body was dragged to church by some negroes; the French translator says quelques miserables. –E.

218

   According to Garcilasso, the marquis had only one son and one daughter, Don Francisco being the son of his brother Gonzalo. Don Gonzalo, the only son of the marquis, was born of a daughter of Atahualpa, not a sister, named Angelina. Donna Francisca was the marquises daughter by Ynes Huayllas Nusta, a daughter of the Inca Huana Capac, whose Christian name was Donna Beatrix. –E.

219

   This chapter is merely a continuation of the history of the discovery and conquest of Peru, by Zarate: but we have thought proper to divide it in this manner, separating the transactions which took place during the life of Francisco Pizarro, from those which occurred after his death. –E.

220

   Il les fit prenare, are the words of the French translator: prendre may possibly be an error of the press on this occasion for pendre; in which case those officers of the late marquis were ordered to be hanged; and indeed they do not appear in the sequel. –E.

221

   There must have been two persons in Peru of this name and surname, as we have already seen one Francisco de Chaves killed on the same day with the marquis. –E.

222

   This officer was father to the historian of the same name. –E.

223

   It was now the year 1542. –E.

224

   As Zarate introduces Vaca de Castro into the history of Peru without any previous notice of his appointment, it has been deemed proper to give a short account of his commission from Robertsons History of America, II. 339, which, being too long for a note, is distinguished in the text by inverted commas. –E.

225

   The remainder of the circumstances relative to de Castro, here quoted, are to be found in Robertson II. 353.; the other events in the history of Peru having been already given from Zarate. –E.

226

   We now return to the narrative of Zarate. –E.

227

   Garcilasso says, that on this occasion, the Inca Manca Capac, who had retired to the mountains, in remembrance of the friendship which had subsisted between him and the elder Almagro, provided Don Diego with large quantities of armour, swords and saddles, which had been formerly taken from the Spaniards, sufficient to arm two hundred men. –E.

228

   The rank of serjeant major in the Spanish service appears to answer to our adjutant, as applied to a battalion: On the present occasion Carvajal may be considered as adjutant general under Vaca de Castro. Maestre de Campo seems equivalent to Major-General. –E.

229

   Garcilasso, himself a mestee, says that Don Diego was the bravest Mestizo, or son of a Spaniard by an Indian woman, that ever the New World produced. –E.

230

   According to Garcilasso, of 1500 combatants, including both sides, 500 men were slain, and about an equal number wounded; the royalists having 500 killed and 400 wounded, while the rebels had only 200 slain and 100 wounded. In this estimate he has surely made a material error, as he makes the killed and wounded of the royalists equal to the whole number thay had in the field. –E.

231

   At this place, a naked list of a great number of names of those who signalized themselves in the battle, are enumerated by Zarate, but omitted here as altogether uninteresting. –E.

232

   This appears to countenance the account of Garcilasso in a former note, who probably quoted from Zarate; but the latter does not limit this number to the royal troops. –E.

233

   Obviously a misunderstood description of alligators. Indeed the whole account of this country, now called Colona, seems to have been derived from the reports of Indians, and is in many circumstances entirely fabulous, as is well known from the more recent accounts of the Jesuit missions. –E.

234

   Carabaya is an elevated valley of considerable extent, to the south east of Cuzco. A mark of gold or eight ounces is worth about L.32; hence we may readily believe so rich a days work was seldom made. –E.

235

   The author of this history. –E.

236

   About that distance to the north of Lima is the town of Huaura, which is probably the place indicated in the text, as in many names of places in Peru the initial syllable Gua or Hua, are interchangeably used by different authors. –E.

237

   Zarate is exceedingly negligent in regard to dates. We learn from the history of America, II. 370, that the present occurrences took place in 1544. –E.

238

   It has been already mentioned in a former note, that this is probably a different orthography for Huaura, a place about 70 miles to the N.N. W. of Lima. –E.

239

   Arequipa is a considerable way from the coast, on which there are several harbours, thirty or forty miles distant. –E.

