PREFACE OF THE AUTHOR
   After having enjoyed the office of secretary to the royal council of Castille for fifteen years, the king was graciously pleased to order me to Peru in 1543, as treasurer-general of that province and of the Tierra Firma; in which employment I was entrusted with the entire receipt of the royal revenues and rights, and the payment of all his majesties officers in those countries. I sailed thither in the fleet which conveyed Blasco Nugnez Vela the viceroy of Peru; and immediately on my arrival in the New World, I observed so many insurrections, disputes, and novelties, that I felt much inclined to transmit their memory to posterity. I accordingly wrote down every transaction as it occurred; but soon discovered that these could not be understood unless the previous events were explained from which they originated. I found it necessary, therefore, to go back to the epoch of the discovery of the country, to give a detail of the occurrences in their just order and connection. My work might perhaps have been somewhat more perfect, if I had been able to compose it in regular order while in Peru; but a brutal major-general, who had served under Gonzalo Pizarro106, threatened to put any one to death who should presume to write a history of his transactions, so that I was obliged to satisfy myself with collecting all the documents I could procure for enabling me to compose my history after returning into Spain. He was perhaps right in wishing these transactions might fall into oblivion, instead of being transmitted to posterity.
   Should my style of writing be found not to possess all the polish that my readers may desire, it will at least record the true state of events; and I shall not be disappointed if it only serve to enable another to present a history of the same period in more elegant language and more orderly arrangement. I have principally directed my attention to a strict regard for truth, the soul of history, using neither art nor disguise in my description of things and events which I have seen and known; and in relating those matters which happened before my arrival, I have trusted to the information of dispassionate persons, worthy of credit. These were not easy to find in Peru, most persons having received either benefits or injuries from the party of Pizarro or that of Almagro; which were as violent in their mutual resentments as the adherents of Marius and Sylla, or of Caesar and Pompey of old.
   In all histories there are three chief requisites: the designs, the actions, and the consequences. In the two latter particulars I have used all possible care to be accurate. If I may not always agree with other authors in regard to the first of these circumstances, I can only say that such is often the case with the most accurate and faithful historians. After I had finished this work, it was my intention to have kept it long unpublished, lest I might offend the families of those persons whose improper conduct is therein pourtrayed. But some persons to whom I had communicated my manuscript, shewed it to the king during his voyage to England, who had it read to him as an amusement from the tiresomeness of the voyage. My work had the good fortune to please his majesty, who honoured it with his approbation, and graciously commanded me to have it printed; and which I have the more readily complied with, as his royal commands may protect my book from the cavils of the censorious readers.
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   Much difficulty occurs respecting the origin of the people who inhabited Peru and the other provinces of America, and by what means their ancestors could have crossed the vast extent of sea which separates that country from the old world. In my opinion this may be explained from what is said by Plato in his Timaeus, and the subsequent dialogue entitled Atlantis. He says: "That the Egyptians report, to the honour of the Athenians, that they contributed to defeat certain kings who came with a numerous army by sea from the great island of Atlantis, which, beginning beyond the Pillars of Hercules, is larger than all Asia and Africa together, and is divided into ten kingdoms which Neptune gave among his ten sons, Atlas, the eldest, having the largest and most valuable share." Plato adds several remarkable particulars concerning the customs and riches of that island; especially concerning a magnificent temple in the chief city, the walls of which were entirely covered over with gold and silver, having a roof of copper, and many other circumstances which are here omitted for the sake of brevity; though it is certain that several customs and ceremonies mentioned by Plato are still practised in the provinces of Peru. Beyond the great island of Atlantis, there were other large islands not far distant from the Firm Land, beyond which again was the True Sea. The following are the words which Plato attributes, in his Timaeus, to Socrates, as spoken to the Athenians. "It is held certain, that in ancient times your city resisted an immense number of enemies from the Atlantic Ocean, who had conquered almost all Europe and Asia. In those days the Straits were navigable, and immediately beyond them there was an island, commencing almost at the Pillars of Hercules, which was said to be larger than Asia and Africa united; from whence the passage was easy to other islands near and opposite to the continent of the True Sea." A little after this passage, it is added. "That nine thousand years before his days, a great change took place, as the sea adjoining that island was so increased by the accession of a prodigious quantity of water, that in the course of one day it swallowed up the whole island; since when that sea has remained so full of shallows and sand banks as to be no longer navigable, neither has any one been able to reach the other islands and the Firm Land."
   Some authors hare believed this recital to be merely allegorical, while most of the commentators on Plato considered it as a real historical narrative. The nine thousand years, mentioned by Plato, must not be considered as an indication of this discourse being fabulous; since, according to Eudoxus, we must understand them as lunar years or moons, after the Egyptian mode of computation, or nine thousand months, which are seven hundred and fifty years. All historians and cosmographers, ancient as well as modern, have concurred to name the sea by which that great island was swallowed up, the Atlantic Ocean, in which the name of that ancient island is retained, giving a strong evidence of its former existence. Adopting, therefore the truth of this historical fact, it must be granted that this island of Atlantis, beginning from the Straits of Gibraltar near Cadiz, must have stretched a vast way from north to south, and from east to west, since it was larger than all Asia and Africa. The other islands in the neighbourhood must have been those now named Hispaniola, Cuba, Porto Rico, Jamaica, and others of the West Indies; and the Firm Land, that part of the Continent to which we still give the name of Tierra Firma, together with the other countries and provinces of America, from the Straits of Magellan in the south to the extreme north; as Peru, Popayan, Golden Castille, Veragua, Nicaragua, Guatimala, New Spain, the Seven Cities, Florida, Baccalaos, and so on along the north to Norway. The authority of Plato is conclusive that the New World which has been discovered in our time, is the same Continent or Firm Land mentioned by that philosopher; and his True Sea must be that which we name the South Sea, or Pacific Ocean; for the whole Mediterranean, and all that was before known of the Ocean, which we call the North Sea, can only be considered as rivers or lakes in comparison with the vast extent of that other sea. After these explanations, it is not difficult to conceive how mankind in ancient times may have passed from the great island of Atlantis and the other neighbouring isles, to what we now call the Tierra Firma, or Firm Land, and thence by land, or by the South Sea, into Peru: As we must believe that the inhabitants of these islands practised navigation, which they must have learned by intercourse with the great island, in which Plato expressly says there were many ships, and carefully constructed harbours. These, in my opinion, are the most probable conjectures which can be formed on this obscure subject of antiquity; more especially as we can derive no lights from the Peruvians, who have no writing by which to preserve the memory of ancient times. In New Spain, indeed, they had certain pictures, which answered in some measure instead of books and writings; but in Peru, they only used certain strings of different colours with several knots, by means of which and the distances between them, they were able to express some things in a very confused and uncertain manner, as shall be explained in the course of this history.
   So much of the following history as relates to the discovery of the country, has been derived from the information of Rodrigo Lozan, an inhabitant of Truxillo in Peru, and from others who were witnesses of and actors in the transactions which I have detailed.

SECTION I. Of the discovery of Peru, with some account of the country and its inhabitants
   The city of Panama is a port on the South Sea, in that province of the continent of America which is called Golden Castille. In the year 1524, three inhabitants of that city entered into an association for the purpose of discovering the western coast of the continent by the South Sea, in that direction which has been since named Peru. These were Don Francisco Pizarro of Truxillo, Don Diego de Almagro of Malagon, and Hernando de Luque, an ecclesiastic. No one knew the family or origin of Almagro, though some said that he had been found at a church door107. These men, being among the richest of the colonists of Panama, proposed to themselves to enrich and aggrandize themselves by means of discovering new countries, and to do important service to the emperor, Don Carlos V. by extending his dominions. Having received permission from Pedro Arias de Avila108, who then governed that country, Francisco Pizarro fitted out a vessel with considerable difficulty, in which he embarked with 114 men. About fifty leagues from Panama, he discovered a small and poor district, named Peru, from which that name has been since improperly extended to all the country afterwards discovered along that coast to the south for more than 1200 leagues. Beyond that Peru, he discovered another district, to which the Spaniards gave the name of El Pueblo quemado, or the Burnt People. The Indians of that country made war upon him with so much obstinacy, and killed so many of his men, that he was constrained to retreat to Chinchama or Chuchama, not far from Panama.
   In the mean time, Almagro fitted out another vessel at Panama, in which he embarked with 70 men, and went along the coast in search of Pizarro as far as the river San Juan, a hundred leagues from Panama. Not finding him there, Almagro returned along the coast to the Pueblo quemado, where, from certain indications of Pizarro having been there, he landed with his men. The Indians, puffed up with the remembrance of the victory they had gained over Pizarro, attacked Almagro with great courage, and did him considerable injury; and one day they even penetrated the entrenchment he had thrown up for defence, through some negligence in the guards, and put the Spaniards to flight, who were forced to retreat with loss to their vessel and put to sea, on which occasion Almagro lost an eye. Following the shore on the way back towards Panama, Almagro found Pizarro at Chinchama109. Pizarro was much pleased by the junction of Almagro, as by means of his men, and some additional soldiers they procured in Chinchama, they had now a force of two hundred Spaniards. They accordingly recommenced the expedition, endeavouring to sail down the coast to the southwards in two vessels and three large canoes. In this navigation they suffered great fatigue from contrary winds and currents, and were much incommoded when they attempted to land in any of the numerous small rivers which fall into the South Sea, as they all swarmed at their mouths with large lizards, or alligators, called caymans by the natives. These animals, are ordinarily from twenty to twenty-five feet long, and kill either men or beasts when in the water. They come out of the water to lay their eggs, which they bury in great numbers in the sand, leaving them to be hatched by the heat of the sun. These caymans have a strong resemblance to the crocodiles of the river Nile. The Spaniards suffered much from hunger in this voyage, as they could find nothing fit to eat along this coast except the fruit of a tree called mangles, which grew in great abundance everywhere along the shore. These trees are tall and straight, and have a very hard wood; but as they grow on the shore, their roots being drenched in sea water, their fruit is salt and bitter; yet necessity obliged the Spaniards to subsist on them, along with such fish as they could find, particularly crabs; as on the whole of that coast no maize was grown by the natives. From the currents along this coast, which always set strongly to the north, they were obliged to make their way by dint of constant rowing; always harassed by the Indians, who assailed them with loud cries, calling them banished men, and hairy faces, who were formed from the spray of the sea, and wandered about without cultivating the earth, like outcasts and vagabonds.
   Having lost several of his men through famine and by the incessant attacks of the Indians, it was agreed that Almagro should return to Panama for recruits and provisions. Having procured twenty-four, they advanced with these and the remains of their original force to a country named Catamez110, considerably beyond the river of St Juan, a tolerably peopled country, in which they found plenty of provisions. The Indians of this part of the coast, who were still hostile, were observed to have certain ornaments of gold, resembling nails, inserted into holes made for that purpose in different parts of their faces. Almagro was sent back a second time to Panama, to endeavour to procure a larger force, and Pizarro retired in the mean time to the small island of Gallo somewhat farther to the north, near the shore of the Barbacoas, and not far from Cape Mangles, where he and his people suffered extreme hardships from scarcity of provisions, amounting almost to absolute famine.
   On the return of Almagro to Panama for reinforcements, he found the government in the hands of Pedro de los Rios, who opposed the design of Almagro to raise recruits, because those with Pizarro had secretly conveyed a petition to the governor, not to permit any more people to be sent upon an enterprize of so much danger, and requesting their own recal. The governor, therefore, sent an officer to the Isle of Gallo, with an order for such as were so inclined to return to Panama, which was eagerly embraced by the greatest part of the soldiers of Pizarro, twelve only remaining along with him. Not daring to remain with so small a force in an island so near the main land, Pizarro retired to an uninhabited island named Gorgona, about 70 miles farther north, and considerably more distant from the coast than Gallo, in which island, which had abundance of springs and rivulets, he and his small band of faithful associates, lived on crabs in expectation of relief and reinforcement from Panama. At last a vessel arrived with provisions, but no soldiers, in which Pizarro embarked with his twelve men, to whose courage and constancy the discovery of Peru was owing. Their names deserve to be handed down to posterity: Nicolas de Ribera, Pedro de Candia a native of the Greek island of that name, Juan de Torre, Alfonso Briseno, Christoval de Peraulte, Alfonso de Truxillo, Francisco de Cuellar, and Alfonso de Molina111. The pilot of the vessel in which they embarked was named Bartholomew Bruyz, a native of Moguer. Under the guidance of this man, but with infinite difficulty from contrary winds and adverse currents, Pizarro reached a district named Mostripe112, about equally distant from the two places since built by the Christians, named Truxillo and San Miguel. With the very small number of men who accompanied him, Pizarro dared not to advance any farther along the coast, and contented himself with going a small way up the river Puechos or de la Chira113; where he procured some of the sheep114 of the country, and some of the natives on purpose to serve him as interpreters in the sequel. Returning from thence, Pizarro went northwards to the port of Tumbez on the south-side of the bay of Guayaquil, where he was informed that the king of Peru had a fine palace, and where the Indians were said to be very rich. This place was one of the most extraordinary in the country, until it was ruined by the inhabitants of the island of Puna, as will be related hereafter. At this place, three of his men deserted, who were afterwards put to death by the Indians.
   After these discoveries, Pizarro returned to Panama, having spent three years in this voyage, counting from his first leaving Panama, in which time he was exposed to many dangers fatigues and privations, by the opposition and hostilities of the Indians, and through famine, and more than all distressed by the discontents and mutinies of his people, most of whom lost all hope of success, or of deriving any advantage from the expedition. Pizarro soothed their fears and encouraged their perseverance by every means in his power, providing for their necessities with much prudent care, and bearing up against every difficulty with astonishing firmness and perseverance: leaving to Almagro to provide men arms and horses, and necessaries of all kinds for the enterprize. These two officers, from being the richest of the settlers in Panama at the commencement of their enterprize, were now entirely ruined and overwhelmed in debt; yet did they not despair of ultimate success, and resolved to prosecute the discovery of which a very promising commencement had now been made115.
   In concert with his associates Almagro and Luque, Pizarro went to Spain, to lay an account before the king of the discovery which he had made, and to solicit the appointment of governor of that country, of which he proposed to prosecute the discovery, and to reduce it under the dominion of the crown of Spain. His majesty granted his demand, under those conditions which used to be stipulated with other officers who engaged in similar enterprizes. With this authority, he returned to Panama, accompanied by Ferdinand, Juan, and Gonzalo Pizarro, and Francisco Martin de Alcantara, his brothers. Ferdinand and Juan Pizarro were his brothers both by father and mother, and the only lawful sons of Gonzalo Pizarro, an inhabitant of Truxillo in Old Spain, a captain in the infantry regiment of Navarre: Don Francisco Pizarro himself and Gonzalo Pizarro were natural sons of the elder Gonzalo Pizarro by different mothers: Francisco de Alcantara was likewise the brother of Don Francisco Pizarro, by his mother only, but by a different father116. Besides these, Pizarro brought as many men from Spain to assist in his enterprize as he could procure, being mostly inhabitants of Truxillo and other places in Estremadura117.
   On his arrival at Panama in 1530, Pizarro and his associates used every effort to complete the preparations for the enterprize; but at first a dispute arose between him and Almagro. The latter complained that Pizarro had only attended to his own interests when at the court of Spain, having procured the appointments of governor and president of Peru for himself, without making any mention of Almagro, or at least without having procured any office for him, who had borne the far greater proportion of the expences hitherto incurred. Pizarro alleged that the king had refused to give any office to Almagro, though solicited by him for that purpose: But engaged his word to renounce the office of president in his behalf, and to supplicate the king to bestow that appointment upon him. Almagro was appeased by this concession; and they proceeded to make every preparation in concert that might be conducive to the success of the undertaking. But, before entering upon the narrative of their actions, it seems proper to give some account of the situation of Peru, of the most remarkable things which it contains, and of the manners and customs of the inhabitants.
   The country of Peru, of which this history is intended to treat, commences at the equator, and extends south towards the antarctic pole118. The people who inhabit in the neighbourhood of the equator have swarthy complexions; their language is extremely guttural; and they are addicted to unnatural vices, for which reason they care little for their women and use them ill119, The women wear their hair very short, and their whole clothing consists of a short petticoat, covering only from the waist to about the knees. By the women only is the grain cultivated, and by them it is bruised or ground to meal, and baked. This grain, called maize in the West-Indian Islands, is called Zara in the language of Peru120. The men wear a kind of shirts or jackets without sleeves, which only reach to the navel, and do not cover the parts of shame. They wear their hair short, having a kind of tonsure on their crowns, almost like monks. They have no other dress or covering, yet pride themselves on certain ornaments of gold hanging from their ears and nostrils, and are particularly fond of pendants made of emeralds, which are chiefly found in those parts of the country bordering on the equator. The natives have always concealed the places where these precious stones are procured, but the Spaniards have been in use to find some emeralds in that part of the country, mixed among pebbles and gravel, on which account it is supposed that the natives procured them from thence. The men also are fond of wearing a kind of bracelets, or strings of beads, of gold and silver, mixed with small turquoise stones and white shells, or of various colours; and the women are not permitted to wear any of those ornaments.
   The country is exceedingly hot and unwholesome, and the inhabitants are particularly subject to certain malignant warts or carbuncles of a dangerous nature on the face and other parts of the body, having very deep roots, which are more dangerous than the small-pox, and almost equally destructive as the carbuncles of the plague. The natives have many temples, of which the doors always front the east, and are closed only by cotton curtains. In each temple there are two idols or figures in relief resembling black goats, before which they continually burn certain sweet-smelling woods. From this wood a certain liquor exudes, when the bark is stripped off, which has a strong and disagreeable flavour, by means of which dead bodies are preserved free from corruption. In their temples, they have also representations of large serpents, to which they give adoration; besides which every nation, district, tribe or house, had its particular god or idol. In some temples, particularly in those of certain villages which were called Pafao, the walls and pillars were hung round with dried bodies of men women and children, in the form of crosses, which were all so thoroughly embalmed by means of the liquor already mentioned, that they were entirely devoid of bad smell. In these places also they had many human heads hung up; which by means of certain drugs with which they were anointed, were so much shrunk or dried up as to be no bigger than a mans fist121.
   This country is extremely dry, as it very seldom has any rain, and its rivulets are few and scanty; so that the people are reduced to the necessity of digging pit-wells, or of procuring water from certain pools or reservoirs. Their houses are built of large canes or reeds. It possesses gold, but of a very low quantity; and has very few fruits. The inhabitants use small canoes hollowed out of the trunks of trees, and a sort of rafts which are very flat. The whole coast abounds in fish, and whales are sometimes seen in these seas. On the doors of the temples in that district which is called Caraque, the figures of men are sometimes seen, which have dresses somewhat resembling those of our deacons.
   Near the last mentioned province, at Cape St Helena in the province of Guayaquil, there are certain springs or mineral veins which give out a species of bitumen resembling pitch or tar, and which is applied to the same purposes. The Indians of that country pretend that in ancient times it was inhabited by giants, who were four times the height of ordinary men122. The Spaniards saw two representations of these giants at Puerto viejo, one of a man and the other of a woman, and the inhabitants related a traditionary tale of the descent of a young man from heaven, whose countenance and body shone like the sun, who fought against the giants and destroyed them with flames of fire. In the year 1543, Captain Juan de Holmos, lieutenant-governor of Puerto viejo, caused a certain valley to be carefully examined, in which these giants were were said to have been destroyed, and in which ribs and other bones of prodigious size were dug up, which fully confirmed the traditions of the Indians123. The natives of this country have no knowledge whatever of writing, nor had they even any use of that method of painting employed by the Mexicans for preserving the memory of ancient events, which were handed down from father to son merely by traditionary stories. In some places indeed they used an extraordinary means for preserving the remembrance of important events, by certain cords or strings of cotton called Quippos, on which they represented numbers by knots of different kinds, and at regulated intervals, from units up to dozens, and so forth; the cords being of the same colours with those things which they were intended to represent. In every province, there are persons who are entrusted with the care of these quippos, who are named Quippo camayos, who register public matters by means of these coloured strings and knots artificially disposed; and it is wonderful with what readiness these men understand and explain to others events that have happened several ages ago. There are public buildings throughout the country which are used as magazines of these quippos.
   To the south of the equator, and near the coast, is the island of Puna124, about twelve leagues in circumference, containing abundance of game, and having great quantities of fish on its shores. It has plenty of fresh water, and was formerly very populous, its inhabitants being almost continually engaged in war, especially with the people of Tumbez, which is twelve leagues distant to the south. These people wore shirts, above which they had a kind of woollen garments. They went to sea in a peculiar kind of flats or rafts, made of long planks of a light wood fixed to two other cross planks below them to hold them together. The upper planks are always an uneven number, usually five, but sometimes seven or nine; that in the middle, on which the conductor of the float sits and rows, being longer than the others, which are shorter and shorter toward the sides, and they are covered by a species of awning to keep those who sit upon them from the weather. Some of these floats are large enough to carry fifty men and three horses, and are navigated both by oars and sails, in the use of which the Indians are very expert. Sometimes, when the Spaniards have trusted themselves on these floats, the Indian rowers have contrived to loosen the planks, leaving the christians to perish, and saving themselves by swimming. The Indians of that island were armed with bows and slings, and with maces and axes of silver and copper. They had likewise spears or lances, having heads made of gold very much alloyed; and both men and women wore rings and other ornaments of gold, and their most ordinary utensils were made of gold and silver. The lord of this island was much feared and respected by his subjects, and so extremely jealous of his women, that those who had the care of them were not only eunuchs, but had their noses cut off. In a small island near Puna, there was found in a house the representation of a garden, having the figures of various trees and plants artificially made of gold and silver.
   Opposite to the island of Puna on the main land, there dwelt a nation or tribe which had given so much offence to the king of Peru, that they were obliged as a punishment to extirpate all their upper teeth; in consequence of which, even now, the people of that district have no teeth in their upper jaws. From Tumbez for five hundred leagues to the south along the coast of the south sea, and for ten leagues in breadth, more or less according to the distance between the sea and the mountains, it never rains or thunders. But on the mountains which bound that maritime plain, there are both rain and thunder, and the climate has the vicissitudes of summer and winter nearly as in Spain. While it is winter in the mountain, it is summer all along the coast; and on the contrary, during the summer on the mountain the coast has what may be termed winter. The length of Peru, from the city of St Juan de Parto to the province of Chili lately discovered, is above 1800125 leagues of Castille. Along the whole of that length, a vast chain of exceedingly high and desert mountains extends from north to south, in some places fifteen or twenty leagues distant from the sea, and less in others. The whole country is thus divided into two portions, all the space between the mountains and the sea being denominated the plain, and all beyond is called the mountain.
   The whole plain of Peru is sandy and extremely arid, as it never has any rain, and there are no springs or wells, nor any rivulets, except in four or five places near the sea, where the water is brackish. The only water used by the inhabitants is from torrents which come down from the mountain, and which are there formed by rain and the melting of snow, as there are even very few springs in the mountainous part of the country. In some places, these torrents or mountain-streams are twelve fifteen or twenty leagues distance from each other, but generally only seven or eight leagues; and travellers for the most part are under the necessity of regulating their days journies by these streams or rivers, that they may have water for themselves and cattle. Along these rivers, for the breadth of a league, more or less according to the nature of the soil, there are some groves and fruit-trees, and maize fields cultivated by the Indians, to which wheat has been added since the establishment of the Spaniards. For the purpose of irrigating or watering these cultivated fields, small canals are dug from the rivers, to conduct the water wherever it is necessary and where that can be done; and in the construction of these the natives are exceedingly ingenious and careful, having often to draw these canals seven or eight leagues by various circuits to avoid intermediate hollows, although perhaps the whole breadth of the vale may not exceed half a league. In all these smaller vales along the streams and torrents, from the mountain to the sea, the country is exceedingly fertile and agreeable. Several of these torrents are so large and deep, such as those of Santa, Baranca, and others, that without the assistance of the Indians, who break and diminish for a short time the force of the current, by means of piles and branches forming a temporary wear or dike, the Spaniards would be unable to pass. In these hazardous passages, it was necessary to get over with all possible expedition, to avoid the violence of the stream, which often rolled down very large stones. Travellers in the plain of Peru, when going north or south, almost always keep within sight of the sea, where the torrents are less violent, owing to the greater flatness of the plain as it recedes from the mountain. Yet in winter the passage of these torrents is extremely dangerous, as they cannot be then forded, and must be crossed in barks or floats like those formerly mentioned, or on a kind of rafts made of gourds inclosed in a net, on which the passenger reclines, while one Indian swims before pulling the raft after him with a rope, and another Indian swims behind and pushes the raft before him.