240

   Garcilasso de la Vega differs somewhat in the names of one or two of these leading men who deserted from Gonzalo, and enumerates a considerable number more, among whom he names one Pedro Pizarro, saying they were in all about forty, with many of whom he was personally acquainted. –E.

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol.V

Robert Kerr


A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, #5

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol.V
PART II.
BOOK II.
CHAPTER VII.
CHAPTER VIII.
CHAPTER IX.
CHAPTER X.

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol.V
by Robert Kerr

   GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS, ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER: FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE PRESENT TIME. BY ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN. ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS. VOL. V.

   MDCCCXXIV.

   (Illustration: VICEROYALTY OF NEW GRANADA)

PART II.
(CONTINUED)

BOOK II.
(CONTINUED)

CHAPTER VII.
CONTINUATION OF THE EARLY HISTORY OF PERU, AFTER THE DEATH OF FRANCISCO PIZARRO, TO THE DEFEAT OF GONZALO PIZARRO, AND THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF TRANQUILITY IN THE COUNTRY; WRITTEN BY AUGUSTINO ZARATE (Continued)



SECTION III. Continuation of the Viceroyalty of Blasco Nunnez Vela, to his deposition and expulsion front Peru
   The viceroy received immediate intelligence of the revolt of Puelles, as mentioned in the foregoing section, which; was brought to him by a Peruvian captain named Yllatopa; and, though he considered it as a very unfortunate incident, he took immediate measures to counteract their intentions of joining the enemy, by sending a detachment to occupy the passes of the valley of Jauja, through which they must necessarily march on their way from Guanuco to join Gonzalo. For this purpose, he immediately ordered his brother Vela Nunnez to march in all haste with a detachment of forty light armed cavalry, and thirty musqueteers under the command of Gonzalo Diaz, besides whom ten of the friends and relations of Nunnez went as volunteers on this expedition. On purpose to expedite the march of this detachment as much as possible, the viceroy caused thirty-six mules to be purchased, which cost 12,000 ducats, the money being taken from the royal treasury. Being thus excellently equipped, they set out from Lima, and marched to Guadachili1, about twenty leagues from Lima on their way to the valley of Jauja. At this place a plot was formed by the soldiers for killing Vela Nunnez and deserting to the army of Gonzalo, which was revealed by the following incident. Certain scouts who preceded the detachment about four leagues beyond Guadachili in the district of Pariacaca, met the friar Thomas de San Martino, provincial of the Dominicans, who had been sent by the viceroy to Cuzco to try if it were possible to come to some agreement with Gonzalo; on this occasion one of the soldiers secretly informed the provincial of the particulars of the conspiracy, begging him to take immediate means of prevention, as it was to be executed on the following night. The provincial accordingly hastened his journey to Guadachili, taking all the scouts he could meet with along with him, as he told them their present expedition was entirely useless, as Puelles and his troops had passed through Jauja two days before, and it was now impossible to intercept them. On his arrival in Guadachili, the provincial immediately informed Vela Nunnez of the danger to which he was exposed, who accordingly consulted with some of his friends and relations on the means of escape. In the evening, they ordered out their horses, as if for the purpose of sending them to water, and mounting them immediately, they saved themselves by flight under the cloud of night, being guided on their way by the provincial.
   When the flight of Vela Nunnez and his friends was known, Juan de la Torre, Pedro Hita, Jorge Griego, and the other soldiers who had formed the conspiracy, went immediately to the main guard, where they compelled all the other soldiers, under threats of instant death, to promise going off along with them to join Gonzalo. Almost the whole of the detachment promised compliance, and even the captain Gonzalo Diaz was of the number; but he was apparently more harshly treated by the conspirators than the others. They tied his hands as if fearing he might use measures against them; yet he was not only believed to have been a participator in the plot, but was even supposed to be its secret leader. Most of the inhabitants of Lima expected Diaz to act in the way he did, as he was son-in-law to Puelles against whom he was sent, and it was not to be supposed he would give his aid to arrest his father-in-law. The whole party therefore, immediately set out in search of Gonzalo, mounted on the mules which had cost so high a price, and joined him near the city of Guamanga, where Puelles had arrived, two days before them. At that time of their junction, the adherents of Gonzalo were so much discouraged by the lukewarmness of Gaspard Rodriguez and his friends, that in all probability the whole army under Gonzalo would have dispersed if they had been three days later in arriving. But the arrival of Puelles gave the insurgents great encouragement, both by the reinforcement which he brought of forty horse and twenty musketeers, and by his exhortations; as he declared himself ready to proceed against the viceroy even with his own troops, and had no doubt of being able to take him prisoner or to drive him out of the country, he was so universally hated. The encouragements derived by the insurgents from the junction of Puelles, was still farther strengthened by the arrival of Diaz and his companions.
   Vela Nunnez got safe to Lima, where he informed the viceroy of the unfortunate result of his expedition, who was very much cast down on the occasion, as his affairs seemed to assume a very unpromising aspect. Next day Rodrigo Ninno, and three or four others who refused to follow the example of Diaz, arrived at Lima in a wretched condition, having suffered a thousand insults from the conspirators, who deprived them of their horses and arms, and even stripped them of their clothes. Ninno was dressed in an old doublet and breeches, without stockings, having only a pair of miserable pack-thread sandals, and had walked all the way with a stick in his hand. The viceroy received him very graciously, praising his loyalty, and told him that he appeared more nobly in his rags than if clothed in the most costly attire.
   When Balthasar de Loyasa had procured the safe conduct from the viceroy for his employers, he set out without loss of time for the army of Gonzalo Pizarro. As his departure and the nature of his dispatches were soon known in Lima, it was universally believed there that the troops under Pizarro would soon disperse of their own accord, leaving the viceroy in peaceable and absolute command of the whole colony, upon which he would assuredly put the ordinances in force with the utmost rigour to the utter ruin of every one: For this reason, several of the inhabitants, and some even of the soldiers belonging to the viceroy, came to the resolution of following Loyasa and taking his dispatches from him. Loyasa left Lima in the evening of a Saturday, in the month of September 1545, accompanied by Captain Ferdinand de Zavallos. They were mounted on mules, without any attendants, and had no baggage to delay their journey. Next night, twenty-five persons set out from Lima on horseback in pursuit of them, determined to use every possible expedition to get up with Loyasa that they might take away his dispatches. The chiefs in this enterprize were, Don Balthasar de Castro, son of the Conde de la Gomera, Lorenzo Mexia, Rodrigo de Salazar, Diego de Carvajal usually called the gallant, Francisco de Escovedo, Jerom de Carvajal, and Pedro Martin de Cecilia, with eighteen others in their company. Using every effort to expedite their journey, they got up with Loyasa and Zavallos about forty leagues from Lima, and found them asleep in a tambo of palace of the Incas. Taking from them the letters and dispatches with which they were entrusted, they forwarded these immediately to Gonzalo Pizarro by means of a soldier, who used the utmost diligence in travelling through bye ways and short cuts through the mountains, with all of which he was well acquainted. After this, de Castro and the rest of the malecontents continued their journey towards the camp of Gonzalo, taking Loyasa and Zavallos along with them under strict custody.
   Upon receiving the intercepted dispatches which were brought to him by the soldier, Gonzalo Pizarro secretly communicated them to Captain Carvajal, whom he had recently appointed his lieutenant-general, or maestre de campo, in consequence of the sickness of Alfonzo de Toro, who held that commission on commencing the march from Cuzco. After consulting with Carvajal, he communicated the whole matter to the captains and those other chiefs of the insurgent-army who had shewn no intentions of abandoning him, as they had not participated in applying for the safe conduct from the viceroy. Some of these, from motives of enmity against individuals, others from envy, and others again from the hope of profiting by the forfeiture of the lands and Indians belonging to the accused, advised Gonzalo to punish these persons with rigor, as a warning to others not to venture upon similar conduct. In this secret consultation, it was determined to select the following from among those who were clearly implicated in taking part with the viceroy, by their names being contained in the safe conduct taken from Loyasa: Captain Gaspard Rodriguez; Philip Gutierrez, the son of Alfonso Gutierrez of Madrid who was treasurer to his majesty; and Arias Maldonado, a gentleman of Galicia, who had remained along with Gutierrez at Guamanga, two or three days march in the rear of the army, under pretence of having some preparations to make for the journey. Accordingly, Gonzalo sent off Pedro de Puelles to Guamanga accompanied by an escort of cavalry, who arrested these two latter gentlemen and caused them to be beheaded.