   On the borders of these rivers there are various kinds of fruit-trees, cotton-trees, willows, and many kinds of canes, reeds, and sedges. The watered land is extremely fertile, and is kept under continual cultivation; wheat and maize being sown and reaped all the year through. The Indians in the plain seldom have any houses, or at best a kind of rude huts or cabins made of branches of trees, often dwelling under the shade of trees, without any habitation whatever. The women are habited in long dresses of cotton which descend to their feet; while the men wear breeches and vests which come down to their knees, and have a kind of cloak or mantle thrown over their shoulders. They are all dressed in a similar manner, having no distinctions except in their head-dresses, according to rank or the different districts of the country; some wearing a tuft of wool, others a single cord, and others several cords of different colours. All the Indians of the plain are distributed into three orders; the first named Yungas, the second Tallanes, and the third Mochicas. Every province has its own peculiar language or dialect, different from all the rest. But all the caciques or principal people and nobles of the country, besides the language peculiar to their respective countries or districts, were obliged to understand and speak the language of Cuzco. One of the Peruvian kings, named Huana Capac, the father of Atahualpa or Atabalipa, was much displeased that the caciques and principal people of his empire should be under the necessity of employing interpreters when they had occasion to speak to him; and gave orders that all the caciques and their relatives should send their children to reside at court, to be instructed in the language of Cuzco which was spoken by the Incas. This was the ostensible reason of the measure; but in reality he wished to have these children in his power, to serve as hostages for the loyalty of their parents. By this means, all the nobles of the land came to understand the peculiar language of Cuzco which was spoken at court; just as in Flanders all the nobles and persons of any rank speak French. Owing to this circumstance, as the Spaniards have learnt the language of the Incas, or of Cuzco, they are able to converse with all the principal natives of Peru, both those of the mountain and of the plain.
   It may appear difficult to some of my readers to comprehend why no rain should fall in the plain of Peru, considering that the country is bounded along the whole of one side by the sea, where many vapours are constantly ascending, and on the other side by a vast range of mountain which is always enveloped in rain or snow. Those who have carefully considered this singular phenomenon, allege that it is occasioned by the continual prevalence of a strong south-west wind all along the coast and over the whole plain of Peru, which carries off all the vapours which rise from the sea and the land, without allowing them to rise sufficiently high in the air to gather and fall down again in rain. From the tops of the high mountains, these vapours are often seen far beneath on the plain in thick clouds, while all is quite clear and serene on the mountain. By the perpetual blowing of the same wind, the waters of the South-sea have a constant current along the coast to the northward. Others allege a different reason for this current; saying, that the water of the South-sea having only a narrow outlet at the straits of Magellan, which are only two leagues broad, and being there opposed by the Atlantic Ocean, they are forced to return to the northward along the coast of Chili and Peru. This constant wind and current render the navigation exceedingly difficult, from Panama to Peru for the greater part of the year; so that vessels are obliged always to tack to windward against wind and current.
   The whole coast of Peru abounds in fish of various kinds, among which are great quantities of sea-calves or seals, of several species. Beyond the river of Tumbez there are no caymans or alligators, which is supposed to be owing to the too great coolness of the sea and rivers, as these animals delight in heat; but it is more probable that their absence from the rivers of Peru is occasioned by their great rapidity, as they usually frequent rivers that are very still. In the whole extent of the plain there are only five cities inhabited by the Christians126. The first of these, Puerto Viejo, about one degree south of the line, has very few inhabitants, as it stands in a poor and unwholesome country, in which the principal production of value is a few emeralds. Fifty leagues to the southward, and about fifteen leagues from the coast, is the city of San Miguel, named Piuru by the Indians, in a pleasant and fruitful country, but which has no mines of gold or silver. Most people who have occasion to go there are liable to be afflicted with diseases of the eyes. Sixty leagues farther along the coast, is the city of Truxillo, two leagues from the sea, in the valley of Chimo, having a dangerous harbour of difficult approach. This city stands on the banks of a river in a fine plain, which is fertile in wheat and maize, and breeds great abundance of cattle, having plenty of excellent water. Truxillo is very regularly built, and is inhabited by about three hundred Spanish families. About eighty leagues from Truxillo to the south, and in the valley of Rimac, stands the city of Los Reys, or Lima, because it was founded at Epiphany, vulgarly called the day of the kings. This city is about two leagues from the harbour of Callao, an excellent and secure harbour, and is situated on a large river in a fine plain, abounding in grain, and in all kinds of fruit and cattle. All the streets are perfectly straight, and all of them lead towards the country, which may be seen from all parts of the city. This is a most agreeable residence, as the air is always temperate, being never either too hot or too cold at any season of the year. During the four months which constitute the summer in Spain, the air here is somewhat cooler than for the rest of the year; and every day from sun-rise to noon there falls a light dew, somewhat like the mists at Valladolid in Old Spain. Far from being injurious to health, this slight moisture is reckoned an infallible cure for headaches. This part of the country produces the same kinds of fruit as are found in Spain, particularly oranges, citrons, and lemons of all kinds, both sweet and sour, with figs and pomegranates. It might assuredly have produced grapes in great abundance, if the discords which have prevailed in this country had allowed the colonists to plant and cultivate the vine; as it already has several thriving vine plants which have grown from the pips of dried raisins. The neighbouring country produces all kinds of pot herbs and garden vegetables usually cultivated in Spain, in great perfection and abundance. Indeed every thing conspires to assist cultivation at this place, as every plantation has a canal from the river sufficiently large for a mill-stream; and on the main river, the Spaniards have several corn-mills. This city is universally reckoned the most salubrious and most agreeable residence in all Peru; and its harbour is so convenient for trade, that people come here from all parts of Peru to provide themselves with necessaries of all kinds, bringing with them the gold and silver which is so abundantly procured from the mines of the other provinces. For these reasons, and because it is nearly central to Peru, it has been chosen by his majesty for the residence of the royal court of audience, to which the inhabitants of all Peru have to carry their law-suits, by which means it is to be presumed that this place will in time become more considerable and very populous. Lima at present, 1550, contains five hundred houses; yet is larger than any city in Spain of fifteen hundred houses, as the square in the centre of the town is very large, and all the streets very wide, and because each house has a plot of eighty feet in front by twice that in depth. The houses likewise are all of one storey, as the country has no wood fit for joists or flooring-deals, every kind which it produces becoming worm-eaten in three years. The houses, however, are large and magnificent, and have many chambers and very convenient apartments. The walls are built on both sides of brick, leaving a hollow between of five feet, which is filled up with hard-rammed earth; in which manner the apartments are carried up to a convenient height, and the windows towards the street are raised considerably above the ground. The stairs leading up are towards the interior court, and in the open air, leading to galleries or corridors, which serve as passages to the several apartments. The roofs are formed of some rough timbers, not even hewn square, which are covered underneath by coloured matts like those of Almeria, or painted canvas, serving as ceilings, to conceal these clumsy joists: and the whole is covered over by way of roofing with branches of trees with their leaves, which keep the rooms cool and effectually exclude the rays of the sun. In this climate there is no call for any defence from rain, which never falls in the plain of Peru.
   One hundred and thirty leagues still farther south, is the city of Villahermosa de Arequipa, containing about three hundred houses, in a very healthy situation, abounding in provisions. Though at twelve leagues distance from the sea, this place is very conveniently situated for trade, as vessels can easily import thither by the river Quilca all sorts of European commodities for the supply of the city of Cuzco and the province of Charcas, which are much frequented on account of the mines of Potosi and Porco; and from whence large quantities of silver are carried to Arequipa, to be transported by sea to Lima and Panama, which saves a vast expence and risk of land-carriage; now become more difficult since his majesty has forbidden those heavy burdens upon the Indians by which they were formerly oppressed. From this city we travel four hundred leagues by land along the coast of the South Sea to the province of Chili, which was discovered and in part colonized by the governor Pedro de Valdibia, or Baldivia. In the language of the Indians the word Chili signifies cold; and it was so named by the Peruvians because of the terribly cold mountains which were necessary to be passed on the way thither from Peru, as will be particularly mentioned when we come to detail the perilous enterprize undertaken by Don Diego de Almagro when he marched to discover that distant country. Such is a rapid view of that portion of Peru which is called the plain; to which must be added that the sea along its entire coast is always smooth and tranquil, from which it has been called the Pacific Ocean, being never vexed with storms, or disturbed by high and low tides; so that vessels can everywhere ride in perfect security at single anchor.
   Those Indians who inhabit the mountainous regions of Peru are entirely different from the inhabitants of the plain, whom they vastly exceed in strength, courage, and mental abilities. They live in a much less savage manner, having houses covered with earth, and being clothed in shirts and mantles made from the wool of their sheep127; but their only head-dress consists in a species of bands or fillets. The women wear a species of vestments like shifts without sleeves, and gird their waists with several turns of a woollen girdle, which give them a neat and handsome shape; covering their shoulders with a mantle or plaid of woollen cloth like a large napkin, which they fix round the neck with a large skewer or pin of silver or gold called topos in their language, with large broad heads, the edges of which are sharpened so as to serve in some measure the purposes of a knife. These women give great assistance to their husbands in all the labours belonging to husbandry and household affairs, or rather these things fall entirely to their lot. Their complexions are much fairer, and their countenances, manners, and whole appearance, are greatly superior in all respects to the natives of the plain. Their countries likewise differ entirely; as instead of the sterile sands which are everywhere interspersed over the plain, the mountain is covered through its whole extent with verdure, and is everywhere furnished with rivulets and springs of fine water, which unite to form the torrents and rivers which descend so impetuously into the plain country. The fields are everywhere full of flowers and plants of infinite varieties, among which are many species like the plants which grow in Spain; such as cresses, lettuce, succory, sorrel, vervain, and others; and vast quantities of wild mulberries, and other fruit-bearing shrubs are found everywhere. There is one particular plant with yellow flowers, having leaves like those of celery, of most admirable virtues. If applied to the most putrid sore, it makes it quite clean and sweet in a short time; but if laid upon a sound place it soon eats to the very bone. There are many fruit-trees in this country of various kinds, carrying abundant crops of fruit as good as those of Spain without having the smallest care taken of them.
   There are great numbers of sheep in the mountainous region, part of which are domesticated by the Indians, but vast numbers of them are wild; likewise abundance of deer and roes, many foxes and other smaller animals. The natives often have public hunts of these animals, which they call chaco, in which they take great delight. Four or five thousand natives, more or less according to the population of the district, assemble together, and enclose two or three leagues of country by forming a circle, in which at first they are at considerable distances from each other, and by gradually contracting their circle, beating the bushes, and singing certain songs appropriated to the occasion, they drive all the animals of every kind before them to an appointed place in the centre. The whole company at length join in a small circle, holding each other by the hands, and hallooing loudly, by which the beasts are terrified from endeavouring to break through, and are easily taken in nets or even by the hand. Even partridges, hawks, and other birds, are often so astonished by the loud cries of the hunters as to fall down in the circle and allow themselves to be taken. In these mountains there are lions or pumas, black bears, wild cats of several kinds, and many species of apes and monkeys. The principal birds, both of the plain and the mountain, are eagles, pigeons, turtle-doves, plovers, quails, parroquets, falcons, owls, geese, white and grey herons, and other water fowl; nightingales and other birds of sweet song, many kinds of which have very beautiful plumage. There is one kind of bird very remarkable for its astonishing smallness, not being larger than a grasshopper or large beetle, which however has several very long feathers in its tail. Along the coast there is a species of very large vulture, the wings of which, when extended, measure fifteen or sixteen palms from tip to tip. These birds often make prey of large seals, which they attack when out of the water: On these occasions, some of the birds attack the animal behind; others tear out his eyes; and the rest of the flock tear him on all sides with their beaks, till at length they kill him, and tear him to pieces. Upon the coast of the South Sea there are great numbers of birds named alcatraz, somewhat like our ordinary poultry in shape, but so large that each individual may contain three pecks of grain in its crop. These birds feed mostly on fish which they catch in the sea, yet are fond of carrion, which they go in search of thirty or forty leagues inland. The flesh of these birds stinks most abominably, insomuch that some persons who have been driven to the necessity of eating it have died, as if poisoned.
   It has been already said, that rain, hail, and snow, fall on the mountainous region of Peru, where in many places it is intensely cold: But in many parts of that region there are deep valleys in which the air is so hot, that the inhabitants have to use various contrivances to defend themselves from the excessive heat. In these vallies there is an herb called coca, which is held in very high estimation by the natives: Its leaf resembles that of the sumach, and the Indians have learnt from experience that, by keeping a leaf of that plant in their mouth they can prevent themselves for a long time from feeling either hunger or thirst. In many parts of the mountain there is no wood, so that travellers in those parts are obliged to use a species of earth which is found there for the purpose of fuel, and which burns very much like turf or peats. In the mountains there are veins of earth of various colours, and mines both of gold and silver, in which the natives are exceedingly conversant, and are even able to melt and purify these metals with less labour and expence than the Christians. For this purpose they construct furnaces in the mountains, placing always the door of the furnace towards the south, as the wind blows always from that point. The ores are put into these furnaces alternately with dried sheeps dung, which serves as fuel, and by means of the wind the fire is raised to a sufficient power to melt and purify the metal. In melting the vast quantities of silver which has been dug from the mines of Potosi, the furnaces constructed with bellows were found quite inefficient, while these furnaces, named guayras by the Indians, which signifies wind-furnaces, answered the purpose effectually.
   The soil is everywhere extremely fertile, and gives abundant returns of all the kinds of grain which are there sown; insomuch that from one bushel of seed for the most part at hundred bushels are reaped, sometimes an hundred and fifty, and even as high as two hundred. The natives employ no ploughs, but labour the earth with a kind of hoes; and set their seed into the ground in holes made with a dibble, or pointed stick, just as beans are sown in Spain. All kinds of pot and garden herbs grow so luxuriantly that radishes have been seen at Truxillo as thick as a mans body, yet neither hard nor stringy. Lettuces, cabbages, and all other vegetables grow with similar luxuriance: But the seeds of these must all be brought from Spain; as when raised in the country the produce is by no means so large and fine. The principal food of the Indians is maize, either roasted or boiled, which serves them for bread, and venison of various kinds, which they salt up for use. They likewise use dried fish, and several kinds of roots, one of which named yuca resembles skirret; likewise lupines and many other leguminous vegetables. Instead of wine, they make a fermented liquor from maize, which they bury in the earth along with water in tubs or large jars, where it ferments. In this process, besides the maize in its natural state, a certain quantity of maize which has been steeped in a particular manner is used as a ferment; and there are men and women who are versant in the manner of steeping maize, and are hired for this purpose. When this kind of drink is made by means of stagnant water, it is reckoned stronger and better than when running water is used. In the West Indian islands this drink is called chica, but the Peruvian name is azua. It is either white or red, according to the kind of maize used for its preparation, and inebriates even more readily than Spanish wine; yet the Indians prefer the latter when it can be procured. They make another kind of liquor from the fruit of certain trees, which they call molles; but it is by no means so well liked as azua from maize.
   The first city of the Christians in the mountain of Peru is Quito, which is about four degrees to the south of the equator128. This city is situated in an agreeable and fertile district; and particularly since 1544 and 1545, when rich mines of gold were discovered in its neighbourhood, it has become populous, and continued to increase fast in the number of its inhabitants; till in the destructive civil wars its people were almost entirely cut off by Gonzalo Pizarro and his adherents, as they favoured the party of the viceroy Blasco Nugnez Vela, who made this place his ordinary residence. The Spaniards had no other establishment in the mountain till the discovery of the province of Bracamoras129, by the captains, Juan Porcel and Vergara, who established some small colonies in these parts, on purpose to continue the discovery and conquest of the interior country; but these establishments have been since entirely ruined, as Gonzalo Pizarro recalled these two captains and their men to assist him in his war. This discovery was made under the orders of the licentiate Vaca de Castro, who was then governor of Peru. The Captain Porcel was sent by him from S. Miguel de Piura, and Vergara into the province of Chachapoyas farther to the south; but they unexpectedly met each other in the course of their exploration of the country, and quarrelled about the boundaries of their discoveries, in consequence of which they were recalled by Vaco de Castro, and were at Lima at the commencement of the civil war in the service of the viceroy; and when he was made prisoner they entered into the party of Gonzalo Pizarro. The place which they discovered, called Bracamoras, is a hundred and sixty leagues from Quito by way of the mountain; and eighty leagues farther south they discovered a province named Chacaapoyas, where there is a small Christian town named Levanto130. This province abounds in provisions, and has mines of some value. Its situation is peculiarly strong against an enemy, as it is surrounded on all sides by a deep valley, in which runs a considerable river; so that by breaking down the bridges, it may be made very difficult of access. The Maestre de Campo Alfonzo de Alvarado, who held the command of this province, established a colony of Christians at this place.
   Sixty leagues farther to the south, in the district of Guanuco, Vaco de Castro established a colony which he ordered to be called Leon, as he came from the city of that name in Spain. The country of Guanuco is fertile and abounds in provisions; and valuable mines are believed to exist on that side which is occupied by a warlike and powerful inca in a province of the Andes, as shall be mentioned hereafter131. There is no other place in the mountains farther south which has been as yet settled by the Christians, till we come to the province of Guamanga, in which is a small town named San Juan de la Vittoria132, which is sixty leagues from Leon. In San Juan there are very few Spaniards, but their number is expected to increase, if the neighbouring inca can be induced to submit to peace; as he at present occupies the best lands belonging to that city, in which there are many mines, and which produces the herb called coca in great abundance, formerly mentioned as of great value. The town of Guamanga is about eighty leagues from the city of Cuzco; the road between being exceedingly difficult, as it goes over high and precipitous mountains, and through very dangerous passes.
   Before the arrival of the Spaniards, the kings of Peru resided in the city of Cuzco, whence they governed the whole of this great country of which I have endeavoured to give some account, and which will be more particularly treated of in the sequel of this history. This city served as the common centre for all the chiefs or caciques of this vast kingdom, to which they resorted from all quarters, to pay their tributes to the king, and to obtain justice in case of disputes among each other. At that time Cuzco was the only place in all Peru that had the least resemblance to a city. It had even a strong fortress, built of such enormous dressed stones, that it was very wonderful to conceive in what manner the Indians had been able to transport such vast masses of stone without the aid of any animals of draught. In fact some of these are so large that they would have required ten yokes of oxen to have dragged them along on a fit carriage. The houses which are now inhabited by the Spaniards are the same which were formerly occupied by the Indians; some of which houses have been merely repaired and others enlarged by their present possessors. This city was formerly divided into four quarters, corresponding to the four cardinal points; and by orders of the Incas, or sovereigns of Peru, all those natives who came to the capital were obliged to lodge in the particular quarter which was towards the direction of the province from whence they came, under severe penalties. The south quarter of the city was named Colla-sugo, from the province of Collao which lay to the south. The northern quarter was named Chinca-sugo, from the large and renowned province of Chinca133 in that direction. The eastern and western quarters were respectively named Ande-sugo and Conde-sugo. The country about Cuzco is extremely fertile, and abounds in all kinds of provisions, and the climate is so healthy that the inhabitants are seldom if ever sick. Around the city there are many rich mines, whence all the gold which has been hitherto sent into Spain was procured. These indeed have been nearly abandoned since the discovery of the rich silver mines of Potosi; both because much greater profit may be made from these other mines of silver, and because the working of these are far less dangerous both to the Indians and Spaniards who are there employed.

   From the city of Cuzco to that of La Plata in the province of Charcas, the distance is more than a hundred and fifty leagues, between which two places there is a large flat province named Collao, above fifty leagues long; the principal part of which, named Chiquito, belongs to his majesty. Seeing so large an extent of country unoccupied by the Spaniards, the licentiate De la Gasca sent some people there in 1545 to commence an establishment. The city of La Plata is situated in the coldest part of all the mountainous region of Peru, and has very few inhabitants, but these are extremely rich, and spend the greatest part of the year in the mines of Porco, and in those of Potosi since their discovery. Towards the left hand or the east from La Plata, a new province was explored by Diego de Rojas and Philip Gutierez, by the order of Vaca de Castro, which was named Rojas134 from one of these captains. It is said to be fertile and abounding in provisions, but they have not found so much riches there as was expected. Captain Domingo de Ytala and his companions came by that way into Peru in 1549, having remounted the Rio Plata from the Atlantic Ocean.
   Such is the state and situation of all that has been hitherto discovered of this vast country of Peru, which is chiefly known along the coast of the South Sea, and has not been much explored in its inland parts, on account of the vast quantity of lofty and rude mountains, by which it is everywhere pervaded, and which are extremely difficult to pass; because of their height and precipitous nature, the excessive cold which prevails among them, and the scarcity of food. Yet the industry and courage of the Spaniards would have overcome all these obstacles, if there were any hope of finding a rich country beyond.
   As the Peruvians were ignorant of writing they knew nothing respecting the history of the creation and deluge or of their own origin. They had however some tradition among them, which had been altered from age to age according to the fancies of the reciters. They said that there came anciently from the north, a man who had no bones or joints, and who was able to shorten or lengthen the way before him as he thought fit, and to elevate or depress the mountains at his pleasure. By this man the ancient Indians were created; and as those of the plain had given him some cause of displeasure, he rendered their country sterile and sandy as it now is, and commanded that it should never rain in that district; yet sent them the rivers and torrents which run through it, that they might have wherewithal to quench their thirst. This person, named Con, who they allege was son of the sun and moon, they esteemed and adored as a god, pretending that he had given the herbs and wild fruits as food for the people whom he had created. After him came another man from the south, named Pachacamac, or the creator, who was likewise the son of the sun and moon, but more powerful than Con, who disappeared on his arrival, leaving the men whom he had created without chiefs or laws, and Pachacamac transformed them all into various animals, as birds, cats, bears, lions, and the like, giving origin in this manner to all the beasts and birds which are now found in the country. After this Pachacamac created the present race of Indians, teaching them the art of labouring the ground for the cultivation of plants of various kinds for food. Pachacamac is considered as a god, and all the principal persons among the Peruvians are desirous of being buried in the province named from him Pachacamac, as he resided there, which is about four leagues from the city of Lima135. They pretended that their god Pachacamac continued several ages among them, even to the time of the arrival of the Spaniards, since when he has disappeared. Hence we may presume that he was some demon by whom they were miserably abused and misled, and who filled their minds with so many extravagant absurd fables.
   The Indians believe likewise, that even before Con and Pachacamac, there was a great deluge, during which mankind saved themselves in great caves in the high mountains, into which they carried a store of food, shutting up the entries, and carefully filling up all the crevices, to keep out the water. After a long while, they sent out some dogs, who returned to them all wet but not dirtied with mud, from which circumstance they concluded that the waters still remained very high, and they did not venture to leave their caverns till the dogs came back a second time all covered with mud. They allege that great numbers of serpents were engendered by the moisture left in the earth by this deluge, by which their ancestors were much distressed for a long time, till they at length succeeded to extirpate them. From this tradition they appear to have retained some confused notion of the deluge, although they were ignorant of the way in which Noah and seven other persons were saved in the ark to repeople the whole earth. Perhaps their tradition may refer to some partial deluge, like that of Deucalion.