   Gaspar Rodriguez was in the camp, where he commanded a body of near two hundred pikemen; and as Gonzalo and his advisers dared not to put him to death openly, as he was a very rich man of considerable influence and much beloved, they had to employ a stratagem for his arrestment. Gonzalo ordered a hundred and fifty musqueteers of the company commanded by Ceremeno to hold themselves in readiness around his tent, near which likewise he caused his train of artillery to be drawn up ready for service, and then convened all the captains belonging to his troops in his tent, under pretence of communicating some dispatches which he had received from Lima. When the whole were assembled, and Rodriguez among them, he became alarmed on seeing that the tent was surrounded by armed men and artillery, and wished to have retired under pretext of urgent business. At this time, and in presence of the whole assembled officers, the lieutenant-general Carvajal, came up to Rodriguez as if without any premeditated intention, caught hold of the guard of his sword, and drew it from the scabbard. Carvajal then desired him to make confession of his sins to a priest, who was in attendance for that express purpose, as he was to be immediately put to death. Rodriguez used every effort to avoid this sudden and unlooked for catastrophe, and offered to justify himself from every accusation which could be brought against him; but every thing he could allege was of no avail, as his death was resolved upon, and he was accordingly beheaded.
   The execution of these three leaders astonished every one, being the first which were ventured upon since the usurpation of Gonzalo; but they more especially terrified those other persons who were conscious of having participated in the same plot for which their chiefs were now put to death. A few days afterwards, De Castro and his companions arrived at the camp of the insurgents, with their prisoners Loyasa and Zavallos. It has been reported that, on the very day of their arrival, Gonzalo sent off his lieutenant-general Carvajal to meet them on the road by which they were expected, with orders to have Loyasa and Zavallos strangled: But, fortunately for them, their conductors had left the ordinary road, taking a circuitous and unfrequented path, so that Carvajal did not fall in with them; and, when they were brought before Gonzalo, so many of his friends and accomplices interceded for their pardon, that he agreed to spare their lives. Loyasa was commanded immediately to quit the camp, on foot and without any provisions. Zavallos was detained in the camp as a prisoner; and, rather more than a year afterwards, was appointed superintendent of those who were employed in digging for gold in the province of Quito. While in that employment, it was represented to Gonzalo that Zavallos had become so exceedingly rich, that he must have purloined a great proportion of the gold which was drawn from the mines. Being predisposed against him by his former conduct in the service of the viceroy, Gonzalo was easily persuaded to believe him guilty, and ordered him to be hanged.
   The departure of De Castro and his companions from Lima, as already mentioned, though conducted in great secrecy, was soon discovered. On the same night, as Diego de Urbina, the major general of the army belonging to the viceroy, was going the rounds of the city, he happened to visit the dwellings of several of those who had accompanied De Castro; and finding that they were absent, and that their horses, arms, servants, and Indians were all removed, he immediately suspected that they were gone off to join Gonzalo. Urbina went directly to the viceroy, who was already in bed, and assured him that most of the inhabitants had fled from the city, as he believed that the defection was more general than it turned out to be. The viceroy was very justly alarmed by this intelligence, and ordered the drums to beat to arms. When, in consequence of this measure, all the captains and other officers in his service were assembled, he gave them orders to visit the whole houses of the city, by which means it was soon known who had deserted. As Diego and Jerom de Carvajal, and Francisco Escovedo, nephews of the commissary Yllan Suarez de Carvajal were among the absentees, the viceroy immediately suspected Yllan Suarez of being a partisan of Gonzalo Pizarro, believing that his nephews had acted by his orders, more especially as they dwelt in his house, and could not therefore have gone away without his knowledge; though assuredly they might easily have escaped by a different door at a distance from the principal entrance. Actuated by these suspicions, the viceroy sent his brother, Vela Nunnez, with a detachment of musqueteers, to bring Suarez immediately to the palace for examination. On arriving at his house, Suarez was in bed, but was brought immediately before the viceroy, who was now dressed is his armour, and reposing on a couch. It is reported by some who were present, that the viceroy addressed Suarez on entering the following words. "Traitor! you have sent off your nephews to join Gonzalo Pizarro." "Call me not traitor, my lord," replied Suarez, "I am as faithful a subject to his majesty as you are." The viceroy was so much irritated by the insolent behaviour of Suarez, that he drew his sword and advanced towards him, and some even allege that he stabbed him in the breast. The viceroy, however, constantly asserted that he did not use his sword against Suarez; but that the servants and halberdiers who were in attendance, on noticing the insolent behaviour of the commissary to their master, had put him to death, without allowing him time for confession, or even for speaking a single word in his own defence. The body was immediately carried away for interment; and as the commissary was very universally beloved, it was thought dangerous to take his dead body through the great court of the viceregal palace, where there were always a hundred soldiers on guard during the night, lest it might occasion some disturbance. For this reason, it was let down from a gallery which overlooked the great square, whence some Indians and negroes carried it to a neighbouring church, and buried it without any ceremony in his ordinary scarlet cloak.
   Three days after this tragical event, when the judges of the royal audience made the viceroy a prisoner, as shall be presently related, among their first transactions, they made a judicial examination respecting the circumstances attendant upon the death of Suarez. It was ascertained in the first place, that he had disappeared since the time when he was carried before the viceroy at midnight; after which, the body was dug up, and the wounds examined2. When the intelligence of the death of Suarez spread through Lima, it gave occasion to much dissatisfaction, as every one knew that he had been always, favourable to the interest and authority of the viceroy, and had even exerted his whole influence in procuring him to be received at Lima, in opposition to the sentiments of the majority of the magistrates of that city. His death happened on the night of Sunday the 13th of September 1544. Early next morning, Don Alfonzo de Montemayor was sent by the viceroy with a party of thirty horse, in pursuit of De Castro and the others who had gone after Loyasa and Zavallos. When Montemayor had travelled two or three days in the pursuit, he learnt that De Castro and his companions were already so far advanced in their journey that it would be utterly impossible to get up with them. He accordingly turned back, and receiving information on his return towards Lima, that Jerom de Carvajal had lost his companions during the night, and, being unable to discover the road by which they were gone, had concealed himself in a marsh among some tall reeds, where Montemayor found him out, and carried him prisoner to Lima, on purpose to give him up to the viceroy. Fortunately for Carvajal, the viceroy was himself a prisoner when Montemayor returned to Lima.
   When the anger of the viceroy had somewhat subsided, he used great pains to justify himself, in regard to the death of Suarez, explaining the reasons of his conduct in that affair to all who visited him, and endeavouring to convince them that he had just reasons of suspicion, giving a detailed account of all the circumstances respecting the arrest and death of Suarez. He even procured some judicial informations to be drawn up by the licentiate Cepeda, respecting the crimes which he laid to the charge of the commissary, of which the following is an abstract.
   "It appeared reasonable to suppose that Suarez must have been privy to the desertion of his nephews, as they lived in his house and could not have gone off without his knowledge. He alleged that Suaraz had not exerted all the care and diligence that were necessary and proper, in several affairs connected with the present troubles which had been confided to him. It was objected to him, that he was particularly interested in opposing the execution of the obnoxious regulations; since he would have been obliged, along with the rest, to give up the lands and Indians he then held as an officer of the crown, which he had not done hitherto on account of the subsisting disturbances in the country. Lastly, the viceroy charged against him, that having entrusted Suarez at the very beginning of the troubles with certain dispatches for his brother, the licentiate Carvajal, who then dwelt at Cuzco, intended for procuring intelligence by his means of what was going on in that city, he had never given or procured any answer on that subject; although it must certainly have been easy for him to have procured intelligence from his brother, by means of the Indian vassals of both, and by those belonging to the king who were at his disposal officially, all of whom dwelt on the road between Lima and Cuzco." Besides that all these allegations carry very little weight in themselves, as evidences of the presumptive guilt of Suarez, none of them were ever satisfactorily established by legal proof.