   The have a notion that the world is to come to an end; before which there is to be a great drought, when no rain is to fall for several years. On this account, in former times, the caciques used to lay up large magazines of maize to serve them during the long drought. Even yet, the more timid among the Peruvians make a great lamentation when the sun or moon are eclipsed, believing the end of the world to be at hand; as they allege that these luminaries are to be extinguished at the destruction of the world.
   The Peruvians worship the Sun and Moon as deities, and swear by these luminaries and by the earth, which they consider as their mother. In their temples they adore certain stones, as representatives of the sun, which they name guacas, a word signifying to weep, which they do on entering into their temples. No person is permitted to approach these guacas except the priests who sacrifice to these idols, who are all clothed in white. When they go up to their idols, they carry certain white cloths in their hands, prostrating themselves and crawling on the earth, and addressing their idols in a language which is not understood by any of the natives. By these priests all the offerings for the idols are received and buried in the temples, as the Indian votaries make gifts of figures in gold or silver of those things for which they address their prayers to the guaca. These priests likewise offer sacrifices of animals and even of men to their gods, searching the hearts and intrails of the victims for certain signs which they wish to find, and repeating their abominable sacrifices until they meet with those signs which they desire; pretending that the idols are not satisfied by the sacrifices till these appear. During all the time that the priests are engaged in sacrificing, they never appear in public, neither have they any intercourse with women, and employ themselves all night in loud cries, invoking the demons near to the places in which the guacas are kept, which are extremely numerous, as most houses have each their own guaca. The priests prepare themselves for having intercourse with the demons by long fasts, after which they tie up their eyes and some even carry their superstition to such excess as to put out their own eyes. The caciques and other great men among the Peruvians never undertake any affair of importance without having first consulted the idols, or demons rather, by means of the priests.
   In the temples of the sun the Spaniards found several large earthen jars containing the dried bodies of children which had been sacrificed. Among the figures of gold and silver which were used as ornaments to the guacas, there were several which had a strong resemblance to the mitres and crosiers of our bishops, and some of these idols were found having mitres on their heads. When Thomas de Verlanga, bishop of Tierra Firma travelled through Peru, with his mitre, in which he was seen by the Indians celebrating the mass, they asked if he was the guaca of the Christians. When asked the reason of these mitres, they could only say that they had been handed down from their ancestors. In every part of Peru there were certain houses or monasteries, which were inhabited by women who were consecrated to the sun. These women never went out, but were perpetually employed in spinning cotton and wool, which they wove into cloth, and then burned along with the bones of white sheep, throwing the ashes into the air in honour of the sun. These women were consecrated to perpetual celibacy, and were put to death if found to be with child, unless they could swear that their child was begotten by the sun.
   Every year, at the season of the maize harvest, the mountaineer Peruvians had a solemn festival; on which occasion they set up two tall straight trees like masts, on the top of which was placed the figure of a man surrounded by other figures and adorned with flowers. The inhabitants went in procession armed with bows and arrows and regularly marshalled into companies, beating their drums and with great outcries and rejoicings, each company in succession discharging their arrows at the dressed up figure. After which the priests set up an idol at the bottom of the masts, before which they sacrificed a man or a sheep, sprinkling the idol with the blood of the victim; and having inspected the heart and entrails of the sacrifice, they reported the signs they had discovered to the people, who were sad or rejoiced according as these were good or bad. The whole of this festival was usually spent in dancing and drinking, and in various games and sports, some of which were warlike exercises, with maces, clubs, axes and other arms.
   All the caciques and other principal inhabitants of Peru are reposited after their death in a kind of vaults, clothed in all their richest dresses, and seated in a kind of chairs which they name duos. It was customary also to bury along with them one or two of their best beloved wives, and on this occasion the honour was frequently contested among the wives of the deceased, unless when the husband had previously settled who were to be chosen to accompany him in the tomb. Two or three youths of their train, and all their gold and silver-plate used also to be buried along with them; all of which was done in the hope of one day rising again from the dead, and that they might then appear in proper style, accompanied by their wives and servants. When the Spaniards broke up these sepulchres on purpose to take possession of their buried treasures, the Peruvians requested of them not to disturb the bones of the dead, that they might not be hindered in their resurrection. In the burial ceremony, the relations of the deceased used to pour some of the liquor formerly mentioned, named Chica, into the grave, of which a portion was conveyed by some hollow canes into the mouth of the dead person. On the top of the tomb or sepulchre, wooden images were placed, representing the appearance of the deceased; but on the graves of the lower orders, they satisfied themselves by some painted emblems of their profession or employment, more especially if they happened to be warriors.
   In all the provinces of Peru there were certain nobles or principal persons, of whom the chiefs or rulers were named curacas, similar in every respect to the caciques of the islands. As the Spaniards who conquered Peru had been accustomed to name many things according to the language of Hispaniola and Cuba, and were at first ignorant of the Peruvian language, they continued to employ the terms to which they had been accustomed; and the Peruvians have so far accommodated themselves to this language, especially in speaking to the Spaniards, that they mostly use these terms. Thus they call those chiefs caciques, who in their own language are named curacas, their bread corn and drink, which in the Peruvian are zara and azua, they denominate maize and chica, which names were brought from the islands by the Spaniards. These curacas or caciques were the judges and protectors of their subjects in peace, and their leaders in war against the neighbouring tribes. The whole people of Peru lived in that manner for many years under a multiplicity of independent chiefs, having no king or supreme chief; until at length a warlike nation came from the environs of the great lake Titicaca named the Incas in the language of Peru. These men had their heads close shaven, and their ears pierced, in which they wore large round pendents of gold, by which their ears were dragged down upon their shoulders, in consequence of which they were called ringrim, or the large ears. Their chief was called Zapalla Inca136, or the only king; though others say that he was named Inca Vira cocha, or the king from the scum of the lake, because the astonished natives, not knowing the origin of their invaders, believed that they had started into existence from the scum or mud of the great lake. This great lake of Titicaca is about eighty leagues in circumference, from which a large river runs to the southwards, which in some places is half a league in breadth, and which discharges its waters into a small lake about forty leagues from the great lake, which has no outlet. This circumstance gives great astonishment to many, who are unable to comprehend how so vast a body of water should disappear in so small a reservoir. As this smaller lake appears to have no bottom, some conceive that it discharges itself into the sea by some subterranean communication, like the river Alphaeus in Greece.
   These Incas established themselves in the first place at Cuzco, from whence they gradually extended their sway over the whole of Peru, which became tributary to them. The empire of the Incas descended in successive order, but not by immediate hereditary rules. On the death of a king, he was succeeded by his immediately younger brother; and on his demise the eldest son of the preceding king was called to the throne; so as always to have on the throne a prince of full age. The royal ornament worn by the supreme Inca in place of a crown or diadem, consisted in a fringe of coloured worsted from one temple to the other, reaching almost to the eyes. He governed their extensive empire with much grandeur and absolute power; and perhaps there never was a country in the world where the subjects were so submissive and obedient. They had only to place a single thread drawn from their diadem in the hands of one of the ringrim or great ears, by which he communicated to this deputy the most absolute delegation of power, which was respected and obeyed over the whole empire. Alone, and without troops or attendants, the message or order which he carried was instantly obeyed, were it even to lay waste a whole province, and to exterminate every one of its inhabitants; as on the sight of this thread from the royal fillet, every one offered themselves voluntarily to death, without a single murmur or the slightest resistance.
   In the before mentioned order of succession, the empire of the Incas fell in process of time to a sovereign named Huana Capac137, which signifies the young rich man. This prince made great conquests, and augmented the empire more considerably than had been done by any one of his predecessors, and ruled over the whole more reasonably and with greater justice and equity than had ever been done by the former sovereigns. He established everywhere the most perfect police, and exact rules for cultivating the earth; ruling and governing among a barbarous and ignorant nation with the most surprising order and justice; and the love and obedience of his subjects was equally wonderful and perfect. They gave him a signal proof of this, worthy of being mentioned, in the construction of two roads through the whole extent of Peru for his more convenient travelling; of which the difficulty labour and expence equal or even surpass all that the ancients have written of the seven wonders of the world. Huana Capac, in marching from Cuzco to conquer the kingdom of Quito, had to march five hundred leagues by the mountains, where he had everywhere to encounter excessive difficulties, from bad roads, rocks, precipices and ravines, almost impracticable in many places. After he had successfully executed this great enterprize, by the conquest and submission of Quito and its dependencies, his subjects conceived that it was incumbent on them to do honour to his victorious career, by preparing a commodious road for his triumphant return to Cuzco. They accordingly undertook, and executed by prodigious labour, a broad and easy road through the mountains of five hundred leagues in length, in the course of which they had often to dig away vast rocks, and to fill up valleys and precipices of thirty to forty yards in depth. It is said that this road, when first made, was so smooth and level that it would have admitted a coach with the utmost ease through its whole length; but since that time it has suffered great injuries, especially during the wars between the Spaniards and the Peruvians, having been broken up in many places, on purpose to obstruct the invasion of the enemy. The grandeur and difficulty of this vast undertaking may be readily conceived, by considering the labour and cost which has been expended in Spain to level only two leagues of a mountain road between Segovia and Guadarrama, and which after all has never been brought to any degree of perfection, although the usual passage of the king and court on travelling to or from Andalusia or the kingdom of Toledo. Not satisfied with this first astonishing labour, the Peruvians soon afterwards undertook another of a similar and no less grand and difficult kind. Huana Capac was fond of visiting the kingdom of Quito which he had conquered, and proposed to travel thither from Cuzco by way of the plain, so as to visit the whole of his extensive dominions. For his accommodation likewise, his subjects undertook to make a road also in the plain; and for this purpose they constructed high mounds of earth across all the small vallies formed by the various rivers and torrents which descend from the mountain, that the road might be everywhere smooth and level This road was near forty feet wide, and where it crossed the sandy heights which intervene betwixt the verdant vallies of the torrents, it was marked on each side by stakes, forming palings in straight lines to prevent any one losing the way. This road was five hundred leagues in length like that of the mountain; but the palings are now wanting in many places, the wood of which they were constructed having been used by the Spaniards for fuel during the war; but the mounds still exist across the vallies, and most of them are yet tolerably entire, by which the grandeur of the entire work may be judged of. In his journeys to and from Quito, Huana Capac used to go by one of these roads and return by the other; and during his whole journey his subjects used to strew the way with branches and flowers of the richest perfume.
   Besides the two great roads already mentioned, Huana Capac ordered to be built on the mountain road a number of large palaces, at the distance of a days journey from each other, having a prodigious number of apartments, sufficient to lodge his own personal suite and all his army. Such were likewise built along the road in the plain, but not so numerous or so near each other as on the mountain road, as these palaces of the plain had all to be placed on the sides of the rivers for convenience and the procurement of provisions and other necessaries; so that they were in some places eight or ten leagues distant from each other, and in other places fifteen or twenty leagues. These buildings were named tambos, and the neighbouring Indians were bound to furnish each of these with provisions and every thing else that might be wanted for the royal armies; insomuch that in each of these tambos, in case of necessity, clothing and arms could be had for twenty or thirty thousand men. Huana Capac was always escorted by a considerable body of soldiers, armed with lances, halberts, maces, and battle axes, made of silver or copper, and some of them even of gold.
   In their armies, besides these arms, the Peruvians used slings, and javelins having their points hardened in the fire. On such parts of their rivers as furnished materials for the purpose, they built wooden bridges; and where timber could not be had, they stretched across the stream two large cables made of a plant named maguey, forming a kind of net work between these of smaller ropes and masts, strong enough to answer the purpose of a bridge. In this manner they constructed bridges of a surprizing magnitude; some of them being thirty yards broad and four hundred yards long138. In such places as did not admit of the construction of bridges, they passed over rivers by means of a cable or thick rope extended from side to side, on which they hung a large basket, which was drawn over by means of a smaller rope. All these bridges were kept in repair by the inhabitants of the districts in which they stood.
   The king of Peru was always carried in a species of litter covered over with plates of gold, and was attended by more than a thousand of the principal native nobles, who relieved each other in carrying the royal litter on their shoulders. All these men were counsellors, principal officers of the household, or favourites of the prince. The caciques or curacas of the different provinces were likewise carried in litters on the shoulders of their vassals. The Peruvians were exceedingly submissive to their sovereigns, insomuch that even the most powerful lord always entered the presence barefooted, and carrying some present wrapped up in a cloth, as a mark of homage; and even if one person had occasion to go an hundred times in one day to speak to the king, the present had to be repeated every time he went. To look the king in the face was considered as a criminal disrespect; and if any one should happen to stumble while carrying the royal litter, so as to make it fall, his head was immediately cut off. At every half league on the public roads throughout the whole empire, there were Indians in constant attendance to relieve each other in carrying dispatches, which they did swifter than our post horses. When any province or district was subdued, the natives of the place, or at least all their chiefs and principal people, were immediately removed to other parts of the empire, and natives from other places which had been long subjected were sent to occupy the new conquest, by which means the fidelity and submission of the whole were secured. From every province of the empire, yearly tributes of the several productions of their respective countries were sent to the king; and even some sterile districts above three hundred leagues distant from Cuzco, had to send yearly a number of lizards as a mark of their submission, having nothing of any value to send. Huana Capac rebuilt the temple of the sun at Cuzco, and covered over all the walls and the roof of that structure with plates of gold and silver. During his reign, one Chimocappa, who was curaca or prince of a large district in the plain, above a hundred leagues in length, chose to erect the standard of rebellion; but Huana Capac marched against him in person, defeated him in battle, and put him to death; after which he commanded that the Indians of the plain should not be permitted to carry arms. Yet he allowed the son and successor of Chimocappa to remain in the province of Chimo, in which the city of Truzillo has been since built.
   Peru was astonishingly full of those animals called sheep; as Huana Capac and his predecessors had established laws for their multiplication and preservation. Every year a certain proportion of these animals belonging to individuals were set apart as a kind of tythe or offering to the sun, and these consecrated animals multiplied greatly, no person being allowed to injure them under pain of sacrilege, except the prince only for his own use or that of his army. On such occasions, he gave orders for one of these hunts called chacos, formerly mentioned, at some of which twenty or thirty thousand sheep have been taken at one time. Gold was in great request among the Peruvians, as the king and all the principal persons of the empire used it for the construction of vessels for all uses, as ornaments for their persons, and as offerings to their gods. The king had everywhere carried along with him a kind of couch or table of gold, of sixteen carats fine, on which he used to sit, and which was worth 25,000 ducats of standard gold. This was chosen by Don Francisco Pizarro, at the time of the conquest, in consequence of an agreement, by which he was authorized to appropriate some single jewel or valuable article to his own use, besides his regular share of the plunder. When the eldest son of Huana Capac was born, he ordered a prodigious chain or cable of gold to be made, so large and heavy that two hundred men were hardly able to lift it. In remembrance of this circumstance, the infant was named Huascar, which signifies a cable or large rope, as the Peruvians have no word in their language signifying a chain. To this name of Huascar was added the surname Inca, belonging to all their kings, just as Augustus was given to all the Roman emperors. Huana Capac had several large magazines full of gold in various shapes, such as the figures of men and women, of sheep and animals of all kinds, and of all the kinds of plants which are found in the country, all accurately represented. He had also great quantities of vestments of various kinds, and many slings, in which the fabric was mixed with gold threads; and many bars of gold and silver made like billets of fire wood.
   Although the main object of this history is to relate the Spanish Discovery and Conquest of Peru, it seems proper to explain the circumstances under which they found the affairs of that empire at their arrival; by which we shall have occasion to admire the wisdom of Providence, in permitting that enterprize to take place at a time when that vast country was divided into two hostile parties, which greatly facilitated the conquest. After Huana Capac had reduced many provinces to submission, to the extent of five hundred leagues from Cuzco, he undertook in person to make the conquest of the kingdom of Quito, which bounded with his empire in the north-west. Having successfully accomplished that great enterprise, finding the country exceedingly pleasant, he continued to reside there for a long while, leaving at Cuzco several of his children, both sons and daughters, among whom were his eldest son Huascar Inca, Manco Inca, Paul Inca, and several others. While at Quito, he took to wife the daughter of the former lord of that country, by whom he had a son named Atahualpa or Atabalipa, of whom he was very fond, and whom he left to be educated in Quito when he returned to Cuzco. After residing for some years in Cuzco, he made a journey back to Quito, partly because he delighted in that country which he had subdued, and partly from affection for his son Atahualpa, whom he loved more than all the rest of his children. He continued to reside in Quito all the rest of his life; and at his death, he bequeathed the kingdom of Quito to Atahualpa139, which had belonged to his maternal ancestors. On his death, Atahualpa secured the affection of the army, and got possession of all the treasure which his father had in Quito, but the far greater proportion of the treasure remained in Cuzco, as too heavy for transportation, and accordingly fell to Huascar, the eldest son.
   Atahualpa sent ambassadors to his eldest brother Huascar, informing him of the death of their father, and assuring him of his loyalty and obedience; yet requesting that he might be permitted to retain the command of the kingdom of Quito, the conquest of his father; which he alleged was beyond the limits of the Peruvian empire, and ought not therefore to follow the ordinary rules of primogeniture, more especially as Atahualpa was the legitimate heir of that country in right of his mother and grandfather. Huascar sent back for answer, that if Atahualpa would come to Cuzco and give up the army, he should receive lands and possessions sufficient to enable him to live according to his rank; but that he would on no account give up Quito, a frontier province of the empire, where of course he must keep up a body of troops for the defence of the whole. Huascar added, that if Atahualpa refused submission to these conditions, he would march in person against him as a declared enemy. On receiving this message, Atahualpa consulted two of his fathers principal officers, Quiz-quiz and Cilicuchima, brave and experienced warriors, who advised him not to wait the invasion of his brother, but to take the field without delay and march against him; as the army which was under his orders was sufficient to enable him to acquire the whole provinces of the empire, and would increase on the march by means of the provinces which intervened between Quito and Cusco. Atahualpa followed this advice and gradually made himself master of the country through which he marched. Huascar, on hearing of the hostile proceedings of his brother, sent some light-armed troops against him. The commander of these troops advanced to the province of Tumibamba about a hundred leagues from Quito; and learning that Atahualpa had taken the field, he sent a courier to Cuzco with notice of the state of the affairs, and to request that he might be furnished with two thousand officers of experience; by means of whom he could arm thirty thousand men of the warlike province called Cagnares which remained in allegiance to Huascar. These two thousand experienced warriors were immediately sent, by whose means, and with assistance of the curacas of Tumibamba, Chaparras, Paltas, and Cagnares140, in that neighbourhood, Huascars general was enabled to collect a formidable army. Atahualpa marched against this army, with whom he fought a battle which lasted three days, in which he was at last defeated and made prisoner, in attempting to escape by the bridge of Tumibamba.
   While the army of Huascar was celebrating their victory with great feasts and rejoicings, Atahualpa contrived to escape from the tambos or palace of Tumibamba in which he was confined, by digging through a very thick wall with a bar of copper, which he procured from a woman. He returned immediately to Quito, where he collected the remains of his defeated army, to whom he represented that his father had changed him into a serpent, by which means he had been enabled to escape from his prison through a small hole; and that his father had assured him of certain victory, if they would return along with him against the enemy. His troops were so much encouraged by this stratagem, that they followed him with great courage, believing themselves invincible under the protection of Huana Capac. He again attacked the army of Huascar, which in this second battle was entirely defeated. Such numbers were slain on both sides in these two battles, that even to this day large quantities of human bones remain in the places where they were fought. In pursuit of his victory, Atahualpa marched into the provinces which adhered to his brother, which he destroyed with fire and sword. He entirely destroyed the great city of Tumibamba, which stood on a plain watered by three great rivers. In his pursuing his conquests, he gave no quarter wherever he met with resistance but granted mercy and peace to all such districts as submitted quietly to his authority, obliging all the warriors to join his army, which by these means, increased continually as he advanced. On arriving at Tumbez he was desirous to take possession of the island of Puna, but as the curaca of that island defended himself courageously, Atahualpa did not think it prudent to waste much time in the attempt, more especially as he had intelligence of the approach of Huascar with a numerous army; for which reason he continued his march towards Cuzco, and arrived at Caxamarca, where he established his head-quarters. From this place he detached two of his principal officers at the head of two or three thousand light armed troops, with orders to reconnoitre the army of the enemy, and to bring him word of their numbers and situation. When this party had arrived at no great distance from the camp of the enemy, they quitted the direct road and made a circuit among the woods and mountains, to prevent the enemy from discovering them. Procuring intelligence that Huascar had retired to a place at some distance from his camp, attended by seven hundred of his principal officers and nobles, on purpose to avoid the noise and confusion of his great army, they attacked his quarters by surprise, easily defeated his small escort, and made him prisoner. While endeavouring to make good their retreat to the camp of Atahualpa with their great prize, they were surrounded on every side by the vast army of the enemy, which could easily have exterminated them, being at least thirty to one. But the commanders of this fortunate detachment, immediately told Huascar that they would put him to death, if he did not instantly give orders to his army to retire: and at the same time assured him that his brother Atahualpa had no farther desire than to be permitted to enjoy the kingdom of Quito in peace, for which he would do homage to him as his king and lord. Huascar, terrified by the prospect of death, and believing their promise of restoration to liberty and dominion, issued peremptory orders to his army to desist from their intended attack and to return to Cuzco, which they did accordingly; and the Atahualpan officers carried Huascar a prisoner to Caxamarca, where they delivered him up to their master. Thus were the affairs of Peru situated when Don Francisco Pizarro arrived in that country with the Spaniards; which conjuncture was exceedingly favourable to his views of conquest, of which we shall give an account in the next section, as the great army of Huascar was entirely dispersed, and Atahualpa had dismissed a great proportion of his troops, after this fortunate event, which had placed his enemy in his hands

   Of the Peruvian History before the arrival of the Spaniards141.
   "Peru, like the rest of the New World, was originally possessed by small independent tribes, differing from each other in manners, and in their forms of rude policy. All, however, were so little civilized, that, if the traditions concerning their mode of life, preserved among their descendants, deserve credit, they must be classed among the most unimproved savages of America. Strangers to every species of cultivation or regular industry, without any fixed residence, and unacquainted with those sentiments and obligations which form the first bonds of social union, they are said to have roamed naked about the forests with which their country was then covered, more like wild beasts than like men. After they had struggled for ages with the hardships and calamities which are inevitable in such a state, and when no circumstance seemed to indicate the approach of any uncommon effort towards improvement, we are told that there appeared on the banks of the lake Titicaca, a man and woman of majestic form, and clothed in decent garments. They declared themselves to be children of the sun, sent by their beneficent parent, who beheld with pity the miseries of the human race, and who had commanded them to instruct and reclaim them. At their persuasion, enforced by reverence for the divinity in whose name they were supposed to speak, several of the dispersed savages united together, and receiving their commands as heavenly instructions, followed them to Cuzco where they settled, and where they begun to lay the foundations of a city, afterwards the capital of Peru."
   "Manco Capac and Mama Ocollo, for such were the names of these extraordinary personages, having thus collected some wandering tribes, formed that social union which, by multiplying the desires, and uniting the efforts of the human species, excites industry and leads to improvement. Manco Capac instructed the men in agriculture and other useful arts; Mama Ocollo taught the women to spin and weave. By the labour of the one sex subsistence became less precarious; by that of the other life was rendered more comfortable. After securing the object of first necessity in an infant state, by providing food, raiment, and habitations for the rude people of whom he took charge, Manco Capac turned his attention towards introducing such laws and policy as might perpetuate their happiness. By his institutions, the various relations in private life were established, and the duties resulting from them prescribed with such propriety, as gradually formed a barbarous people to decency of manners. In public administration, the functions of persons in authority were so precisely defined, and the subordination of those under jurisdiction maintained with such a steady hand, that the society in which he presided soon assumed the aspect of a regular and well-governed state."
   "Thus, according to the Indian traditions, was founded the empire of the Incas, or Lords of Peru. At first its extent was small; as the territory of Manco Capac did not reach above eight leagues from Cuzco: But within these narrow limits he exercised an uncontrolled authority. His successors, as their dominions extended, arrogated a similar jurisdiction over the new subjects which they acquired; the despotism of Asia was not more complete. The Incas were not only obeyed as monarchs, but revered as divinities. Their blood was held to be sacred, and by prohibiting intermarriages with the people, was never contaminated by mixing with that of any other race. The family thus separated from the rest of the nation, was distinguished by peculiarities in dress and ornaments, which it was unlawful for others to assume. The monarch himself appeared with ensigns of royalty reserved for him alone; and received from his subjects marks of obsequious homage and respect, which approached almost to adoration. But among the Peruvians, this unbounded power of their monarchs seems to have been uniformly accompanied with attention to the good of their subjects. It was not the rage of conquests, if we may believe the accounts of their countrymen, that prompted the Incas to extend their dominion, but the desire of diffusing the blessings of civilization, and the knowledge of the arts which they possessed, among the barbarous people whom they reduced. During a succession of twelve monarchs, it is said that not one deviated from this beneficent character."
   "When the Spaniards first visited the coast of Peru in 1526, Huana Capac, the twelfth monarch from the founder of the state, was seated on the throne. He is represented as a prince distinguished not only for the pacific virtues peculiar to the race, but eminent for his martial talents. By his victorious arms the kingdom of Quito was subjected, a conquest of such extent and importance as almost doubled the power of the Peruvian empire. He was fond of residing in the capital of that valuable province which he had added to his dominions; and notwithstanding the ancient and fundamental law of the monarchy against polluting the royal blood by any foreign alliance, he married the daughter of the vanquished monarch of Quito. She bore him a son named Atahualpa, whom, on his death at Quito, which seems to have happened about the year 1529, he appointed his successor in that kingdom, leaving the rest of his dominions to Huascar, his eldest son, by a mother of the royal race. Greatly as the Peruvians revered the memory of a monarch who had reigned with greater reputation and splendour than any of his predecessors, the destination of Huana Capac concerning the succession appeared so repugnant to a maxim coeval with the empire, and founded on authority deemed sacred, that it was no sooner known at Cuzco than it excited general disgust. Encouraged by those sentiments of his subjects, Huascar required his brother to renounce the government of Quito, and to acknowledge him as his lawful superior. But it had been the first care of Atahualpa to gain a large body of troops which had accompanied his father to Quito. These were the flower of the Peruvian warriors, to whose valour Huana Capac had been indebted for all his victories. Atahuaipa first eluded the demand of his brother, and then marched against him in hostile array."
   "Thus the ambition of two young princes, the title of the one founded on ancient usage, and of the other asserted by the veteran troops, involved Peru in civil war, a calamity to which it had been hitherto a stranger, under a succession of virtuous monarchs. In such a contest the issue was obvious. The force of arms triumphed over the authority of laws. Atahualpa remained victorious, and made a cruel use of his victory. Conscious of the defect in his own title to the throne, he attempted to exterminate the royal race, by putting to death all the children of the sun descended from Manco Capac, whom he could seize either by force or stratagem. From a political motive, the life of the unfortunate Huascar, who had been taken prisoner in a battle which decided the fate of the empire, was prolonged for some time; that, by issuing orders in his name, the usurper might more easily establish his own authority."
   "When Pizarro landed in the bay of St Matthew, in 1531, this civil war raged between the two brothers in its greatest fury; and though the two competitors received early accounts of the arrival of the Spaniards, they were so intent upon the operations of a war which they deemed more interesting, that they gave no attention to the motions of an enemy too inconsiderable in number to excite any great alarm, and to whom it would be easy, as they imagined, to give a check when more at leisure. By this fortunate coincidence of events, of which he could have no foresight, and of which he remained long ignorant from its defective mode of intercourse with the people of the country, Pizarro was permitted to advance unmolested into the centre of a great empire, before any effort of its power was exerted to stop his career. During their progress, the Spaniards acquired some imperfect knowledge of the struggle between the two contending factions; and the first complete information respecting it was received from messengers sent by Huascar to Pizarro, to solicit his aid against Atahualpa, whom he represented as a rebel and an usurper."
   * * * * *
   Manco Capac, the first Inca of the Peruvians, is said to have reigned about the middle of the twelfth century, as the traditionary accounts attribute a period of about 400 years between the commencement of his reign and the decease of Huana Capac in 1529, which would place the origin of the monarchy about the year 1129, allowing an average of 30 years to each of 13 successive reigns. The traditions of such ancient matters among an ignorant people are little to be depended on; and even admitting the series of kings to be right as to number, the ordinary average of twenty years to each of the thirteen successive reigns would only give 260 years for the duration of the monarchy, and would carry back the commencement of the reign of Manco Capac only to the year 1269. The series of these kings, as given by various Spanish writers, according to the traditions of the Peruvians, is as follows:
   1. Manco Capac. 2. Sinchi Roca. 3. Lloque Yupanqui. 4. Mayta Capac. 5. Capac Yupanqui. 6. Inca Roca. 7. Yahuar Huacac. 8. Inca Roca, likewise named Viracocha. 9. Pachacutec142. 10. Yupanqui. 11. Tupac Yupanqui. 12. Huana Capac. 13. Huascar, or Inti-cusi-Hualpa. 14. Atahualpa. 15. Manco Capac the Second, crowned at Cuzco by permission of Pizarro; afterwards revolted and retired to the mountains. 16. Sayri Tupac; who resigned the nominal sovereignty of Peru to Philip II. He died a Christian, and left one daughter who married a Spaniard named Onez de Loyola, and from whom are descended the marquisses of Orepesa and Alcanises.
   * * * * *
   As the empire of Peru was made up of many barbarous tribes, its native inhabitants spoke many languages or dialects, which were only understood in their own particular districts. The language of the ruling people or tribe to which the royal family belonged, called the Quichua, was solely used at court, and we have already seen that the sons of all the chiefs or curacas of the empire were ordered to be educated at Cuzco, that they might be all able to converse with the sovereign. In this language the sounds of b, d, f, g, and r, are said to have been wanting; and yet that of the r occurs in the names of several of their kings. Garcilasso says that this letter had a guttural sound, perhaps resembling the burr, or parler gras of the French: And it is alleged that this language of a comparatively barbarous people was nearly as copious and as artificial as the Greek. The following specimens are given in the Modern Geography, III. 585, to which are added two examples of what are called Peruvian poetry, from Garcilasso de la Vega, p. 50. The nouns in this language are declined by altering the terminations thus; Runa, a man; Runap, of a man; Runapac, to a man, &c. The verbs have also moods and tenses, the terminations often extending to a great length.
   1. Huc
   2. Yscay
   3. Quimza
   4. Tahua
   5. Chumpi, picheca.
   6. Zocta.
   7. Canchis.
   8. Puzac.
   9. Yscon.
   10. Chunca.
   100. Pachac.
   1000. Huaranca.

   The Andes....Anti
   The Arm......Ricra
   Bad..........Mana alli143
   The Beard....Zunca
   Beauty.......Zumay
   The Belly....Vicza
   A Brother....Huauquey
   A Canoe......Huampu
   To Die.......Huauny, pitini
   A Dog........Alles
   To Drink.....Upiana
   The Ears.....Rinri
   Eared, or having great ears...Ringrim
   To Eat.......Micuni
   An Emerald...Umina
   The Eye......Naui
   A Family.....Ayllu
   Father.......Mayu
   Fire.........Nina
   Many fires...Ninanina
   A Fish.......Challhua
   Flesh........Aycha
   A Foot.......Chaqui
   A Friend.....Cocho
   Good.........Alli
   Gold.........Cori
   Gold dust....Chichi cori
   Great........Hatun
   A Hatchet....Avri, champi
   The Hair.....Caspa
   The Hand.....Maqui
   The Head.....Uma
   A Hog.........Cuchi
   A House.......Huaci
   A Husband.....Coza
   Iron..........Quellay
   A King........Capac, Inca
   A Lake........Cocha
   A Lance.......Chuqui
   Land..........Allpa
   Little........Huchuy
   Love..........Cuyay, munay
   A man.........Runa
   The Moon......Quilla
   Mother........Mama
   A Mountain....Puna, acha
   The Mouth.....Simi
   No............Maria
   The Nose......Cenca
   A Queen, or Princess...Coya
   A Sacrifice...Arpay
   Sand..........Aco
   The Sea.......Atun cocha144, Mama cocha145
   A Ship........Huampu146
   Silver........Collqui
   A Sister......Panay
   Snow..........Riti
   A Son.........Churi
   A Stone.......Rumi
   The Sun.......Inti
   Water.........Unu, yaco
   Woman.........Huami
   Yes...........Y

   Specimen of Peruvian poetry.

   Caylla Llapi To the Song
   Pununqui I will Sleep,
   Chaupitua At Midnight
   Samusac I will come.

SECTION II. Transactions of Pizarro and the Spaniards in Peru, from the commencement of the Conquest, till the departure of Almagro for the Discovery of Chili
   After the return of Don Francisco Pizarro from Spain to Panama, he made every preparation in his power for the conquest of Peru, in which he was not seconded with the same spirit as formerly by his companion Almagro, by which their affairs were considerably retarded, as Almagro was the richer man and had greater credit among the settlers. Diego Almagro, as formerly mentioned, was much dissatisfied with Pizarro for having neglected his interest in his applications to his majesty; but at length became pacified by his apologies and promises, and their friendship was renewed; yet Almagro could never be thoroughly reconciled to the brothers of Pizarro, more especially Ferdinand, against whom he had a rooted dislike. Owing to these disputes a considerable time elapsed; but at length Ferdinand Ponce de Leon147 fitted out a ship which belonged to him, in which Don Francisco Pizarro embarked with all the soldiers he could procure, which were very few in number, as the people in Panama were much discouraged by the great difficulties and hardships which had been suffered in the former attempt, and the poor success which had then been met with148. Pizarro set sail about the commencement of the year 1531; and in consequence of contrary winds was obliged to land on the coast of Peru a hundred leagues more to the north than he intended149; by which means he was reduced to the necessity of making a long and painful march down the coast, where he and his troops suffered great hardships from scarcity of provisions, and by the extreme difficulty of crossing the different rivers which intersected their line of march, all of which they had to pass near their mouths, where they are wide and deep, insomuch that both men and horses had often to pass them by swimming. The courage and address of Pizarro was conspicuous amidst these difficulties, by encouraging the soldiers, and frequently exposing himself to danger for their relief, even assisting those who were unable to swim. They arrived at length at a place named Coaque150 on the sea side, which was well peopled, and where they procured abundance of provisions to refresh and restore them after the hardships and privations they had undergone. From that place, Pizarro sent back one of his vessels to Panama, and the other to Nicaragua, sending by them above 30,000 castillanas151 of gold, which he had seized at Coaque, to encourage fresh adventurers to join him, by giving a specimen of the riches of the country. At Coaque the Spaniards found some excellent emeralds, as this country being under the line, is the only place where such precious stones are to be had. Several of these were destroyed by the Spaniards, who broke them in order to examine their nature; as they were so ignorant as to believe that good emeralds ought to bear the hammer without breaking, like diamonds. Believing therefore that the Indians might impose false stones upon them, they broke many of great value through their ignorance. The Spaniards were here afflicted by a singular disease, formerly mentioned, which produced a dangerous kind of warts or wens on their heads faces and other parts of their body, extremely sore and loathsome, of which some of the soldiers died, but most of them recovered, though almost every one was less or more affected.
   Leaving Coaque on account of this strange disease, which Pizarro attributed to the malignity of the air, he marched on to that province or district in which Puerto Viejo now stands, and easily reduced all the surrounding country to subjection. The captains Sebastian Benalcazar and Juan Fernandez joined him at this place, with a small reinforcement of horse and foot, which they brought from Nicaragua152.
   Having reduced the province of Puerto Viejo to subjection, Pizarro proceeded with all his troops to the harbour of Tumbez, whence he determined to pass over into the island of Puna, which is opposite to that port. For this purpose he caused a number of flats or rafts to be constructed after the manner of the Peruvians, formerly mentioned, to transport his men and horses to the island, which is above twenty miles from the river of Tumbez. The Spaniards were in imminent danger in this passage, as the Indians who guided their floats had resolved to cut the cords by which their planks were held together, on purpose to drown the men and horses; but as Pizarro had some suspicion or intimation of their secret intentions, he ordered all his people to be on their guard, constantly sword in hand, and to keep a watchful eye on the Indians. On arriving in the island, the inhabitants received them courteously and requested that there might be peace between them; yet it was soon known that they had concealed their warriors in ambush, with the intention of massacring the Spaniards during the night. When Pizarro was informed of this treachery, he attacked and defeated the Indians, and took the principal cacique of the island; and next morning made himself master of the enemies camp, which was defended by a considerable body of warriors. Learning that another body of the islanders had attacked the flat vessels or rafts in which they had come over, Pizarro and his brothers went in all haste to assist the Spanish guard which had the care of them, and drove away the enemy with considerable slaughter. In these engagements two or three of the Spaniards were killed, and several wounded, among whom was Gonzalo Pizarro, who received a dangerous hurt on the knee.
   Soon after this action, Hernando de Soto arrived from Nicaragua with a considerable reinforcement of foot and horse. But finding it difficult to subdue the islanders effectually, as they kept their canoes concealed among the mangrove trees which grow in the water, Pizarro resolved to return to Tumbez; more especially as the air of Puna is unwholesome from its extreme heat, and the marshy nature of its shores. For this reason he divided all the gold which had been collected in the island, and abandoned the place. In this island of Puna, the Spaniards found above six hundred prisoners, men and women, belonging to the district of Tumbez, among whom was one of the principal nobles of that place. On the 16th May 1532, Pizarro set all these people at liberty, and supplied them with barks or floats to carry them home to Tumbez; sending likewise in one of these barks along with the liberated Indians, three Spaniards to announce his own speedy arrival. The Indians of Tumbez repaid this great favour with the blackest ingratitude, as immediately on their arrival, they sacrificed these three Spaniards to their abominable idols. Hernando de Soto made a narrow escape from meeting with the same fate: He was embarked on one of these floats, with a single servant, along with some of the Indians, and had already entered the river of Tumbez, when he was seen by Diego de Aguero and Roderick Lozan, who had already landed, and who made him stop the float and land beside them; otherwise, if he had been carried up to Tumbez, he would certainly have been put to death.
   From the foregoing treachery of the inhabitants of Tumbez, it may readily be supposed that they were by no means disposed to furnish barks for the disembarkation of the Spanish troops and horses; so that on the first evening, only the Governor Don Francisco Pizarro, with his brothers Ferdinand and Juan, the bishop Don Vincente de Valverde, captain de Soto, and the other two Spaniards already mentioned, Aguero and Lozan, were able to land. These gentlemen had to pass the whole night on horseback entirely wet, as the sea was very rough, and they had no Indians to guide their bark, which the Spaniards did not know how to manage, so that it overset while they were endeavouring to land. In the morning, Ferdinand Pizarro remained on the shore to direct the landing of the troops, while the governor and the others who had landed rode more than two leagues into the country without being able to find a single Indian, as all the natives had armed themselves and retired to the small hills in the neighbourhood. On returning towards the coast, he met the captains Mina and Salcedo, who had rode to meet him with several of the cavalry which had disembarked. He returned with them to Tumbez, where he encamped with all the troops he was able to collect.
   Soon afterwards, Captain Benalcazar arrived with the rest of the troops from the island of Puna, where he had been obliged to remain till the return of the vessels, as there was not enough of shipping to contain the whole at once. While he waited for the vessels, he had to defend himself from continual attacks of the islanders; but now rejoined the governor with very little loss. Pizarro remained above twenty days at Tumbez, during which time he used every endeavour to persuade the cacique to enter into terms of peace, by sending him repeated messages to that effect, but all to no purpose. On the contrary, the natives did every injury in their power to our people, and especially to the servants and others who went out into the country in search of provisions; while the Spaniards were unable to retaliate, as the Indians kept always on the opposite side of the river. The governor caused three barks or floats to be brought up secretly from the coast, in which he crossed the river during the night, with his brothers Juan and Gonzalo, and the Captains Benalcazar and Soto, with above fifty horsemen. With these he made a very fatiguing march before day, as the road was very difficult and uneven, and full of knolls overgrown with brambles and bushes. About day break he came unexpectedly to the Indian camp, which he immediately attacked and carried, putting many of the natives to the sword; and for fifteen days he pursued them into all their haunts, making a cruel war upon them with fire and sword, in revenge for the three Spaniards whom they had sacrificed. At length, the principal cacique of Tumbez sued for peace, and made some presents of gold and silver in token of submission.
   Having thus reduced the province of Tumbez, Pizarro left a part of his troops there under the charge of Antonio de Navarre and Alonso Requelme, the former of whom was Contador or comptroller of accounts, and the latter treasurer, both in the service of his majesty. Taking along with himself the greater part of his troops, he went forwards to the river Poechos153, thirty leagues to the southward of Tumbez, in which march, as the caciques and inhabitants received him peaceably, he conducted himself in a friendly manner to the natives. Passing beyond the before mentioned river, he came to the bay of Payta, which is the best on all that coast; whence he detached de Soto to reduce the caciques inhabiting the banks of the river Amatape or Chira, in which he succeeded after a slight resistance, all the caciques and natives submitting and demanding peace.
   While at this place, Pizarro received a message from Cuzco by certain envoys sent by Huascar, informing him of the revolt of his brother Atahualpa, and requesting his assistance to establish him, as the lawful sovereign, in his just rights154. On the receipt of this message, Pizarro determined to take advantage of the divisions in Peru. He sent therefore his brother Ferdinand to Tumbez to bring the troops from thence; and established a colony at San Miguel in the district of Tangarara, near the sea on the river Chira155, as a port in which to receive vessels coming with reinforcements from Panama. Having placed a garrison in St Miguel, and made a division of all the gold and silver which had been procured since leaving Puna, the governor marched with the rest of his army for the province of Caxamarca, in which he was informed that Atahualpa then was156.
   On this march towards Caxamarca, the Spaniards suffered intolerably, while passing through the dry and burning sandy desert of Sechura, where for above fifty miles they could not find any water to drink, or a single tree to shelter them from the sun. This desert reaches from San Miguel or the river Piura to the province of Motupe, in which latter they found some well peopled vallies full of verdure, and were supplied with abundance of provisions and refreshments to restore them after the fatigues and privations they had suffered in the desert. Marching from thence by way of the mountain towards Caxamarca, Pizarro was met by an envoy from Atahualpa, bringing presents from that prince, among which were painted slippers and golden bracelets. This messenger informed the governor, that, when he appeared before Atahualpa, he must wear these slippers and bracelets, that the prince might know who he was157. Pizarro received this envoy with much kindness, and promised to do every thing that had been required on the part of Atahualpa; desiring the envoy to inform his sovereign that he might be assured of receiving no injury from him or the Spaniards, on condition that the Peruvians treated them with peace and friendship; as he had it in orders from the king his master, who had sent him to this country, to do no harm to any one without just cause.
   On the departure of the Peruvian envoy, Pizarro continued his march with great precaution, being uncertain whither the Indians might not attack him during the passage of the mountains, in one part of which he had to pass through an almost inaccessible narrow defile, where a few resolute men might have destroyed his whole party. On his arrival at Caxamarca, he found another messenger from Atahualpa, who desired that he would not presume to take up his quarters in that place until he received permission for the purpose. Pizarro made no answer to this message, but immediately took up his quarters in a large court, on one side of which there was a house or palace of the Inca, and on the other side a temple of the sun, the whole being surrounded, by a strong wall or rampart of earth. When he had posted his troops in this advantageous situation, he sent captain Soto at the head of twenty horsemen to the camp of Atahualpa, which was at the distance of a league from Caxamarca, with orders to announce his arrival. On coming towards the presence of Atahualpa, Soto pushed his horse into a full career, making him prance and curvet to the great terror of many of the Peruvians, who ran away in a prodigious fright. Atahualpa was so much displeased at his subjects for their cowardice, that he ordered all who had run away from the horse to be immediately put to death.
   After Soto had delivered his message, Atahualpa declined giving any direct answer, not choosing to address his discourse immediately to Soto: He spoke first to one of his attendant chiefs, who communicated what the king had said to the interpreter, after which the interpreter explained what had been said to Soto. While this circuitous conversation was going on, Ferdinand Pizarro arrived with some more horsemen, and addressed Atahualpa in the name of his brother, to the following effect. "That his brother the general had been sent to wait upon Atahualpa by his sovereign Don Carlos with an offer of friendship and alliance, and wished therefore to have an audience of his majesty, that he might communicate what had been given to him in charge by the king of Spain." To this Atahualpa replied; "That he accepted with pleasure the offer of friendship from the general, provided he would restore to his subjects all the gold and silver he had taken from them, and would immediately quit the country; and that on purpose to settle an amicable arrangement, he meant next day to visit the Spanish general in the palace of Caxamarca."
   After visiting the Peruvian camp, which had the appearance of an immense city, from the prodigious multitude of tents and the vast numbers of men which it contained, Ferdinand Pizarro returned to his brother, to whom he gave a faithful account of every thing he had seen, and of the words of Atahualpa. The answer of that prince gave some considerable uneasiness to Pizarro, as having rather a menacing appearance, more especially considering that the army of the Peruvians outnumbered his own small force in the proportion of one or two hundred to one. Yet as the general and most of those who were with him were men of bold and determined resolution, they encouraged each other during the night to act like men of courage and honour, trusting to the assistance of God in the discharge of their duty. They passed the whole night under arms, keeping strict watch round their quarters, and in complete readiness for whatever might befal.
   Early in the morning of the 16th November 1532, Pizarro drew up his small body of men in regular order. Dividing his cavalry into three bodies, under the command of his three brothers, Ferdinand, Juan, and Gonzalo, assisted by the Captains Soto and Benalcazar, he ordered to keep themselves concealed within their quarters till they should receive orders to attack. He remained himself at the head of the infantry, in another part of the inclosed court, having issued the strictest commands that no one should make the smallest motion without his orders, which were to be conveyed by the discharge of the artillery.
   Atahualpa employed a great part of the day in arranging his troops in order of battle, pointing out to each of the commanders where and in what manner their divisions were to attack the Spaniards. He likewise sent a detachment of 5000 Peruvian warriors under one of his principal officers named Ruminagui, with orders to take possession of the defile by which the Spaniards had penetrated the mountain, and to kill every one of them who might endeavour to escape in that way158. Atahualpa having given all these orders, began his march and advanced so slowly that in four hours his army hardly proceeded a short league. He was carried in his litter in the usual state, on the shoulders of some of the principal lords of his court, having three hundred Indians marching before him in rich uniforms, who removed every stone or other substance which might obstruct the way, even carefully picking up the smallest straws. He was followed by a numerous train of curacas or caciques, and principal officers of his court, all carried in litters. The Peruvians held the Spaniards in small estimation, they were so few in number, and imagined they could easily make them all prisoners without presuming to make the smallest resistance. One of the caciques had sent to inform Atahualpa not to stand in any awe of the Spaniards, as they were not only few in number, but so effeminate and lazy that they were unable to march on foot without being tired by a very short distance, for which reason they travelled on the backs of large sheep, by which name they distinguished our horses.