   As the viceroy found that all his affairs had turned out unfortunate, and that every person seemed much discontented in consequence of the death of Suarez, he changed his intention of waiting for Gonzalo Pizarro at Lima, which he had caused fortify in that view with ramparts and bastions. He now resolved to retire to the city of Truxillo, about eighty leagues from Lima, and entirely to abandon and even to dispeople the city of Lima; in the execution of this project he meant to send the invalids, old persons, women, children, and all the valuable effects and baggage belonging to the inhabitants by sea to Truxillo, for which purpose he had sufficient shipping, and to march all who were able to carry arms by land, taking along with him all the European inhabitants of every settlement in the plain between Lima and Truxillo; and sending off all the Indian population of the plain to the mountainous region. By these decisive measures, he hoped to reduce the adherents of Gonzalo Pizarro to such straits, by depriving them of every possible succour and refreshment, after the fatigues of a long and painful march, encumbered with baggage and artillery, as might constrain them to disband their army, when they might find the whole way between Lima and Truxillo reduced to a desert entirely devoid of provisions. The viceroy considered himself under the necessity of employing these strong measures, as some of his people deserted from him almost daily to the enemy, in proportion as the insurgents approached towards Lima.
   In pursuance of this resolution, on Tuesday the 15th of September, two days after the slaughter of the commissary Suarez, the viceroy gave orders to Diego Alvarez de Cueto, with a party of horse, to convey the children of the late Marquis Pizarro on board ship, and to remain in charge of them and the licentiate Vaca de Castro. On this occasion, he gave the command of the fleet to Cueto, being afraid lest Don Antonio de Ribera and his wife, who then had the charge of young Don Gonzalo and his brothers, children of the late marquis, might conceal them and give them up to their uncle. This measure occasioned much emotion among the inhabitants of Lima, and gave great offence to the oydors or judges of the royal audience, particularly to the licentiate Ortiz de Zarate, who made strong remonstrances to the viceroy against sending Donna Francisco Pizarro among the sailors and soldiers, where she could not reside in decent comfort. This young lady, who was both beautiful and rich, was now almost grown a woman, and the conduct of the viceroy towards her on this occasion was considered as harsh, tyrannical, and unnecessary. Ortiz was unable to prevail on the viceroy to recall his orders respecting the children of the late marquis; and he even openly declared that he had come to the resolution of abandoning Lima in the way already mentioned. All the oydors considered these intended steps as highly improper and ruinous to the colony; and declared, that as they had been ordered by his majesty to take up their residence in Lima, they were determined not to quit that place without a new royal order for the express purpose. As the viceroy found that every thing he could say was quite ineffectual to bring over the oydors to his sentiments, he resolved to gain possession of the royal seal, and to carry it off with himself to Truxillo, by which measure the oydors would be reduced to the state of private persons in Lima, and unable to hold any sitting of the royal audience, unless they chose to accompany him to Truxillo. When this resolution of the viceroy was communicated to the oydors, they called the chancellor before them, from whom they took the seal, which they committed to the custody of the licentiate Cepeda, the senior oydor. This was done by three of the oydors, Cepeda, Texada, and Alvarez, Ortiz being absent at the time.