   In the order already described, Atahualpa entered with all his army and attendants into a large square or enclosure in front of the tambos or palace of Caxamarca; and seeing the Spaniards so few in number and all on foot, as the cavalry remained in concealment, he conceived that they would not certainly dare to stand before him or to resist his commands. Rising up therefore in his litter, be said to his attendants, "These people are all in our power, and will assuredly surrender." To which they all answered that this was certainly the case. At this time, the bishop Don Vincente Valverde advanced towards Atahualpa, holding a crucifix in one hand and his breviary in the other, and addressed him to the following effect.
   "There is but one God in three persons who has created the heavens and the earth and all that are therein. He formed Adam the first man out of the dust of the earth, and afterwards made Eve his wife from a rib taken out of his side. All the generations of men are descended from these our first parents, by whose disobedience we have all become sinners, unworthy therefore of the grace and mercy of God, and beyond the hope of heaven, until Jesus Christ our Redeemer was born of the Virgin and suffered death to purchase for us life and immortality. After our Lord had suffered a shameful death upon the cross, he rose again in a glorious manner; and, having remained a short time on earth, he ascended into Heaven, leaving St Peter his vicar on earth, and after him his successors who dwell in Rome, and are named popes by the Christians. These holy successors of St Peter have divided all the countries of the world among the Christian kings and princes, giving in charge to each to subdue that portion which has been alotted to him. This country of Peru having fallen to the share of his imperial and royal majesty, the emperor Don Carlos king of Spain, that great monarch hath sent in his place the governor Don Francisco Pizarro, now present, to make known to you on the part of God and the king of Spain, all that I have now said. If you are disposed to believe all this, to receive baptism, and to obey the emperor, as is done by the greatest portion of the Christian world, that great prince will protect and defend you and your country in peace, causing justice to be administered to all. He will likewise confirm all your rights and liberties, as he is accustomed to do to all the kings and princes who have voluntarily submitted to his authority. But if you refuse this and choose to run the hazard of war, the governor will attack you with fire and sword, and is ready at this moment to do so with arms in his hand159."
   When Atahualpa had listened to this discourse, very imperfectly rendered by an ignorant interpreter, he answered, "That the whole of this country had been conquered by his father and his ancestors, who had left it in rightful succession to his elder brother the inca Huascar. That he having been conquered and taken prisoner, Atahualpa held himself as legitimate sovereign, and could not conceive how St Peter could pretend to give it away to any one, without the knowledge and consent of him to whom it belonged. As for Jesus Christ, who he said had created heaven and earth and man and all other things, he knew nothing of all this, believing that the sun his father was the creator of all, whom he and his nation venerated as a god, worshipping likewise the earth as the mother of all things, and the guacas as subordinate divinities, and that Pachacama was the supreme ruler and creator of all things. As for what he had said of the king of Spain, he knew nothing at all about the matter, never having seen him." At the last, he asked the bishop where he had learnt all those things which he had been telling him. Valverde answered him that all these things were contained in the book which he held in his hand, which was the word of God. Atahualpa asked it from him, opened the book turning over its leaves, saying that it said nothing to him, and threw it on the ground. The bishop then turning to the Spaniards, called out, "To arms! to arms! Christians: The word of God is insulted."
   Pizarro being of opinion that he would be easily destroyed if he waited for the attack of the Peruvians, immediately ordered his soldiers to advance to the charge, sending word to his brothers and the other officers who commanded the cavalry to execute the orders which they had already received. He likewise ordered the artillery and the crossbows to commence firing upon the Indians, on which the cavalry, as had been concerted, sallied forth and charged through among the Indians in three separate bodies; while he moved forwards at the head of the infantry, pushing directly for the litter in which Atahualpa was carried, the bearers of which they began to slay, while others pressed on to supply their places. As Pizarro was convinced that he and his people would be infallibly destroyed if the battle remained for any length of time undecided, the loss of one soldier being of infinitely worse consequence to him than the destruction of hundreds was to the enemy, and that he gained nothing by the death of thousands of the Peruvians, determined to make every effort to gain possession of Atahualpa, for which purpose he cut his way up to the litter in which he was carried; and seizing him by his long hair dragged him from his seat to the ground. In doing this, as several of his soldiers were making cuts with their swords against the golden litter, one of their swords glancing off wounded Pizarro in the hand. Paying no attention to this wound, he held fast his rich prize, in spite of the endeavours of multitudes of Indians to rescue their sovereign, who were all either killed or driven away, and at length secured Atahualpa as his prisoner.
   When the Peruvians saw their sovereign in the hands of the Spaniards, and found themselves assailed in so many places at once by the enemy, especially by the horse, the fury of whose charge they were unable to resist, they threw down their arms and dispersed in every direction, endeavouring to preserve their lives by flight. A prodigious multitude of them being stopped by a corner of the great court or square, pressed with such violence against the wall that a part of it gave way, forming a large breach by which many of them escaped. The cavalry pursued the fugitives in every direction till night, when they returned to quarters160.
   When Ruminagui heard the noise of the artillery, and saw a centinel who had been placed on the top of a rock thrown down by a Spaniard, he concluded that the Spaniards had gained the victory; and was so much alarmed that he marched away with all his men to Quito, never stopping for any time till he got to that city, which is two hundred and fifty leagues from Caxamarca.
   Atahualpa being thus made prisoner, and his whole army having taken to flight, the Spaniards went next morning to pillage his camp, where they found a prodigious quantity of gold and silver vessels, excessively rich tents, stuffs, vestments, and many other articles of immense value. The gold plate alone which was carried along with the army for the use of Atahualpa exceeded the value of 60,000 pistoles161. Above 5000 women who were found in the camp of the enemy voluntarily surrendered themselves to the Spaniards.
   The captive Atahualpa now made submissive application to Pizarro, earnestly intreating to be well used, and made offer for his ransom to deliver a quantity of gold that should fill a large chamber, besides so large a mass of silver that the Spaniards would be unable to carry the whole away. Pizarro was astonished at this magnificent offer, which he could hardly credit, yet promised the fallen monarch that he should be well used, and even engaged to restore his freedom if he made good his offer. Atahualpa was so much pleased with this promise, that he immediately sent numerous messengers through the whole empire, particularly to Cuzco, ordering all the gold and silver that could be procured to be brought to Caxamarca to pay his ransom. He had promised an immense quantity, as he had engaged to fill a long hall in the tambos or palace of Cazamarca as high as he could reach with his hand162, for which purpose the height was marked by a coloured line drawn round the whole room. Although large quantities of gold and silver arrived every day after this agreement, the Spaniards could not be satisfied that the promise of Atahualpa would ever be fulfilled. They began even to murmur at the delay, alleging that the time which had been fixed by Atahualpa for the accomplishment of his promise was already past; and they alleged that he had fallen upon this scheme on purpose to gain time for the assemblage of a new army, with which to attack them at unawares. As Atahualpa had considerable sagacity, he soon noticed the discontent of the Spaniards, and asked Pizarro the reason. On being informed, he made answer that they were in the wrong to complain of the delay, which was not such as to give any reasonable cause for suspicion. They ought to consider that Cuzco, from whence the far greater part of the gold had to be brought, was above 200 large leagues distant from Caxamarca by an extremely difficult road, by which all the gold had to be carried on the shoulders of the Peruvians, and that very little time had elapsed for the accomplishment of so laborious a work. Having thus endeavoured to explain the cause of delay in payment of the ransom, he requested that they would satisfy themselves on the subject by inspection that he was actually able to perform his engagement; after which they would not think much of its being delayed a month more or less. For this purpose, he proposed that he should depute two or three of the Spaniards, who might go to Cuzco, having orders from him to be shewn the royal treasures in that city, of which they would then be able to bring back certain information to satisfy the rest.
   Opinions were much divided among the Spaniards, as to the adoption or rejection of this proposal. Several considered it is a most dangerous measure for any person to trust himself in the hand of the Peruvians, especially to so great a distance. Atahualpa considered this doubt of safety as very strange, especially as they had him in their hands as an hostage, together with his wives, children, and brothers. On this, Hernando de Soto and Pedro de Barco resolved to undertake the journey; and accordingly by the directions of Atahualpa, they set out in litters, each of which was carried on the shoulders of two men, with a number of other Peruvians accompanying them, to serve as reliefs when the others were tired. They were carried in this manner almost as fast as if they had rode post; as the litter carriers went along with great swiftness, frequently relieved by the others, of whom there were fifty or sixty in all.
   Several days journey from Caxamarca, Soto and Barco met a party of the troops of Atahualpa, who were escorting the Inca Huascar as a prisoner. This unfortunate prince, on learning who they were, requested to have a conference with them, to which they consented, and in which he was distinctly informed of all the recent events. On being informed of the intentions of his imperial majesty Don Carlos, and of Pizarro, who commanded the Spaniards in his name, to cause impartial justice to be executed both to the Peruvians and Spaniards, he laid before them a distinct account of the injustice which he had suffered from his brother Atahualpa, who not only wished to deprive him of the kingdom, which belonged to him of right, as the eldest son of the late monarch Huana Capac, but now kept him a prisoner, with the design of putting him to death. He urged them to return to their general, and to lay his complaints before him, requesting that he, who now had both competitors in his power, and was consequently entire master of the country, would judge between them, and decree the possession of the empire to him who held the lawful right of succession. He farther promised, if Pizarro would do this, that he would not only fulfil all that Atahualpa had promised, which was to fill the apartment at Caxamarca to a certain height, but he would fill it with gold to the roof, which would be three times more than Atahualpa had promised. He assured them that he was better able to do all this, than was Atahualpa to perform what he had promised; because Atahualpa, to implement his engagement, would be under the necessity of stripping the temple of the Sun at Cuzco of all the plates of gold and silver with which it was lined; whereas he, Huascar, was in possession of all the treasures which belonged to his father Huana Capac, and the former Incas, by which he was able to perform what he had now offered, and a great deal more.
   All that he alleged was certainly true, as Huascar was in possession of immense treasures, which he had hidden under ground in some secret place, unknown to all the world. On this occasion, he had employed many Indians to transport his wealth into the place of concealment, after which he had ordered them all to be put to death, that they might not inform any one of the place. After the Spaniards were entire masters of the country, they made every possible search after these treasures, and even continue their search to the present day, digging in every place where they suspect they may be concealed, but hitherto without being able to find them.
   Soto and Barco told Huascar, that it was out of their power to turn back, being under the necessity of continuing the journey on which they had been sent by order of their general; but that on their return they would make a faithful report of all he had said. They accordingly went on their way towards Cuzco. But this meeting and conference occasioned the death of Huascar, and the loss to the Spaniards of the vast treasure he had promised for his liberty and restoration. The captains who had the custody of Huascar made a report to Atahualpa of all that had passed in the interview between their prisoner and the Spanish messengers; and Atahualpa had sufficient sagacity to see, if these matters came to the knowledge of Pizarro, that he would feel inclined to take part with Huascar, especially in consideration of the prodigious quantity of gold which had been offered for his interference. He had remarked the extreme eagerness of the Spaniards for the possession of gold, and feared that they would deprive him of the kingdom, and give it his brother, and might put himself to death, as an unjust usurper of the clear rights of another. Being disposed, from these motives, to order his brother Huascar to be put to death, he was only restrained from doing this immediately by one circumstance. He had frequently heard from the Christians, that one of their principal laws, which was most religiously observed, was, that all who were guilty of murder were punished with death, whether the murder were committed by themselves personally, or by others at their instigation. He resolved, therefore, to sound Pizarro, and to discover his sentiments on this subject, which he did with wonderful artifice and dissimulation. One day he pretended to be overcome with extreme grief, weeping and sobbing, and refusing to eat or drink, or to speak with any one. When Pizarro inquired the cause of this distress, he allowed himself to be long intreated before he would give any reason of his sorrow. At length, as if overcome by solicitation, he said, "That he had just received intelligence that one of his officers had put his brother Huascar to death, by which news he was entirely overcome with grief, as he had always entertained the warmest and most respectful affection for him, not only as his eldest brother, but in a great measure as his father and sovereign. That although he had taken Huascar prisoner, he not only had no intention of using him ill in his person, but did not even mean to deprive him of the kingdom: his sole object being to oblige him to give up the possession of the kingdom of Quito, according to the last will of their father, Huana Capac; who had made a conquest of that country, which was beyond the boundary of the hereditary empire of the incas, and which consequently their father had an undoubted right to dispose of in his favour." Pizarro endeavoured to console the pretended affliction of Atahualpa, by assuring him, when peace and good order re-established in the empire, that he would make a strict inquiry into the circumstances of the death of Huascar, and would severely punish all who had participated in the crime.
   When Atahualpa found that Pizarro took up this affair with so much coolness and moderation, he resolved to execute his design, and sent immediate orders to his officers who had the custody of Huascar to put him to death. So promptly were these orders obeyed, that it was difficult to ascertain in the sequel whether the excessive grief of Atahualpa was feigned, and whether it preceded or followed the death of his brother Huascar. Most of the soldiers blamed Soto and Barco for this unhappy event: not considering the necessity of every one to obey the orders of their superiors with exactness, according to their instructions, especially in time of war, without assuming the liberty of making any alteration or modification according to circumstances in their own opinion, unless they have express and formal discretionary power.

  It was currently reported among the Peruvians, that when Huascar learnt he was to be put to death by order of his brother, he made the following observation: "I have been only a short while sovereign of this country, but my faithless brother, by whose orders I am to die, will not be longer a king than I have been." When the Peruvians soon afterwards saw Atahualpa put to death, conformable to this prediction, they believed Huascar to have been a true son of the sun. It is reported also, that Huascar should have said, when his father Huana Capac took his last leave of him, he foretold "That white men with long beards would soon come into Peru, and advised him to treat them as friends, as they would become masters of the kingdom." Huana Capac may have received some intimation of this future circumstance from the demons; and that the more readily, that Pizarro had been on the coast of Peru before his death, and had even begun to make some conquests.
   While Pizarro continued to reside in Caxamarca, he sent out his brother Ferdinand with a party of cavalry to discover the country, who went as far as Pachacamac, about a hundred leagues from Caxamarca. In the district of Huamachucos, Ferdinand met with Hlescas, one of the brothers of Atahualpa, who was escorting a prodigious quantity of gold to Caxamarca, part of the ransom of the captive inca, to the value of two or three millions at the least, without counting an immense quantity of silver163. He continued his journey from Huamachucos to Pachacamac, not far to the south of where Lima now stands, through several difficult and dangerous passes; when he learnt that one of the generals of Atahualpa, named Cilicuchima was stationed with a large army at a place about forty leagues from thence. Ferdinand Pizarro sent a message to the Peruvian general to request that he would come to speak with him; and as Cilicuchima refused, Ferdinand took the resolution to wait upon him in person. This was considered by many as extremely rash and imprudent, to trust himself in the hands of a barbarous and powerful enemy. He was successful however in the attempt, as by various representations and promises, he prevailed on the Peruvian general to dismiss his army, and to go along with him to Caxamarca to wait upon his sovereign Atahualpa. To shorten their journey, they took a very difficult route through mountains covered with snow, where they were in danger of perishing with cold.
   On arriving at Caxamarca, before entering into the presence of Atahualpa, Cilicuchima bared his feet and carried a present to his sovereign after the custom of the country, and said to him weeping, that if he had been along with him, the Spaniards should not have been allowed to make him a prisoner. Atahualpa answered, that his captivity was a punishment from the gods, whom he had not honoured and respected as he ought to have done; but that his defeat and capture were chiefly owing to the cowardice and flight of Ruminagui with his 5000 men, who ought to have succoured him when attacked by the Spaniards.
   While Don Francisco Pizarro was in the province of Poecho between Tumbez and Payta, before he marched to Caxamarca, he received a letter without any signature, which it was afterwards learnt had been sent to him by the secretary of Don Diego de Almagro. He was informed by this letter, that Almagro had fitted out a large ship and several smaller vessels with a considerable number of soldiers, in which he proposed to sail beyond the country of which Pizarro had taken possession, and to reduce the best portion of Peru under his own authority, as beyond the government which had been granted to Pizarro by his majesty, which only extended 200 leagues to the south of the equator164. The governor had never shewn his patents to any person165; yet it was currently reported that Almagro actually left Panama with the intention of carrying that design into execution; but on arriving at Puertoviejo, and learning the amazing successes of Pizarro, and the prodigious quantities of gold and silver he had already acquired, the half of which he considered as belonging to him, he changed his purpose, and marched with all his people to Caxamarca to join Pizarro. On his arrival there, the greater part of the ransom of Atahualpa was already brought, and Almagro and his followers were filled with astonishment and admiration at the sight of the prodigious masses of gold and silver which were there collected, more than they thought could have been in any part of the world.
   When all this gold and silver was melted down, weighed and essayed, it was found to amount to the amazing sum of six hundred millions of maravedies, or more than 4,500,000 livres. It is true that the proof or essay of this gold was made hurriedly, and only by means of the touchstone, as they had no aqua fortis to conduct the process in a more exact manner. It afterwards appeared that this gold had been estimated two or three carats below its real value; so that the whole amount ought to have been reckoned at seven millions of maravedies, or 5,250,000 livres. The quantity of silver was so large, that the royal fifth amounted to 30,000 marks of fine silver, most of which was afterwards found to contain two or three carats of gold. The royal fifth of the gold amounted to 120 millions of maravedies, or 900,000 livres. Each horseman received for his share in gold, without counting the silver 240 marks or 12,000 pesos, equal to 80,000 francs. The shares of the horsemen were a quarter part larger than those of the foot soldiers. Yet all these sums did not amount to a fifth part of what Atahualpa had engaged to pay for his ransom. Those who had come along with Almagro, though considerable both from their rank and number, certainly had no just title to demand any share in the treasure which Atahualpa paid for his ransom, as they had no share in his capture; yet the general assigned each of them 20 marks, or 1000 pesos, as a donative to keep them in good humour.
   Pizarro thought it now incumbent upon him to send intelligence to his majesty of the success of his enterprize, for which purpose he sent over his brother Ferdinand to Spain; and as when he departed, the precious metals had not been melted or proved, so that it was impossible to ascertain what was the exact share belonging to the king, two thousand marks of gold and twenty thousand marks of silver, were set apart for this purpose166. In making the selection of articles to be sent to Spain, the largest and finest pieces were chosen, that they might have a grander appearance: Among these were several large vessels of various kinds and for different uses, together with figures of men and women and various animals. When Atahualpa learnt that Ferdinand Pizarro was to embark for Spain he was much afflicted, having a great affection for that gentleman, in whom he reposed implicit confidence; and when Ferdinand came to take leave, he said to him, "I am sore afflicted at your departure, for I am much afraid the big-belly and the blinkard will put me to death in your absence." By the former he meant Requelme the treasurer, who was very fat, and by the latter Almagro, who had lost an eye, whom he had observed frequently to mutter against him, for certain reasons, which will appear in the sequel.
   As Atahualpa suspected, Ferdinand Pizarro had not been long gone, when the death of the unfortunate prince began to be talked of among the Spaniards. This was brought about by the suggestions of an Indian named Philippillo, who had accompanied the general into Spain, and now served him as an interpreter with the Peruvians. He pretended that Atahualpa had secretly laid a plan for destroying all the Spaniards; for which purpose he had a great number of armed men concealed in various places, meaning to employ them when a favourable opportunity occurred. The proofs and examination of facts and circumstances respecting this alleged plot, had all to come through Philippillo, as the only one who knew both languages; and he gave such a turn to every thing as best suited his own views and purposes. Accordingly the Spaniards were never able perfectly to discover the truth, or to penetrate entirely into his motives for this procedure. It has been alleged by some persons, that Philippillo had become amorous of one of the wives of Atahualpa, with whom he even had a criminal intercourse, and expected to secure the quiet possession of his mistress by the death of that unfortunate prince. It was even reported that Atahualpa had come to the knowledge of that amour, and had complained to Pizarro of the criminal and even treasonable conduct of the paramours; which, by the laws of Peru, could only be expiated by burning the guilty persons, putting to death all their near relations, destroying all their cattle and substance, laying waste the place of their birth, and sowing salt on the place, so as to render the memory of the crime infamous for ever.
   It has been alleged by others that the death of Atahualpa was occasioned by the solicitations and intrigues of those newly arrived Spaniards who accompanied Almagro, who considered his continuing to live as prejudicial to their interests. The soldiers of Pizarro who were with him when Atahualpa was taken prisoner, insisted that those who came with Almagro had no right to participate in any part of the treasure given or to be given on account of his ransom, and could not justly pretend to any share of what might be collected until all that Atahualpa had promised was entirely paid up. The soldiers of Almagro, on the other hand, believed it to be for their interest that Atahualpa should be removed out of the way; since as long as he might live, the soldiers of Pizarro would always pretend that all the treasure which might be procured formed part of his ransom, so that they would never come in for any share. However this might be, the death of that unfortunate prince was resolved on, and even this determination was communicated to him. Astonished at this fatal intelligence, of which he had never entertained the slightest suspicion, Atahualpa urged his merciless conquerors to confine him rather in a stricter captivity, or even to put him on board their ships. "I know not," said he, "how you can possibly suppose me so stupid as to think of any treachery against you in my present situation. How can you believe those troops which you say are assembled, have been called together by my orders or by my consent? Am I not a prisoner, in chains, and in your hands? And is it not easy for you to put me to death whenever these pretended troops make their appearance? If you believe that my subjects will undertake any thing against you without my consent, you are ill informed of the absolute authority I possess over all my subjects, and the perfect obedience which it is their glory to render me on all occasions. So to speak, the birds do not dare to fly, nor the leaves to move upon the trees without my orders; and how then shall my subjects presume to go to war against you without my consent."
   All that he could urge was of no avail, as his death was absolutely resolved upon, although he offered to place hostages of the highest consideration in the hands of the Spaniards, whose lives should be answerable for any of the Christians who might be slain or ill treated by his subjects. Besides the suspicions already mentioned, which were alleged against Atahualpa, it is said that he was accused of the death of his brother Huascar. He was condemned to die, and his sentence was executed without delay. In his distress, he was continually repeating the name of Ferdinand Pizarro; saying, if he had been present, he would not have allowed him to be thus unjustly put to death. Shortly before his death, he was persuaded by Pizarro and Valverde to submit to the ceremony of baptism167.
   "While Almagro and his followers openly demanded the life of Atahualpa, and Philippillo laboured to ruin him by private machinations, that unhappy prince inadvertently contributed to hasten his own fate. During his confinement he had attached himself with peculiar affection to Ferdinand Pizarro and Hernando Soto; who, as they were persons of birth and education superior to the rough adventurers with whom they served, were accustomed to behave with more decency and attention to the captive monarch. Soothed with this respect from persons of such high rank, he delighted in their society. But in the presence of the governor he was always uneasy and overawed. This dread soon came to be mingled with contempt. Among all the European arts, that which he most admired, was reading and writing; and he long deliberated with himself, whether he should regard it as a natural or acquired talent. In order to determine this, he desired one of the soldiers who guarded him, to write the name of God on the nail of his thumb. This he shewed successively to several Spaniards, asking its meaning; and, to his amazement, they all, without hesitation, gave the same answer. At length Pizarro entered; and on presenting it to him, he blushed, and with some confusion was obliged to acknowledge his ignorance. From that moment, Atahualpa considered him as a mean person, less instructed than his own soldiers; and he had not address enough to conceal the sentiments with which this discovery inspired him. To be the object of scorn to a barbarian, not only mortified the pride of Pizarro; but excited such resentment in his breast, as added force to all the other considerations which prompted him to put the Inca to death."
   "But in order to give some colour of justice to this violent action, and that he himself might be exempted from standing singly responsible for the commission of it, Pizarro resolved to try the Inca with all the formalities observed in the criminal courts of Spain. Pizarro himself and Almagro, with two assistants, were appointed judges, with full power to acquit or condemn; an attorney-general was named to carry on the prosecution in the king's name; counsellors were chosen to assist the prisoner in his defence; and clerks were ordained to record the proceedings of court. Before this strange tribunal, a charge was exhibited still more amazing. It consisted of various articles: That Atahualpa, though a bastard, had dispossessed the rightful owner of the throne, and usurped the regal power; that he had put his brother and lawful sovereign to death; that he was an idolater, and had not only permitted, but commanded the offering of human sacrifices; that he had a great number of concubines; that since his imprisonment he had wasted and embezzled the royal treasures, which now belonged of right to the conquerors; that he had incited his subjects to take arms against the Spaniards. On these heads of accusation, some of which are so ludicrous, and others so absurd, that the effrontery of Pizarro, in making them the subject of a serious procedure, is not less surprizing than his injustice, did this strange court go on to try the sovereign of a great empire, over whom it had no jurisdiction. With respect to each of the articles, witnesses were examined; but as they delivered their evidence in their native tongue, Philippillo had it in his power to give their words whatever turn best suited his malevolent intentions. To judges pre-determined in their opinion, this evidence appeared sufficient. They pronounced Atahualpa guilty, and condemned him to be burnt alive. Friar Valverde prostituted the authority of his sacred function to confirm this sentence, and by his signature warranted it to be just. Astonished at his fate, Atahualpa endeavoured to avert it by tears, by promises, and by entreaties that he might be sent to Spain, where a monarch would be the arbiter of his lot. But pity never touched the unfeeling heart of Pizarro. He ordered him to be led instantly to execution; and, what added to the bitterness of his last moments, the same monk who had just ratified his doom, offered to console, and attempted to convert him. The most powerful argument Valverde employed to prevail with him to embrace the Christian faith, was a promise of mitigation in his punishment. The dread of a cruel death extorted from the trembling victim a desire of receiving baptism. The ceremony was performed; and Atahualpa, instead of being burnt alive, was strangled at the stake."
   Ruminagui, one of the captains under Atahualpa, who had fled with five thousand men from Caxamarca, as already related, having arrived in the kingdom of Quito, seized the children of Atahualpa, and made himself master of that country as if he had been the lawful sovereign. A short time before his death, Atahualpa had sent his brother Illescas into the kingdom of Quito, with orders to bring his children from thence; but Ruminagui not only refused to deliver them up, but even put them all to death. After the death of Atahualpa, some of his principal officers, according to his dying commands, carried his body to Quito that it might be interred beside the remains of his father Huana capac. Ruminagui received them in the most honourable manner, with every outward mark of affection and respect, and caused the body of Atahualpa to be buried with much pomp and solemnity, according to the custom of the country. After the ceremony, he gave a grand entertainment to the officers of the late unfortunate monarch, at which, when they were intoxicated, he caused them all to be put to death, together with Illescas the brother of Atahualpa. He caused this person to be flead alive, and had a drum covered with his skin, inclosing his head in the inside of the drum.
   After the governor Pizarro had made a repartition of all the gold and silver which was found in Caxamarca, he learned that one of the officers of Atahualpa, named Quizquiz, had assembled some troops in the province of Xauxa168, and endeavoured to excite an insurrection in the country. Pizarro therefore marched against him, but Quizquiz durst not wait for him in Xauxa, and retreated to a greater distance. Pizarro pursued, causing Hernando de Soto to lead the van with a party of horse, while he led the rear or main body himself. While advancing in this order into the province of Vilcacinga169, Soto was unexpectedly attacked by a vast body of Peruvians, and in great danger of being totally defeated, five or six of his men being slain; but on the approach of night, the Peruvians retreated to a mountain, and the governor sent on Almagro with a reinforcement of cavalry to Soto. Early next morning the fight was resumed, and the Spaniards endeavoured to draw the Peruvians into the plain, by pretending to retreat, that they might not be exposed to the prodigious quantity of stones which the Indians hurled down upon them from the mountain. The Peruvians seemed aware of this stratagem, as they continued to defend their position on the mountain; though they were not apprized of the reinforcement which Soto had received, as the morning was thick and misty. Being unable to induce their enemies to descend from their advantageous situation, the Spaniards assailed the Peruvians with so much resolution, that they drove them from their position with considerable slaughter, and forced them to take to flight.
   At this place, a brother of the late Incas, Huascar and Atahualpa, named Paul Inca170, came to Pizarro under pretence of entering into terms of peace and submission. After the death of his brothers, this prince had been recognised as king of Peru, and had been invested with the fringed fillet, which answered among the Peruvians as the crown or emblem of supreme rule. The Inca told the governor that he had a very considerable force of warriors in Cuzco, all of whom only waited his arrival to submit to his orders. Pizarro accordingly marched towards that city, and arrived within sight of it after several days march. So thick a smoke was seen to arise from the city, that Pizarro suspected the Peruvians had set it on fire, and immediately sent on a detachment of cavalry to endeavour if possible to prevent the destruction of the city. On their arrival near Cuzco, a vast body of Peruvians issued from the city and attacked them with great violence, with stones, darts, and other arms; insomuch that the Spaniards were forced to retreat above a league to rejoin the main body of the army which was commanded by Pizarro in person. He immediately detached the greater part of his cavalry under the command of his brothers Juan and Gonzalo, who attacked the enemy with so much courage and impetuosity, that they were soon defeated and many Peruvians were slain in the pursuit. On the approach of night, Pizarro reassembled all his army, which he ordered to lie on their arms; and marched next morning with every precaution to Cuzco, which he entered without opposition.
   After remaining twenty days in Cuzco, Pizarro was informed that the Peruvian General Quizquiz had drawn together a considerable body of warriors, with whom he pillaged and raised contributions in a province named Condefugo171. The governor detached Hernando Soto with fifty horsemen against Quizquiz, who did not think proper to await his arrival; but he took the resolution of marching to Xauxa or Jauja, on purpose to attack the baggage and royal treasure belonging to the Spaniards, which had been left there with a guard, under the care of Requelme the treasurer. Although the Spanish troops in Xauxa were few in number, they posted themselves in a strong position, waiting the attack of Quizquiz, and defended themselves so courageously that he was unable to make any impression upon them, and accordingly drew off his troops, taking the road to Quito. The governor sent Soto after him with his detachment of cavalry, and soon afterwards sent off his two brothers, Juan and Gonzalo, to reinforce Soto. These three Spanish captains pursued Quizquiz above a hundred leagues, but were unable to come up with him, and returned therefore to Cuzco.
   In that ancient capital of the Peruvian empire, Pizarro and the Spaniards found a prodigious booty in gold and silver, not less in value than all they had collected at Caxamarca for the ransom of Atahualpa. He made a division of this among his soldiers, and settled a colony in Cuzco, which had long been the capital of the Peruvian empire, and continued to be so for a considerable time under the Spaniards. He likewise made a repartition of Indians among such Spaniards as chose to settle in the place as colonists: Only a few, however, chose to avail themselves of their advantage; as a considerable proportion of the Spaniards were better pleased to return into Spain, that they might enjoy in repose the treasure which they had acquired at Caxamarca and Cuzco, than to remain in Peru.
   "The riches displayed by the early conquerors of Peru on their return among their astonished countrymen, had so great an effect to induce others to try their fortunes in that golden region, that the governors of Guatimala, Panama, and Nicaragua could hardly restrain the people under their jurisdiction from abandoning their possessions, and crowding to that inexhaustible source of wealth which seemed to be opened in Peru. In spite of every check or regulation, such numbers resorted to the standard of Pizarro, that he was soon enabled to take the field at the head of five hundred men, besides leaving sufficient garrisons in San Miguel and other places necessary for the defence of his conquests172".
   It has been already said that Pizarro, soon after his arrival in Peru, established a settlement at the town of San Miguel in the province of Tangarara, not far from the harbour of Tumbez173, as a secure place of disembarkation for those who came to join him from Spain. While he still remained at Caxamarca after the death of Atahualpa, on recollection that he had left a weak garrison in San Miguel, the governor thought proper to send a reinforcement of ten horsemen to that place under the command of Benalcazar. Soon after his arrival, a considerable number of Spanish soldiers came there from Panama and Nicaragua, and as the Cagnares made loud complaints to him that they were oppressed by Ruminagui and the Peruvians of Quito, Benalcazar chose two hundred of the new recruits, eighty of whom were cavalry, with whom he marched for Quito, because he was informed that Atahualpa had left a large quantity of gold in that city, and that he might likewise protect the Cagnares, who had declared themselves the friends of the Spaniards. Ruminagui advanced with an army of more than twelve thousand Peruvians to defend the defiles of the mountains leading towards the kingdom of Quito, which he endeavoured to do with considerable judgment, taking advantage of the nature of the ground, and fighting only in places of difficult approach. Benalcazar, on his side likewise, joined stratagem and military conduct to courage and prudence; for, while he occupied the attention of the enemy by frequent skirmishes, and demonstrations of attacking them in front, he detached one of his officers with fifty or sixty horsemen, who gained possession of a commanding post during the night on the rear of the Peruvians, so that he was able next morning to render himself easily master of the pass they had endeavoured to defend. In this way, Benalcazar gradually drove the enemy from their strong ground into the plain of Quito, where they were unable to withstand the charge of the cavalry and suffered considerably. Ruminagui still endeavoured to make head in several different posts, which he carefully forfeited with concealed pit-falls, digging for this purpose broad and deep ditches, in the bottom of which a number of pointed stakes were set up, the whole covered over with green turf held up by slender twigs, somewhat like those described by Caesar as contrived by the inhabitants of Alesia. But all the contrivances of the Peruvians for surprizing Benalcazar, or for drawing him into their snares were quite unavailing. He avoided them all, and never attacked on the side they expected; often making a circuit of several leagues so as to attack them unexpectedly on the flank and rear, and always carefully avoiding every piece of ground that had not a natural appearance. The Peruvians tried another stratagem, on seeing the former miscarry: They dug a great number of small pits close to each other, about the size of a horses foot, in every place around their camp where they thought the cavalry might come to attack them. But all their arts and labour were useless, as Benalcazar was never off his guard, and was not to be deceived by any of their contrivances, so that they were at last driven all the way to the city of Quito. It is reported of Ruminagui, that one day after his arrival in Quito, where he had a great number of wives, that he told them they might soon expect to have the pleasure of seeing the Christians, with whom they would have the opportunity of diverting themselves; and that, believing him in jest, they laughed heartily at the news, on which he caused most of them to be put to death. After this cruel deed, he set fire to a large apartment filled with rich dresses and valuable moveables belonging to the late Inca Huana Capac, and retired from Quito, having first made another unsuccessful attempt to surprise the Spaniards by a night attack, after which Benalcazar made himself master of Quito with very little opposition

   While these things were going on in the kingdom of Quito, the governor Pizarro received information that Don Pedro de Alvarado, who was governor of Guatimala, had embarked with a considerable force for Peru, on which account he deemed it proper to detach some troops under Almagro to San Miguel, to inquire into the truth of that report and to prevent the invasion of his government. As Almagro on his arrival at San Miguel could get no distinct accounts of the motions of Alvarado, and was informed of the resistance made to Benalcazar in the kingdom of Quito by Ruminagui, he accordingly marched there with his troops and formed a junction with Benalcazar, assuming the command of the combined forces, after which he reduced several districts and fortified stations of the natives. But, as he did not find any gold in that country, which was by no means so rich as he thought he had reason to expect from report, he soon afterwards returned towards Cuzco, leaving the command in Quito to Benalcazar.
   After the conquest of New Spain by the Marquis del Valle, he detached one of his captains named Don Pedro de Alvarado to a neighbouring country called Guatimala; which that officer accordingly reduced to subjection after much trouble and many dangers, and, as a reward of his services, was appointed to the government of that province by the king of Spain. On receiving intelligence of the riches of the newly discovered empire of Peru, Alvarado solicited permission from the emperor Don Carlos to be permitted to undertake the conquest of some part of that country, beyond the bounds that had been granted to Pizarro, and received a patent to that effect. Having received authority for this purpose, while he was making preparations for the expedition, he sent one of his officers, named Garcias Holguin, with two ships to examine the coast of Peru, and to gain some precise intelligence respecting its actual state. From the report of Holgum respecting the immense quantities of gold which the governor Don Francisco Pizarro had found in that country, Alvarado was encouraged to proceed in his enterprize; flattering himself, that while Pizarro and his troops were occupied at Caxamarca, he might be able to acquire possession of Cuzco174, which he considered as beyond the two hundred and fifty leagues which had been assigned as the extent of the government conferred upon Pizarro. For the better execution of his design, and lest reinforcements might be sent from Nicaragua to Pizarro, he came by sea to that place one night, where he made himself master of two large ships which had been fitted out there expressly for the purpose of carrying a large reinforcement of men and horses to Peru. In these two ships, and in those which he brought with him from Guatimala, Alvarado set sail with five hundred men, cavalry and infantry, and landed on the coast of South America at the harbour of Puerto Viejo.
   From Puerto Viejo, Alvarado marched almost due east with his army, crossing those mountains which separate the plain country of Guayaquil from the table land of Quito, which the Spaniards call the Arcabucos, being thickly covered with brushwood, but over which the road is tolerably easy and only moderately steep, being almost under the equator. In this march his men suffered extremely from hunger and thirst, as the country through which they went was very barren, and had neither springs nor rivulets. The only relief they could procure was from certain large canes as thick as a mans leg, in each of the joints of which they usually found rather more than a quart of excellent water. They were so much distressed by famine on this march as to be under the necessity of eating several of their horses, the flesh of which sold so high that a dead horse brought more money on this occasion than he had cost when living. Besides thirst and famine, they were very much distressed during a considerable part of the way by quantities of hot ashes falling upon them, which they afterwards learnt were thrown up by a volcano in the neighbourhood of Quito, which burns with such violence that its ashes are often carried by the wind to the distance of eighty leagues, and its noise like prodigious thunder is sometimes heard at a hundred leagues from Quito. In the whole march, which was nearly under the equinoctial line, the troops of Alvarado found everywhere abundance of emeralds. After a long and difficult march through these arcabucos, where they were for the most part obliged to cut their way through the thick brushwood by means of axes and their swords, they came at length to a high chain of mountains covered with snow, over which it was necessary to pass. In this difficult and dangerous passage by an extremely narrow road, it snowed almost continually, and the cold was so extremely severe, that although every one put on all the clothes they had along with them, more than sixty men perished from the extreme severity of the weather. One of the soldiers happened to be accompanied by his wife and two young children, and seeing them entirely worn out with fatigue, while he was unable to assist them, he preferred to remain with them and perish, although he might have saved himself. At length, after infinite toil and danger, they found that they had reached the top of the mountain, and began joyfully to descend into the lower grounds of the kingdom of Quito. It is true that in this country they found other high mountains covered likewise with snow, as the province is entirely surrounded and interspersed with mountains; but then there are many temperate vallies among these mountains, which are well peopled and cultivated. About this time, so great a quantity of snow melted suddenly on one of these mountains, producing such prodigious torrents of water, that the valley and village of Contiega were entirely overwhelmed and inundated. These torrents bring down immense quantities of stones, and even vast fragments of rock, with as much ease as if they were only pieces of cork.
   It has been already said that Almagro had left Benalcazar in the government of Quito, meaning to return to Cuzco, because no intelligence had reached him of the motions of Alvarado; and mention has been made of his having reduced certain rocks and fortresses into which the Indians of Quito had retired to defend themselves. This had occupied him so long, that Alvarado had penetrated into the province of Quito before Almagro had returned into the south of Peru, being still employed in reducing the southern districts of Quito. He received the first intelligence of the arrival of Alvarado while reducing the province of Liribamba175, for which purpose he had to pass a considerable river with much difficulty and danger, as the Indians had destroyed the bridges, and waited on the other side of the river to attack him while passing. He defeated them, though with much difficulty, as the Indians were very numerous, and their wives fought as bravely as the men, being very expert in slinging stones. In this engagement the head cacique of the Indians was made prisoner, and from him Almagro got the first intelligence of the arrival of Alvarado, who was then only at the distance of about sixty miles, employed in reducing an Indian fortress into which one of the captains of the Indians had retired, whose name was Zopazopaqui. On receiving this news, Almagro sent seven horsemen to inquire into its truth, and to bring him exact information of the strength and intentions of Alvarado. These were all made prisoners by the troops of Alvarado, who liberated them some time afterwards. Alvarado advanced with his troops within less than twenty miles of the camp of Almagro, who, considering the great superiority in number possessed by Alvarado, formed the resolution of returning to Cuzco with an escort of twenty-five horse, and to leave the remainder of his troops under Benalcazar for the defence of the country.
   At this time, Philipillo, the Indian interpreter who has been already mentioned as the cause of the death of Atahualpa, fearing to incur the punishment of his treachery, fled from the camp of Almagro to that of Alvarado, taking along with him a principal Peruvian cacique. These men had concerted with most of the Peruvian curacas or chiefs who accompanied Almagro, to hold themselves and their people in readiness to abandon him and to join Alvarado at the earliest notice sent them for that purpose. Immediately on his arriving in the presence of Alvarado, Philipillo offered to make him master of the whole country, informing him at the same time of the design of Almagro to retire to Cuzco, and that if he chose to attack him without delay he might easily make him prisoner, as he had only about eighty horsemen and a hundred and fifty infantry. On this advice, Alvarado marched immediately to attack Almagro, whom he found at Liribamba, resolved to defend himself bravely, and to die fighting rather than fly. Almagro had thrown up intrenchments for his defence, having divided his small party into two bands, one of which he commanded in person, and placed the other under the command of Benalcazar. Alvarado marched up with his troops in order of battle; but when just on the point of commencing the attack, certain propositions of peace were made, and a truce was agreed upon for the rest of the day and the following night, on purpose to agree upon conditions176. In a conferrence for this purpose, an agreement was entered into, which was greatly forwarded by a licentiate named Caldera. It was agreed that Almagro should pay to Alvarado 100,000 pesos, or 2000 marks of gold177, as an equivalent for the expences he had incurred in fitting out his expedition, and that the two commanders should go together to Pizarro, for the purpose of procuring the necessary funds for payment of this agreement. The conditions were kept secret, lest the companions of Alvarado might prevent their execution, as their interest had been entirely overlooked in this agreement. It was therefore given out that Alvarado was to embark with his people to make farther discovery of the country, leaving that part which was already occupied and conquered by the Spaniards, and permission was given to all who thought proper that they might remain at Quito with Benalcazar. A considerable number of the followers of Alvarado availed themselves of this permission, and others accompanied him and Almagro to Pachacamac, where they were informed Pizarro had gone from Xauxa expressly to receive them. Before leaving the province of Quito, Almagro ordered the curaca who deserted from him along with Philipillo to be burnt alive, and would have treated the interpreter in the same manner, but Alvarado interceded for him, and obtained his pardon.
   While Almagro and Alvarado were on their march from the province of Quito for Pachacamac, the curaca or chief of the Cagnares, informed them that the Peruvian general Quizquiz had assembled an army of above 12,000 men, with which he had collected all the people and cattle of the country between and Xauxa, and intended attacking them on their march. This chief added, that if they would delay their march for some time, he would contrive a plan for delivering Quizquiz into their hands. Almagro was not disposed to put too much confidence in this proposal, and continued his journey. On arriving in the province of Chaparra178, they unexpectedly fell in with above two thousand Peruvian warriors commanded by a curaca named Sotaurco. This was the advanced guard of Quizquiz, whose main body was two or three days march in the rear. Quizquiz had a similar detachment at a considerable distance on his left flank, on purpose to raise contributions of provisions from the inhabitants of the country for the subsistence of his army; and had besides a rear guard of three or four thousand warriors, two days march behind. The main body under his own immediate command escorted all the cattle which had been collected on the march, and great numbers of prisoners, so that his whole army occupied a space of above sixty miles of country.
   Sotaurco, the commander of the Peruvian vanguard, endeavoured to gain possession of a defile or pass in the mountains, by which he supposed the Spaniards intended to march; but Almagro not only prevented the execution of that project by seizing the pass, but even made Sotaurco prisoner. From him Almagro was informed of the order of march observed by Quizquiz, and determined to make a forced march with all his cavalry to attack him. In this march, at a steep stoney pass near a river which it was necessary to pass, most of the horses lost their shoes; and as it was in the night, the Spaniards had to replace them as well as they could by the light of fires and candles. Being afraid lest Quizquiz might be informed of their approach by some of the natives of the country, Almagro continued his march with all possible expedition, and towards the evening of the second day of his march he came in sight of the Peruvian camp.
   Immediately on seeing the Spaniards, Quizquiz withdrew to some distance with all the women and people who were unfit for battle, and placed his troops in a post of very difficult access under the command of Huaypalca, a brother of the late inca Atahualpa. Almagro advanced without hesitation to attack them, although the horses were so weary that they were hardly able to move though led mostly by the soldiers; besides which the Peruvians rolled down upon them from the mountain great quantities of large stones and fragments of rock. In spite of every obstacle, the Spaniards made their way to the post occupied by Huaypalca, which they attacked both in front and flank, and forced him to retire among the steep rocks, where he defended himself till night, and then drew off under cover of the darkness to rejoin Quizquiz. Sometime afterwards, it was learnt that the detached party of Peruvians which marched on the left of Quizquiz, had made prisoners of fourteen Spaniards, all of whom they put to death. Almagro, in continuing his march, was opposed by the Peruvian rear-guard at the passage of a river, so that he was unable to get over for a whole day. Besides occupying the opposite bank of the river, the Peruvians had taken possession of a very high mountain immediately above the place occupied by the Spaniards, so that they were unable to attack the enemy without exposing themselves to great danger; and indeed a good many of the Spaniards were wounded, among whom Alfonso de Alvarado was pierced quite through the thigh by a javelin, and another officer of rank was severely wounded. The Peruvians kept firm all night, but in the morning they abandoned their post on the banks of the river, leaving the passage free for the Spaniards. The Indians had burnt all the baggage which they could not carry off, but above 15,000 Peruvian sheep were found in their camp, and more than four thousand Indian men and women, of those whom Quizquiz had made prisoners, who now voluntarily surrendered themselves to the Spaniards. The Peruvian warriors had retired to a strong post on the top of a mountain, where Almagro did not think fit to attack them, as he was desirous to continue his march to the south.
   On their arrival at San Miguel, Almagro sent the Captain Diego de Mora to Puerto Viejo, to take the charge of the vessels belonging to Alvarado, who likewise sent Garcias de Holguin on his part, that this measure might be executed amicably according to agreement. After giving all the necessary orders at San Miguel, and having provided his own men and those of Alvarado with arms, money, and clothes, he and Alvarado continued their journey towards Pachacamac. In the course of this march, he left Captain Martin Astete to build and settle a town now called Truxillo, in a convenient situation on the coast, in pursuance of orders to that effect from the governor Don Francisco Pizarro.
   About this time Quizquiz, having continued his march towards Quito, had his advanced guard attacked and defeated by one of the officers belonging to Benalcazar. Quizquiz was much afflicted by this loss, and knew not well what to do or how to conduct himself. The curacas or native chiefs in his army advised him to make his peace with Benalcazar; but he would not listen to this proposal, even threatening to put them to death if they ever mentioned such a thing again, and ordered them to prepare for returning into Peru. But, as they were in want of provisions, and had no hopes of procuring any in the retreat which Quizquiz meditated, several of the curacas, at the head of whom was Huaypalca, remonstrated with him that it was better to die like brave men in battle against the Spaniards, than to retreat as he desired and to die of famine in a desert country. As Quizquiz gave a very unsatisfactory answer to this remonstrance, Huaypalca gave him a thrust in the breast with his lance, and all the other curacas fell upon him with their clubs and axes, cutting him to pieces. After this they dismissed the troops, allowing every one to go where he pleased.