   On the same evening, all the four oydors assembled in the house of Cepeda, and agreed to present a formal requisition to the viceroy to bring back the family of the late marquis from the fleet in which he had embarked them. After this resolution had been engrossed in the register, the licentiate Ortiz retired to his own house, being indisposed. The other three oydors continued in consultation on the measures which were proper to be adopted, for defending themselves against the power of the viceroy, in case he should persist in his plans, and endeavour to make them embark by force, which they publickly asserted was his intention. On this occasion, they drew up an ordinance or public act, by which, in the name and authority of the king "they commanded all the inhabitants of the city of Lima, captains, soldiers, and others, civil and military, in case the viceroy should give orders to remove them, the oydors of the royal audience, by force and violence from Lima, that they should aid, assist, and defend them, in opposition to such a measure, as illegal and unjust, and contrary to the orders of his majesty, clearly expressed in the new regulations, and in the commission granted to them as oydors of the royal audience."
   Having formally extended and authenticated this act, they communicated it in secret to Captain Martin de Robles, whom they desired to hold himself and his soldiers in readiness to defend them in case of need. De Robles engaged to stand by them; for though one of the captains in the troops, he was not on good terms with the viceroy. Several other persons of importance in the city, to whom the oydors communicated the resolutions which they had formed, promised likewise to stand by them against the tyranny of the viceroy. That same evening, all who were in concert with the oydors held themselves in readiness, anxiously waiting the event of an open breach between the viceroy and the judges of the royal audience. However secret the steps taken by the oydors might have been, they became known to the viceroy, or at least he entertained violent suspicions of their nature and tendency. At night-fall, Martin de Robles went privately to the house of the oydor Cepeda, to whom he communicated his opinion that the viceroy was already informed of all their proceedings, and that, unless prompt measures were taken for their security, they would all be put to death. Cepeda sent immediately for Alvarez and Texada, two others of the oydors; and these three came immediately to the determination of openly defending themselves against the viceroy, if he should attempt their arrest. For this purpose, several of their friends, and some of the soldiers of the company, commanded by De Robles, assembled in arms at their residence. While this was going on, Urbina the maestre de campo or major-general, when going his rounds met several of these soldiers in the street, and immediately suspected the truth. He went, therefore, straight to the viceroy, to whom he communicated the suspicious circumstances he had observed, that some prompt measures might be concerted for counteracting the machinations of the oydors. The viceroy desired him to fear nothing, as they had only civilians to deal with, who had not sufficient courage to concert any enterprize against his authority. Urbina went away accordingly to continue his round; but as he still continued to meet several armed horsemen in the streets, all of whom were going towards the house of Cepeda, he returned again to the palace, and remonstrated with the viceroy on the absolute necessity of taking instant measures of defence. The viceroy immediately put on his armour and ordered to sound an alarm, after which he went out into the great square before the palace, accompanied by his nightly guard of a hundred soldiers and all his domestic establishment, meaning to have proceeded to the house of Cepeda, to arrest the oydors, to chastise the mutineers, and to re-establish order in the city. While in the great square near the gate of the palace, he noticed that it was impossible to prevent the soldiers from going to join the oydors, as the horsemen who filled all the streets constrained them to take that direction. If, however, the viceroy had persisted in his first design, he could hardly have found much difficulty or considerable resistance, as he then had a greatly superior force to what had assembled with Cepeda and the other judges. He was disuaded from executing these intentions by Alfonzo Palomino, alcalde or police-judge of Lima, who asserted that a great majority of the troops were assembled at the house of Cepeda, and were about to attack him; for which reason, the best measure was to fortify himself in the palace, which could easily be defended; whereas he had not a sufficient force to assail the oydors and their adherents. Influenced by this advice, the viceroy retired into the palace, accompanied by his brother Vela Nunnez, Paul de Meneses, Jerom de la Cerna, Alfonso de Caceres, Diego de Urbina, and others of his friends and followers, with all his relations and servants. The hundred soldiers of the nightly guard were posted at the great gate of the palace, with orders to prevent any one from going in.