   On the arrival of Almagro and Alvarado at Pachacamac, they were joyfully received by the governor, who had come there from Xauxa to meet them. Pizarro honourably fulfilled the entire agreement which Almagro had made with Alvarado, by the payment of the stipulated sum of 100,000 gold pesos; though several persons remonstrated against paying so large a sum, and alleged that Almagro had been constrained to enter into the agreement by necessity, and that Alvarado, instead of receiving so much money, deserved to be sent prisoner into Spain, for having invaded the government belonging to another person. After receiving the money, Alvarado returned quietly to his government of Guatimala179.
   After the departure of Alvarado, the governor Pizarro began the establishment of a colony or settlement in the district of Pachacamac, which he named Ciudad de los Reyes, or the City of the Kings, otherwise called Lima, to which place he removed the colonists whom he had formerly established at Xauxa or Jauja; as the situation of Lima appeared to him exceedingly well calculated for trade, being near the sea180. From that place, Almagro went with a considerable force to Cuzco, and Pizarro visited Truxillo on purpose to place that colony on a proper footing, by making an equitable repartition of the lands and Indians among the colonists.
   While at Truxillo, Pizarro received information that Almagro was inclined to take possession of the city of Cuzco, having been apprized by Ferdinand Pizarro, who was sent to Spain, that his majesty had appointed him a separate government extending a hundred leagues beyond the boundaries which had been assigned to Pizarro, and which Almagro alleged were considerably to the north of Cuzco. Juan and Gonzalo Pizarro, brothers of the governor, who were then in Cuzco, and several other persons of consideration, vigorously opposed Almagro and Hernando Soto, who took the part of Almagro, and a civil war seemed on the point of breaking out: But Almagro was unable to succeed in his design, as the great majority of the senators or members of the Cabildo took the part of the governor and his brothers. Immediately on receiving intelligence of these disputes, Pizarro posted with all expedition to Cuzco, where he soon re-established tranquillity by his presence. He pardoned Almagro, who was much ashamed of having occasioned so much confusion by attempting a matter of such high importance on such slight grounds as a mere hearsay or report. The ancient friendship and association between Pizarro and Almagro was renewed, and it was agreed that Almagro should go with a military force on discovery to the south, and if he found any country worth taking possession of, that the associates were to use their joint interest at the court of Spain to procure the government of it for him; but, if no good country were to be found, the government of Peru was then to be divided between Pizarro and Almagro. This agreement was solemnly ratified by oath upon the consecrated host, pledging themselves never to attempt in future to do any thing contrary to the interests of each other. Some have said that Almagro, on this occasion, swore that he would never make any future attempt upon Cuzco, or any part of the country to the distance of a hundred and thirty leagues to the south of that city, even in the event of being named by the king to to its government; and they add, that in addressing himself on this occasion to the holy body of Christ, he used these words, "If I should violate the oath which I now make, I pray, O Lord! that thou mayest punish and confound me in body and soul."
   After this solemn agreement; Almagro prepared everything for his departure, and accordingly set out with above five hundred men, as shall be related in the next section. Pizarro returned to Lima, whence he sent Alfonso de Alvarado to conquer the country of the Chachapoyas, which is in the mountainous region of Peru about sixty leagues from Truxillo. This officer and his followers encountered much difficulty and labour in this enterprize, in which they at length succeeded, by forming establishments and reducing the inhabitants to submission; after which, the government of the province was conferred upon Alvarado, by whom the conquest had been effected.

SECTION III. Occurrences from the departure of Almagro for Chili, to his capture by Pizarro, being the first part of the civil wars in Peru
   Inconsequence of the agreement between Pizarro and Almagro, which was ratified on the 12th of June 1535, Almagro soon afterwards set out upon the proposed discovery and conquest at the head of five hundred and seventy men, partly cavalry and part infantry; for so great were the hopes of acquiring riches in this expedition, that several who had already acquired establishments in Peru, abandoned their houses, lands, and Indians, to follow the fortunes of Almagro181. Juan, de Saavedra was sent on before the main body of the army with a detachment of a hundred men; and, in the course of his march through that province which has since been called Los Charcas, he met with some Indians on their road from Chili to Peru, who were going to pay their homage to the Inca. Almagro having along with him a body of two hundred men, both horse and foot, made a march of two hundred and fifty leagues, reducing the whole country in his way, till he arrived in the district of the Chichas, where he learnt that he was followed by a body of fifty Spaniards commanded by Niguerol de Ulloa. Almagro commanded that party to join him, and continued his march towards Chili, which is 350 leagues beyond the province, of Chichas, reducing all the tribes on his route to submission. Almagro halted at this place with half his troops, and sent on the rest under Gomez de Aivarado, who proceeded sixty leagues farther; but was forced to return to Almagro, in consequence of the severity of the weather.
   After the departure of Almagro from Cuzco, the Inca Manco Capac and his, brother Villaoma entered into a plot for massacring all the Spaniards in Peru on a certain day. Manco Capac had engaged execute to that part of the conspiracy which had for its object the destruction of Almagro and his troops, but which he was unable to accomplish. What was done by his brother will be related afterwards. Philipillo, the Peruvian interpreter who has been formerly mentioned, was acquainted with this conspiracy, on which account he made his escape from Almagro, and being pursued and taken was condemned to be quartered. Before his execution, he confessed that he had unjustly procured the death of Atahualpa, that he might thereby secure to himself one of the wives of that unhappy prince, of whom he was enamoured.
   About two months after the arrival of Almagro in Chili, one of his captains named Ruy Dias came to him with a reinforcement of a hundred men, and informed him that all the natives of Peru had revolted and had massacred most of the Spaniards in that country. Almagro was much grieved at this intelligence, and resolved immediately to return, that he might chastise the revolters and restore the country to obedience; meaning afterwards to send one of his captains with a sufficient force to reduce Chili. He accordingly set out on his return, and was met on his way by Rodrigo Orgognez, who brought him a reinforcement of twenty-five men, and was soon afterwards joined by Juan de Herrada with a farther reinforcement of a hundred. Herrada brought him likewise the letters patent of the king, by which he was appointed governor of two hundred leagues of country beyond the boundaries assigned to Pizarro. This new government which was granted to Almagro was directed to be named the New Kingdom of Toledo, and that of Pizarro, the New Kingdom of Castille. Having said at the commencement of this section, that Almagro carried with him from Cuzco on this expedition a force of 570 Spanish troops; it must be remarked that such was his intention, but that in reality he had only 200 men along with him, after which his army was made up nearly to the intended number by the different reinforcements of which we have made mention.
   In the march of Almagro into Chili, his army suffered excessive hardships from hunger and thirst. Besides their other fatigues, they had often to encounter Indians of great stature, clothed in the skins of sea-wolves and seals, who used the bow and arrow with great strength and address. But the most severe circumstance during this march was the intense cold which they encountered in passing over some mountains covered with snow. In particular, several of the soldiers belonging to Ruy Dias and a good many horses were frozen to death; and so excessive was the cold, that when Almagro returned towards Cuzco five months afterwards, several of the bodies of those who had been frozen to death were found upright and leaning against the rocks, still holding the bridles of their horses, which were likewise frozen, and their flesh still remained as sweet and uncorrupted as if they had only just expired, insomuch that the troops used the flesh of these horses as food on their return to Peru. In some parts of these deserts where there was no snow, the Spaniards were reduced to great straits from want of water; on which account they had to make bags or leather bottles of the skins of sheep, in which to carry water for their supply.
   It is proper to remark, that the Peruvian sheep are much larger animals than those of Europe, and are used as beasts of burden. They resemble in some measure the camel in their shape, except that they have no hunches on their backs, and are able to carry a load of a hundred pounds or more, with which they are able to travel four or five leagues a-day. The Spaniards even sometimes rode on their backs. When fatigued, they immediately lie down, and it is impossible to make them rise again by any means whatever, neither blows nor kindness are of any avail, and it becomes necessary to unload them. When a person rides on one of these animals, and endeavours to urge it on when weary, it turns round its head towards the man, blowing upon him a most offensive breath mixed with a kind of stinking dew, which seems to proceed from the contents of its stomach. This is a most useful and profitable animal, as besides serving as a beast of burden, its wool is excellent and very fine; more especially that species which is called pacas, which has very long wool. These animals are supported at very little expence while on a journey, requiring only a very small allowance of maize, and they can subsist four or five days without drinking. Their flesh is well tasted and wholesome, and equal to the best fat mutton of Spain; and it is accordingly sold in all the butcher-markets of Peru. At the first settlement of the Spaniards in this country, before the establishment of regular markets, when any person killed one of these sheep, his neighbours used to participate, and they in their turns killed others, and divided them among the neighbours.
   In some of the level plains of Peru there is a species of ostrich, which is taken in the following manner. Several horsemen place themselves in ambush, while others likewise on horseback pursue the ostriches and endeavour to drive them towards their companions who are concealed. These birds, although they are unable to rise in flight into the air, go with astonishing swiftness, partly by running, and partly by means of short flights close to the ground, insomuch that a man on horseback is altogether unable to get up with them, so that it requires stratagem to kill or take them alive.
   In Chili there are some rivers which have water only during the day, and are entirely dry during the night. This is owing to the heat of the sun melting the snow on the mountains by day, by which temporary rivers, or torrents rather, are formed by day, which cease again at night when the cold puts a stop to the melting of the snow. When we have got about 500 leagues along the coast from Peru towards the south, or in the lat. of about 30° S. rain is often met with, and the winds are no longer so regular as nearer the line, but blow sometimes one way and sometimes another, as in Spain and other countries of Europe. Chili is a tolerably well peopled country, and resembles Peru in being divisible into two districts, the plain and the mountain, and its coast is considerably more indented by gulfs and bays than that of Peru182. It enjoys the vicissitudes of summer and winter nearly as in Spain, but at opposite times of the year, the winter of Chili being at the same time with the Spanish summer, and vice versa. The pole seen from that country, which is directly opposite our Arctic or north pole, is only marked by a kind of small white cloud or nebula, which is seen after sunset in that direction in which astronomers have placed the antartic or south pole. There is likewise seen a constellation of seven stars, four of them being in form of a cross, followed by three others, resembling the lesser bear of the astronomers which turns round the north polar star. These seven stars near the south pole are situated somewhat like those of the ursa minor, except that the four which form the cross are nearer each other than those of the north pole which are seen in our hemisphere. Our north pole is lost sight of somewhat less than 200 leagues to the south of Panama, under the equator; from whence, or a little beyond, on either side of the line, these two constellations may be seen when they rise a little above the poles of the horizon. On the south side of the equinoctial line, navigators are only able to see the four stars near the antarctic pole which form the cross, until they reach the thirtieth degree of south latitude, after which they get sight of the other three stars which form this constellation.
   The change in the length of the days and nights in Chili is nearly the same as in Spain, only the longest day in Chili is at that time of the year when Spain has the day shortest. In Peru and Tierra firma and generally in all places near the equinoctial line, the days and nights are always equal or nearly so during the whole year. Even at Lima and other places the difference is so small as hardly to be noticed. The natives of Chili are clothed nearly in the same manner with the Peruvians, and use the same kind of food. The inhabitants, both men and women, are tolerably well looked. They are governed by great lords, who make war against each other, and some of whom are able to bring 200,000 men into the field. One of these lords at this time was named Leuchengorma, who possessed an island about two leagues from the coast which was consecrated to his idols, in which was a temple ministered to by two thousand priests. The subjects of Leuchengorma informed the Spaniards, that there was a great province about fifty leagues farther on, situated between two rivers, which was entirely inhabited by women, who did not admit any men among them but at certain times, for the purpose of having children, and who sent all their sons to their fathers, reserving their daughters only to be brought up among themselves. They said farther, that these women were subjects of Leuchengorma, and were ruled over by a queen named Guaboymilla, which signifies golden heaven in their language, and so named because her country produces a great quantity of gold. These women manufactured rich stuffs, in which, and in the gold produced in their country, they paid tribute to Leuchengorma. Although these things have often been spoken of, their truth has not as yet been ascertained by the discovery of the country, Almagro having made no establishment there. Of late, indeed, Pedro de Valdivia has been sent thither to establish some colonies, but he has never yet had a sufficient force for making discoveries, or for colonization, and has settled one colony only, which is placed about thirty-three degrees to the south of the equator183.
   The whole coast of Chili is well peopled, as far as to the latitude of 40° south and still farther; which is known by one of the ships belonging to the fleet sent out by Don Gabriel de Carvajal bishop of Placentia, which passed through the straits of Magellan, and sailed along the whole western coast of South America from south to north, and at length reached the port belonging to Lima. This ship brought over the first rats ever seen in Peru, which have so multiplied since that there are plenty in every town of the whole country.
   These animals are named ococha by the Peruvians, which word signifies having come from the sea.
   Soon after the departure of Almagro from Cuzco on his expedition to Chili, Ferdinand Pizarro returned from Spain, where his majesty made him a knight of the order of St Jago, with other advantages184. He had likewise obtained an enlargement of the government of his brother to a certain extent, and brought out with him a commission for Almagro to a new government.
   At this time Manco Capac, whom Pizarro had permitted to assume the nominal title of Inca of Peru, was detained a prisoner in the citadel of Cuzco, in consequence of the discovery of a conspiracy he had entered into with his brothers Paul and Villaoma to exterminate the Spaniards. Manco Capac wrote to Juan Pizarro, intreating to be set at liberty before the arrival of Ferdinand Pizarro at Cuzco; and Juan, who was then in the Collao endeavouring to reduce certain Indians who had retired into a strong place among rocks, sent orders to liberate the Inca. On the arrival of Ferdinand Pizarro at Cuzco, he treated Manco Capac with much respect, yet kept a constant guard over him, and it is believed that Ferdinand shewed great friendship for the Inca, in the hope of procuring gold from him, to send to the king of Spain or for his own use. Two months after the return of Ferdinand to Cuzco, Manco Capac solicited permission from Ferdinand to go into the district of Jucaya185 on purpose to celebrate a solemn festival, promising on his return to present him with a statue of the late Huana Capac of solid gold as large as life. Ferdinand allowed him to attend this festival, which turned out merely the unravelment of the plot which had been formed at the time when Almagro began his march for Chili. Manco Capac gave immediate orders to put to death some Spaniards who superintended the working of the mines, and others who were travelling through the country on various affairs. He sent likewise one of his captains with a considerable body of troops against Cuzco, who by a sudden and unexpected attack got possession of the castle of that city. The Spaniards indeed retook it after six or seven days, yet not without hard fighting, in which they lost Juan Pizarro; who was killed by a stone which struck him on the head, at a time when he was unable to wear his helmet in consequence of a former wound. His death was much regretted by the Spaniards, being a brave man and much experienced in the manner of carrying on war with the Indians, and besides because his manners had made him beloved by every one.
   Notwithstanding the recapture of the castle of Cuzco by the Spaniards, the Inca brought a large army against the city, which he besieged for more than eight months, making frequent assaults on various parts of the works, chiefly during moon-light nights when the moon was full. Ferdinand Pizarro and his brothers, assisted by Gabriel de Roias, Hernand Ponce de Leon, Don Alfonso Enriquez, the treasurer Requelme, and other brave officers, made a resolute defence, and were almost perpetually under arms day and night, as the number of the garrison was exceedingly inadequate to the extent of the place and the multitude of assailants. As the Spaniards in Cuzco were aware that the insurrection was general over all Peru, they hardly doubted but the governor and all their other countrymen were cut off, so that they defended themselves as men who had no earthly hope of succour, depending only on the mercy of God and their own courage. Their small number was daily diminished, as hardly a day passed in which the Indians did not kill or wound some of their people. One time during the siege, Gonzalo Pizarro made a sally with twenty horsemen, and proceeded to the lake or marsh of Chinchero which is five leagues from Cuzco, where he was surrounded by so vast a force of Indians that he must inevitably have been made prisoner, had not Ferdinand Pizarro and Alfonso de Toro come up to his rescue with a body of horse. Gonzalo was much blamed on this occasion for having advanced so far among the enemy with so few men.
   We have already mentioned that Almagro had resolved to return into Peru and to make himself master of Cuzco, from the time that Juan de Herrada had brought him the commission by which he was appointed to a government beyond that assigned to Don Francisco Pizarro. The principal officers who were along with him, strongly urged him to this measure, particularly Gomez Alvarado and Diego Alvarado, brother and uncle of Don Pedro Alvarado the governor of Guatimala, and Rodrigo Orgognez; some of whom were eager to procure settlements in Peru, and others were desirous of gaining establishments in Chili. To succeed in their design, as reports of the insurrection in Peru had reached Chili, they instructed some Indian interpreters to inform Almagro that the governor Francisco Pizarro and most of the Spaniards in Peru had been slain by the Peruvians. Urged by all these considerations, Almagro marched back into Peru, and even arrived within six leagues of Cuzco without giving notice to Ferdinand Pizarro of his motions or intentions186. Almagro made overtures to the Inca Manco Capac for an accommodation, offering to forgive him all the injury he had already done to the Spaniards, in consideration of joining his party and assisting him to become master of Cuzco, of which he pretended that he had been appointed governor by the king of Spain. The Inca proposed an interview between them under pretence of settling the terms of an agreement, to which Almagro consented without suspecting any treachery, and went accordingly with a part only of his troops to the place appointed for the conference, leaving the rest of his force under the command of Juan de Saavedra. Taking advantage of this confidence, the Inca attacked Almagro by surprize with extreme fury, and even killed and wounded several of his men.
   In the mean time, Ferdinand Pizarro received notice of the arrival of Almagro, and that Juan de Saavedra was left at the village of Hurcos in command of the troops in the absence of Almagro. He went therefore from Cuzco at the head of an hundred and seventy of his best troops, in hope of being able to prevail on Saavedra and the rest to abandon the party of Almagro, or to fall upon them by surprize and make them prisoners. But Saavedra got timely notice of his approach, and drew up his forces, amounting to three hundred Spaniards, in an advantageous situation for his reception. When the two parties were just about to engage, Ferdinand Pizarro sent a message to Saavedra proposing a private interview, that they might endeavour to agree upon an accommodation, to which the other consented. As this conference was entirely between themselves, it is difficult to know with any certainty what passed; but it was reported that Ferdinand endeavoured to persuade Saavedra to join him with the troops under his command, for which he offered a large recompense in gold; but that Saavedra, like a man of honour, peremptorily refused to betray his general.
   On the return of Almagro from his affair with the Inca, he rejoined the troops under Saavedra, and marched for Cuzco with his whole force. While on the march, he made prisoners of four horsemen who had been sent out by Ferdinand Pizarro to reconnoitre, from whom he learnt all the particulars of the insurrection of the Peruvians, who had killed more than six hundred Spaniards, and had burnt down a great part of the city of Cuzco, on which news Almagro was very sensibly afflicted. He sent however, his patents as governor to the senators of the royal council or Cabildo of Cuzco, whom he urged to receive him as their governor; since, as he insisted, the bounds of the government assigned to Francisco Pizarro certainly did not include their city, and even fell considerably short of it to the north. In answer to this demand, the council made answer, that whenever the extent of the government belonging to Pizarro was accurately measured and determined, they would be ready to accede to his desires, provided their city was found to be beyond his limits. This subject was endeavoured to be settled at that time, and has been since tried to be ascertained by several experienced persons; but the manner in which this affair ought to be regulated has never been agreed upon between the two interested parties. The adherents of Almagro have always insisted, that the extent assigned by his majesty as the government of Pizarro, ought to be measured either along the sea coast or by the grand road of the Incas, taking into the account all the turnings and windings in either of these routes; by which means, in either of these ways not only the city of Cuzco, but even Lima according to the opinions of several persons, would be left out of the province of Pizarro. He on the other hand, insisted that the extent of country granted to him, ought to be measured in a straight line directly from north to south, without any angles or turnings, or by means of settling the degrees of latitude at the two extremities, allowing so many leagues to each degree.
   Ferdinand Pizarro offered to admit Almagro and his troops into Cuzco, and to assign them a particular quarter of the city for their residence, if he would agree to defer the dispute about the boundaries, till intelligence were sent to the governor Don Francisco Pizarro, then at Lima, that he might have it in his power to endeavour to fall upon some means of settling the difference between them in an amicable manner. It has been said by some, that a truce was agreed upon between them on these principles; and that on the faith of this truce, Ferdinand Pizarro allowed all the soldiers and inhabitants to retire to their quarters for rest and refreshment, after their long fatigues, having spent several days and nights continually under arms, without time to sleep or even to take proper food. It is farther said, that Almagro, being informed of this circumstance, made a night attack on Cuzco, in which he was aided by a thick mist, so that he got possession of the defences without being observed. Ferdinand and Gonzalo Pizarro, awakened by the noise, flew to arms and defended their house, which was the first attacked, with the assistance of their servants; but as the enemy set it on fire in several places, they were forced to surrender. Next day, Almagro obliged the Cabildo to receive him as governor, and committed Ferdinand and Gonzalo Pizarro to prison. Several of his confidents even urged him to secure his conquest by putting the Pizarros to death; but he was chiefly dissuaded from this by the influence of Diego de Alvarado, who became responsible for them.
   It has been said that Almagro violated the truce which he had agreed to with Ferdinand Pizarro, in consequence of the false representations of several Indians and Spaniards, who told him that Ferdinand had ordered all the bridges to be broken down, and was employed in fortifying Cuzco against him. In proof of this, it is alleged that when Almagro was advancing to attack the city, and saw the bridges remained uninjured, he said aloud that he had been imposed on. The governor Don Francisco Pizarro did not receive any account of these events at Cuzco for a good many days afterwards. As the Inca Manco Capac had fled with a large body of Peruvian warriors to the high mountains of the Andes, Almagro invested his brother the Inca Paul187 with the royal fringed fillet, appointing him nominal king of Peru.
   Among those things which Don Francisco Pizarro had solicited from his majesty in reward for his services in the discovery and conquest of Peru, he particularly requested the grant in perpetuity to him and his descendants of twenty thousand Indians in a province named Atabillos188, with all the revenues, imposts, rights, and jurisdictions appertaining to them, together with the title of Marquis of that province. The king gave him the title of Marquis according to his desire; but in regard to the grant of Indians which he solicited, answered, that he must in the first place be better informed of the nature and circumstances of the country and its native institutions, before he could determine on that measure, but that Pizarro might rest assured of having every reasonable concession in his favour.
   On receiving information of the insurrection of the Peruvians around Cuzco under Manco Capac, Francisco Pizarro, now Marquis, sent several detachments of troops to the assistance of his brother Ferdinand at Cuzco, sometimes ten or fifteen only together, according as circumstances or convenience occurred, not believing the state of affairs to be so hazardous as it was in reality189. The Peruvians having accurate information of the march of these detachments, occupied the difficult passes of the mountains with parties of warriors, and succeeded on several occasions to defeat these small bodies, most of whom were slain. One considerable reinforcement of seventy horsemen, was sent by the Marquis from Truxillo and San Miguel under the command of Diego Pizarro, who was waylaid by the Peruvians at a difficult pass called the mountain of Parios, about fifty leagues from Cuzco, where he and his men were all slain. One Gonzalo de Tapia, who was brother-in-law to the Marquis, who went with a body of eighty horsemen, was likewise defeated and slain; and two other captains, named Morgoveio and Gaete, while endeavouring to pass the mountains to the relief of Cuzco, were treated in the same manner. Of all these different detachments, scarcely one man escaped, so that those who followed knew nothing of what happened to those who went before them. The enemy always attacked the Spaniards while engaged in marching through some deep and narrow valley among the mountains, occupying both ends of the valley by strong bodies of warriors, and rolling down great stones and masses of rock from the steep and high mountains on both sides of the valley, destroyed our men and horses in a miserable manner, often without fighting. In this way they at different times destroyed more than three hundred soldiers, and made themselves masters of their arms, besides acquiring considerable and valuable plunder in gold and jewels and silk dresses. Not knowing the fate of the former detachments, Francisco de Godoy was sent with a reinforcement of eighty men; but falling in with two of those who had belonged to the detachment under Gaete, who had escaped, he learnt from them what had happened, on which he immediately endeavoured to retreat from the mountain passes, in which he had considerable difficulty, as the Indians had already occupied the defiles in his rear. He made good his retreat however, followed and harassed by the Indians for more than twenty leagues, sometimes attacking him in the rear and at other times in the van, and at length got safe to Lima with much difficulty. About the same time the captain Diego de Aguero arrived at that place with some other Spaniards, who had saved themselves from the Indians, who had endeavoured to massacre them at their country residences.