   While these vacillatory measures were going on at the viceregal palace, information was brought to the oydors, that the viceroy had drawn out his troops in the great square, with the intention of attacking them. Having as yet collected only a small force for their protection, they resolved to go out into the street; believing, if the viceroy should come to blockade them, and should occupy the streets leading to the house of Cepeda, that all those who were disposed to aid them would be intercepted. They advanced therefore by the streets which led towards the great square, and were soon joined by others of their adherents, to the number of about two hundred men. To justify their conduct on this occasion, they caused the act which they had drawn up to be publickly read; but so great was the noise and confusion, that very few of those present were able to hear its tenor. On the arrival of the judges and their partizans in the great square, day began to dawn. At this time, the troops attached to the viceroy fired a few musket-shots, from the corridore of the palace, and began to extend themselves in front of the main gate. The soldiers who accompanied the oydors were much displeased at this procedure, and proposed to assault the palace, and to slay all that resisted them; but the oydors restrained and appeased them. The oydors then deputed Gaspard de Carvajal, the superior of the Dominicans, and Antonio de Robles, to inform the viceroy, that their only demand from him was an assurance that they should not be compelled to embark against their will and contrary to the express orders of his majesty, which fixed their residence at Lima. They farther required, that, without proceeding to hostilities, the viceroy should come to the great church, where they proposed, going to meet him, and where all their differences might be amicably settled; as otherwise he would put both himself and all who were with him in extreme danger. While these envoys were in the palace in the execution of their commission, the hundred soldiers who formed the guard of the viceroy went over in a body to the oydors; by which, as the entrance to the palace was left entirely unguarded, several of the malecontents got admission to the chambers belonging to the officers of the viceroy in the outer court, which they pillaged. At this time, the licentiate Ortiz de Zarate went from his house towards the palace, meaning to have joined the viceroy; but meeting the other oydors on his way, and seeing that it was impossible for him to prosecute his original design, he accompanied them to the church.
   When the viceroy received the message of the oydors from Carvajal and Antonio de Robles, considering at the same time that his palace was already in possession of the insurgents, and that his own troops had abandoned him, he determined to proceed to the church, and to give himself up to the oydors who there waited for him. They carried him directly, in his coat of mail and cuirass, to the house of Cepeda; where, seeing Ortiz along with the other judges, he exclaimed: "Is it possible that you, in whom I had so much confidence as one of my best friends, have joined with the rest in making me a prisoner." To this the licentiate replied, "Whoever has told you so spoke falsely, as it is known to every one who those are that have caused you to be arrested, and that I have no share in the matter." The three other judges gave immediate orders to convey the viceroy on board ship, that he might be sent to Spain; justly fearing, if Gonzalo Pizarro should find him in custody on his arrival at Limn, that he would put him to death, or that the relations and friends of the commissary Suarez might kill him in revenge for the murder of that officer; as in either of which cases the blame might be imputed to them, the judges were much embarrassed how best to act in this delicate emergency, considering that if they merely sent the viceroy on board the fleet which lay at anchor off the harbour of Calao, he might be soon in condition to return in force against them. In this dilemma, they appointed Cepeda, one of their number, to act as captain-general of the colony; who, with a strong guard, conducted the deposed viceroy to the sea side on purpose to put him on board one of the ships. They found some difficulty in executing this measure, as Diego Alvarez de Cueto, who commanded the fleet, on seeing the assemblage of people on the shore, and learning that they had the viceroy among them as a prisoner, sent Jerom de Zurbano, one of his captains in an armed boat to collect all the boats of the fleet, with which, accompaniment he approached the shore and demanded the liberation of the viceroy from the judges. This measure was altogether ineffectual, as the judges refused to listen to the demands of Cueto; who, after exchanging a few shots with those on shore, went back to his ships