   The marquis sent Pedro de Lerma at the head of eighty cavalry to drive away a numerous army of Peruvian warriors who had invaded the lower country in pursuit of Aguero. Lerma fought against these troops of the Inca a whole day, and at last forced them to take refuge in a strong place among steep rocks, where the Spaniards surrounded them. In this battle, Lerma lost several of his teeth, and several of his men were wounded, but none killed. The Indians were so exceedingly crowded together among the rocks to which they had retired, that they were unable to use their arms, insomuch that the Spaniards might probably have put an end to the war on this occasion, if the marquis had not sent them an order to retire. On seeing the retreat of their enemies, the Indians returned thanks to their gods for their escape from so great danger, and took post on a high mountain near the city of Lima on the other side of the river, whence they harassed the Spaniards by frequent skirmishes and attacks. The commander of these Indians was named Tyzogopangui, who had along with him one of the brothers of the Inca, whom the marquis had sent along with Gaete190. While the Peruvians remained in the neighbourhood of Lima, skirmishing every day with the Spaniards, it often happened that the natives who were in the service of the Spaniards, who were called Yanacones, went during the day to their friends in the mountains, who gave them provisions, and returned at night to their masters.
   As he was in a manner besieged by so large a force of the enemy in Lima, the marquis concluded that his brothers and all the other Spaniards in Cuzco had certainly been slain, and that the insurrection was so general that the inhabitants of Chili had likewise destroyed Almagro and his army. In this emergency, both that his Spaniards might not expect to save themselves by sea, and to convince the Peruvians that he had no intention to leave the country, he sent off all his ships to Panama. At the same time he sent notice to the Viceroy of New Spain and all the other governors in America and the West Indies of the perilous state of affairs in Peru, intreating them to send him assistance. In these letters, he is said not to have shewn his usual firmness, and it is reported that this was occasioned by the earnest solicitations of many of those around him. He sent orders at the same time to the commandant of Truxillo to abandon that place, and to come to his assistance with all the armed men and horses he could collect, sending off the women and children and all their valuable effects to the province of Tierra firma. But before the execution of these orders, the captain Alfonso de Alvarado arrived at Truxillo with the troops he had taken along with him for the conquest of the province of the Chachapoyas, whence he had been recalled by orders from the marquis. Leaving a part of his troops for the defence of Truxillo, Alvarado marched with the rest to Lima, where the marquis appointed him lieutenant-general of his army, in place of Don Pedro de Lerma, who had hitherto enjoyed that office. This gave great offence to Lerma, and was the occasion of his revolt, as shall be mentioned in the sequel.
   As the marquis was now reinforced by a considerable number of troops, he thought himself in condition to send assistance to those parts which were in greatest danger, and detached therefore Alfonso Alvarado with three hundred horse and foot, who pillaged several districts with very little resistance from the Indians. But about four leagues from the city of Pachacamac, he was violently attacked by the Indians, whom he defeated with considerable slaughter; after which he continued his march towards Cuzco. On this march the army of Alvarado suffered great hardships in passing across a large extent of desert country, five hundred Indians who attended as servants perishing of thirst; and it is said that all the Spanish infantry must have died of thirst and fatigue, if they had not been relieved by the activity of the cavalry in bringing them water from a distance. After reaching the province of Jauja, Alvarado was joined by Gomez de Tordoya with two hundred horse and foot, who had been sent after him. His force being augmented to five hundred men by this reinforcement, Alvarado proceeded to the bridge of Lumichaca, where he was surrounded by a numerous army of hostile Indians. Having defeated these in battle, he continued his march to the bridge of Abancay191, continually harassed by the Indians. At that place he learned that Ferdinand and Gonzalo Pizarro had been imprisoned by Almagro, who had taken possession of Cuzco; on which he resolved to halt where he then was till he might receive precise orders from the marquis for his farther proceedings.
   When Almagro was informed of the arrival of Alfonso Alvarado at Abancay, he sent Diego Alvarado to wait upon him, attended by seven or eight horsemen, with orders to notify his commission as governor in these parts. Alfonso, after examining the commission, declared that he did not consider himself competent to decide upon an affair of such high importance, and that the documents ought to be communicated to the marquis. Almagro had come part of the way from Cuzco towards the camp of Alvarado, where he waited the return of his messenger; and not seeing him at the time he expected, he became afraid that Alvarado had detained him and might advance to Cuzco by another road. He returned therefore to Cuzco in all haste to provide for his defence. Learning the discontent of Lerma, on account of having been superseded in the command of the army by the marquis, and that he was disposed to come over to his side with eighty men, Almagro marched out from Cuzco with his troops a fortnight afterwards, and advanced towards the army of Alfonso Alvarado. While on the march, the advanced guard belonging to Almagro, by means of an ambush, made Pedro Alvarez Holguin prisoner, who had been sent out on discovery by Alvarado. On learning this circumstance, Alvarado meant to have arrested Pedro de Lerma, as he entertained suspicions that he was in correspondence with Almagro; but Lerma had previously escaped to the enemy, carrying along with him the signatures of all those who had joined him in the plot for deserting to Almagro.
   After the junction of Lerma, Almagro approached during the night to the bridge of Abancay with one part of his army, where he knew that Gomez de Tordoya and a son of Colonel Vilalva waited for him; and he detached at the same time a large body of his troops to a ford of the river, where those who had conspired in his favour along with Lerma had the guard. By these men the troops of Almagro were received as friends, so that they passed the river without opposition. Some of these conspirators contrived during the night to throw above fifty lances belonging to the cavalry of Alvarado into the river. Owing to all these circumstances, when Alvarado proposed next morning to have attacked the enemy, he found himself abandoned by the conspirators; and a considerable number of his own troops, not being able to find their arms, did not come up in time for the attack. By these means Almagro got an easy and bloodless victory, not a single Spaniard being killed on either side, Rodrigo Orgognez only losing several of his teeth by a stone thrown from a sling192. After the capture of Alfonso Alvarado, the Almagrians pillaged his camp, and carried all the adherents of Pizarro as prisoners to Cuzco, where they were harshly treated. In consequence of this victory the partizans of Almagro were so much elated, that they used to say the Pizarros might now retire from Peru to govern the Mangroves under the equator.
   In consequence of the victories which Alvarado had gained over the Indians at Pachacamac and Lumichaca, as already mentioned, the Inca and Titu Yupanqui were obliged to retire from before Lima, which they had in a manner blockaded. By this circumstance the marquis found himself at liberty to act in support of his interest at Cuzco; and having received considerable reinforcements from various parts, he began his march for Cuzco at the head of more than seven hundred men, horse and foot. In this expedition, his only purpose was to succour his brothers against the Peruvians, as he had not hitherto received information of the return of Almagro from Chili, or any of those other events which had taken place, as before related. Most of the troops by which the marquis was lately joined, were sent by Don Alonso de Fuenmayor, archbishop and president of Hispaniola, under the command of his brother Don Diego de Fuenmayor. Besides these, Gaspar de Espinosa had brought some troops from Panama, and Diego de Avala had brought others from Nicaragua. With this army the marquis set out from Lima for Cuzco, taking the way of the plain, and arrived in the province of Nasca, about twenty-five leagues from Lima193. At this place he received intelligence of the return of Almagro, the death of one of his brothers and imprisonment of the other two, the defection of Lerma, and the capture of Alvarado. He was sensibly affected by this afflicting news; and considering that his troops were only prepared for contending against Indians, he thought proper to return immediately to Lima to take proper measures under the present emergency of his affairs.
   Soon after his return to Lima, the marquis sent the licentiate Espinosa to endeavour to bring about an accommodation with Almagro. Espinosa was directed to represent to Almagro, that if his majesty were informed of the disputes between them, and the evil consequences of these upon the condition of the colony, he would assuredly recal both, and send some other person to assume the government of Peru, who would reap the rich fruit of their joint labours. If Almagro refused to listen to these remonstrances, and to enter into a friendly accommodation, Espinosa was instructed to request that he would set the brothers of Pizarro at liberty, and would remain at Cuzco without attempting any farther hostilities, untill they had laid a statement of their differences before his majesty, and had received his final orders respecting the boundaries between their governments. Espinosa was unable to persuade Almagro to agree to any accommodation, and soon afterwards died. Leaving Gabriel de Roias as his lieutenant in Cuzco, with the charge of Gonzalo Pizarro and Alonso de Alvarado, Almagro descended into the plain with a considerable force, carrying Ferdinand Pizarro along with him. He penetrated into the province of Chancay, which is only twenty leagues from Lima, where he even established a colony or garrison, in a place which was without any manner of doubt within the province of the marquis.
   On the return of the marquis to Lima, he made additional levies of troops; giving out openly that he was reduced to take up arms against Almagro, who had invaded his government. In a few days he assembled an army of seven hundred men, among whom was a considerable body of musqueteers, which had been brought from Flanders with the necessary arms and ammunition by Pedro de Vergera, along with the troops of Diego de Fuenmayor. Hitherto there had not been a sufficient number of musquets in Peru to form entire companies of that species of troops; but on the present occasion the marquis was enabled to arm two companies with that powerful weapon, one of which was commanded by the before named Pedro de Vergera, who had been formerly sent to discover the province of Bracamoras. Nugno de Castro was appointed captain of the other company of musqueteers. Diego de Urbina, nephew of the maestre de campo Juan de Urhina, was made captain of the pikemen. Diego de Roias, Peranzures, and Alfonso de Mercadillo, were appointed captains of horse: Pedro de Valdivia maestre de campo, and Antonio de Vilalva sergeant-major, who was son of Colonel Vilalva.
   About this time, Alonso de Alvarado and Gonzalo Pizarro, who remained prisoners in Cuzco194, made their escape from prison, and joined the marquis with above seventy men whom they had persuaded to accompany them, bringing likewise along with them as prisoner Gabriel de Roias the lieutenant of Almagro. The arrival of these officers gave much satisfaction to the marquis, both on account of their escape from danger, and because the reinforcement they brought along with them gave great encouragement to his troops. He appointed his brother Gonzalo lieutenant-general of his army, and Alonso Alvarado maestre de campo, or major-general of the cavalry. When Almagro learnt that his prisoners had escaped, and the numerous forces which the marquis had procured, he became desirous of an accommodation, for which purpose he sent Alfonso Enriquez, Diego Nugnez de Mercadura the factor, and Juan de Guzman treasurer, to the marquis to desire an interview, at which they might regulate every thing that was in dispute between them. After several messages and proposals, the marquis proposed to refer the whole matter to the umpirage of Francisco de Bovadilla, provincial of the order of Mercy, to which Almagro consented.
   In virtue of the powers given to him by both parties, Bovadilla ordained that Ferdinand Pizarro should be set at liberty; that Cuzco should be restored to the marquis; that both armies should be disbanded, and the different companies sent in various directions to discover and conquer the country; and that finally the whole dispute about the boundaries of the two governments should be referred to the decision of his majesty. Bovadilla likewise persuaded Almagro and Pizarro to have an interview in the village of Mala195, mid-way between the two armies, at which they might discuss the terms of an entire reconcilement, each to be attended by twelve horsemen. They accordingly set out for that place from their respective camps; but as Gonzalo Pizarro did not give implicit confidence to the promise of Almagro, he followed his brother with the whole army, which he secretly posted in the neighbourhood of Mala, placing Castro with forty musketeers in ambush among some reeds near the road by which Almagro had to pass, and directing him, in case Almagro was accompanied by a larger force than was agreed on, to give notice by a discharge of musketry, that Gonzalo might hasten to the defence of the marquis.
   Before leaving Chincha on his way to the interview with Pizarro, Almagro left orders with his lieutenant-general, Rodrigo Orgognez, to keep vigilant guard againt the machinations of the enemy, in case the marquis should bring a greater escort than was agreed upon, that he might send him prompt assistance; and if any treason were practised against him, that Ferdinand Pizarro should be considered as an hostage for his safety. On their meeting, the marquis and Almagro embraced each other with much apparent cordiality; but after a short discourse, in which no part of their difference was alluded to, one of the horsemen who accompanied the marquis, whispered to Almagro that he was in danger, and advised him to retire without delay, as Gonzalo Pizarro had placed an ambush to intercept him. Almagro immediately called for his horse; and several of the attendants on Pizarro, seeing Almagro about to retire, endeavoured to persuade the marquis to have him arrested, which could easily have been done by means of the musqueteers under De Castro. To this the marquis would by no means consent, being resolved to keep his promise inviolate, and would not believe that Almagro meant to go away without coming to some conclusion on the subject of their meeting. Almagro however went away; and as he saw the ambush on his way back, he was convinced that treachery was intended against him, and made loud complaints of the conduct of the marquis after his return to Chincha. Yet, by the intercession of Diego de Alvarado, Almagro set Ferdinand Pizarro at liberty, on condition that the marquis should provide him with a ship and a free port, by which he might send dispatches to Spain and receive answers, and that they should continue in peace until they received the final determination of the sovereign respecting the boundaries of their governments. Rodrigo Orgognez was exceedingly averse from this measure of liberating Ferdinand Pizarro, who had been harshly treated while a prisoner, and who he believed would be eager for revenge if set free, and strongly urged Almagro to put him to death. But Almagro would not listen to his advice, and sent Ferdinand Pizarro to the marquis, accompanied by his own son the younger Almagro and several gentlemen. Ferdinand Pizarro was hardly set off on his return, when Almagro began to repent that he had set him at liberty; and it is believed he would have been remanded to prison if he had not made haste on his journey, during which he was met by several of his brothers principal officers.
   Soon after the liberation of his brother Ferdinand, the marquis received provisional orders from his majesty, by the hands of Pedro Anzures; by which the two governors were commanded to retain the countries which each of them had discovered and conquered, and in which they had formed establishments at the time when this provisional order should be notified to them; neither of them making any attempt to disturb the other until his majesty should give definitive orders on the subject. Having now his brother at liberty, the marquis sent a notification to Almagro of this imperial order, requiring him to retire according to his majestys orders from the country which he, Pizarro, had discovered, and in which he had established colonies. Almagro answered, that he was ready to obey the orders of his majesty, in keeping possession of the country and establishments he occupied when the imperial order was notified, for which reason he required the marquis to leave him in the peaceable enjoyment of what he how possessed, declaring that on his part he would carefully and entirely perform whatever should be finally commanded by his majesty. The marquis replied, that the city of Cuzco and the adjoining territory had been first discovered, colonized, and occupied by him, of which he had been violently dispossessed by Almagro, that in conformity with the orders of his majesty, therefore, it behoved Almagro to evacuate that city and territory, or he would drive him from it by force, as all the compacts and conventions which had been entered into between them were abrogated by this new regulation of his majesty.
   As Almagro refused to accede to these demands, the marquis marched against him with his whole force, on which Almagro retired towards Cuzco, and fortified himself on a high mountain named Guavtara, breaking up all the roads to render the approach to his camp as difficult as possible. Ferdinand Pizarro found means to ascend the mountain during the night by a secret path, and forced the passages with his musqueteers, so that Almagro was forced to abandon this position, seeking his safety in flight. Being sick at the time, he went with the advanced guard, leaving Orgognez to bring up and protect the rear. One night, Orgognez learnt by two of Pizarros horsemen who were taken prisoners, that the enemy were close up with his rear, on which he hastened the retreat as much as possible, although several of his officers were anxious for him to turn back upon the pursuers, knowing by experience that those who usually inhabited the plain were liable, on their first coming into the mountainous region, to sickness and vomiting, very much resembling sea-sickness. Orgognez refused to listen to this advice, because contrary to the orders of Almagro; yet it was believed he might have been successful, as the troops belonging to the marquis were in reality affected by that ordinary malady, and were besides so much distressed by the snow that Pizarro retired back with his army into the maritime plain of Peru. Almagro continued his march to Cuzco, where he employed himself for two months in raising recruits, procuring ammunition, preparing arms of silver and copper, founding cannon, and making every preparation to defend himself against Pizarro.

   After the return of the marquis into the plain, various consultations were held as to the best plan of procedure, and it was at last determined that Ferdinand Pizarro, now lieutenant-general under the marquis, with his brother Gonzalo Pizarro as major-general, should march with the army against Cuzco196. On this occasion, a manifesto was circulated as the reason of this measure, that several of the inhabitants of Cuzco had made complaints to the marquis against the tyranny of Almagro, who had violently seized their goods and houses, and dispossessed them of their Indians and every thing that belonged to them. The marquis returned to Lima, and his brother Ferdinand marched at the head of the army towards Cuzco. Having arrived on the mountainous ridge near Cuzco in the evening, all his officers urged Ferdinand Pizarro to descend immediately into the plain that the army might encamp there for the night; but Ferdinand positively rejected this advice, and ordered the army to encamp on the mountain. Early next morning, the whole army of Almagro was seen drawn up in order of battle on the plain, under the supreme command of Orgognez; Francisco de Chaves, Juan Tello, and Vasco de Guevara, having the command of the cavalry under his orders. On the side of the mountain there was a great body of Indians in charge of a small number of Spaniards, intended to be employed as circumstances might admit in the expected battle. In the meantime, all the friends and partizans of the marquis who were in Cuzco were committed prisoners to the citadel, which was so extremely crowded on this occasion, and the places appropriated for their confinement so small, that several of them were stifled.
   On the following day, after the solemnization of the mass, Ferdinand Pizarro marched his army into the plain of Cuzco in order of battle, and advanced towards the city, intending to gain possession of some high ground which overlooked the citadel. Ferdinand and his troops flattered themselves, from their great superiority in numbers, that Almagro would not risk a battle, and were even anxious to spare the effusion of Christian blood on the present occasion, in which the natives of the same country and subjects of the same sovereign were preparing to destroy each other, instead of uniting in a common cause for the general good of all. Orgognez was actuated by a different principle, and had occupied the only passage by which the troops of Pizarro could approach towards Cuzco, in which he had drawn up his troops and artillery with much judgment, under cover of a marsh, across which it was necessary for the troops of Pizarro to pass before they could attack his position. Immediately on reconnoitring the order of the enemy, Ferdinand Pizarro ordered captain Mercadillo to advance with his cavalry to a proper place for keeping the Indians in check in case they should attempt to attack his army while engaged in battle with Orgognez, and whence likewise he might be able to give succour where necessary during the approaching engagement. Before the Spaniards began to engage, the Indians on both sides skirmished with each other. The cavalry of Pizarro endeavoured to pass the morass, and being opposed by a squadron of Almagro's horse, the musketeers belonging to Pizarro advanced in front of their own horse and soon compelled the adverse cavalry to give ground. On seeing this successful commencement of the battle, Pedro de Valdivia, a maestre de campo of the marquis, assured his friends that the victory was their own. While the troops of Pizarro were passing the marsh, the Almagrians plied their artillery, and by one discharge five men belonging to Pizarro were brought down. But Pizarro pressed on under cover of a close fire from his musketeers, and passed both the marsh and a rivulet beyond, and drew up in good order on the firm ground, every one of the captains having been previously instructed how to proceed with their divisions before the engagement commenced. As Pizarro noticed that the pikemen in the army of Orgognez carried their pikes high, he gave orders to his musketeers to fire a little high, by which means in two vollies they broke above fifty of the enemies pikes197. At this time Orgognez ordered his army to advance to the charge, and observing that several of his divisions hesitated, being held in check by the fire of the musqueteers, he moved on himself at the head of his main body, directing his attack to that part of the enemy where Ferdinand Pizarro was seen at the head of his squadrons. Orgognez apparently despairing of the battle, called out while advancing, "Follow me who will! I go in the name of God to do my duty, and to seek an honourable death!" While Orgognez was advancing, Gonzalo Pizarro and Alonso Alvarado observed that his flank was uncovered, and accordingly made an immediate charge, by which above fifty of the Almagrians were overthrown. Orgognez was wounded by a musket-ball in the head, which broke through his beaver; notwithstanding which he killed two men with his lance, and wounded one of Pizarros servants in the mouth whom he mistook for the general, as he was finely dressed. For some time the engagement was extremely severe and the combatants were mingled together; but at length the troops of Pizarro forced the Almagrians to take to flight after they had a considerable number killed and wounded.
   Almagro being sick, took no part in the battle, which he observed from a height at some distance, and on seeing his troops take to flight, exclaimed, "I thought we had come out to fight like valiant soldiers, not to run away like cowards." He immediately withdrew to the citadel of Cuzco, to which place he was pursued by Gonzalo Pizarro and Alonso Alvarado, and made prisoner. Orgognez was taken prisoner by two of Pizarros horsemen, who were leading him away when a third came up who bore him a grudge for some injurious treatment, and cut off his head. Several others who had surrendered were slain in this manner by personal enemies, in spite of every endeavour by Ferdinand Pizarro and his officers to protect them. The soldiers of Alvarado especially, ashamed and irritated by the defeat they had formerly sustained at the bridge of Abancay, were eager for revenge, and put many of the Almagrians to death in cold blood. Captain Ruy Dias had taken up a prisoner behind him on horseback, on purpose to protect him, when one of his own troopers run him through with his lance.
   When the Indian servants of the two armies saw that the battle among the Christians was ended, they too gave over fighting, and fell to plundering the dead, whom they stripped of their clothes and valuables, even pillaging several who were yet alive, but unable to defend themselves because of their wounds; and as the conquerors were entirely taken up in pursuing their victory, the Indians had it in their power to do as they pleased, so that they entirely stripped everyone whom they found on the field of battle. The Spaniards, both victors and vanquished, were so worn out and fatigued by their exertions in this battle, that they might have been easily destroyed by the Indians who were present, if they had dared to attack them according to their original intention; but they were so busied in plundering the killed and wounded, that they neglected the opportunity of avenging themselves on their oppressors. This decisive battle was fought on the 6th of April 1538, in a plain called Cachipampa or the field of salt by the Indians, about a league to the south of the citadel of Cuzco, near a salt spring from which the inhabitants make great quantities of salt; and as these salt works are in the neighbourhood of the field, this engagement has been always known by the name of the battle of Salinas, or of the salt works198.
   After this decisive victory, Ferdinand Pizarro used every means to conciliate the officers of Almagros army who had survived the battle, that he might engage them in the party of the marquis, and being unsuccessful, he banished several of them from Cuzco. Being unable to satisfy the demands of all those who had served him on the late occasion, as many of them thought so highly of their own merits that the government of Peru would hardly have been a sufficient reward in their own estimation, Ferdinand Pizarro resolved to separate the army, sending it away in various detachments to discover and conquer those parts of the country which had not been hitherto explored and reduced. By this measure, he at the same time rewarded his friends by giving them opportunities to distinguish and enrich themselves, and got rid of his enemies by sending them to a distance. On this occasion Pedro de Candia was sent with three hundred men, part of whom had belonged to Almagro, to conquer the country of Collao, a mountainous district which was said to be extremely rich. Not being able to make any progress in this country on account of the difficulty of the roads, he had to return; besides which his troops became mutinous, chiefly at the instigation of one Mesa, who had been commissary of artillery under Almagro, and was encouraged by the other soldiers of Almagro who served on this expedition. On this, Candia arrested Mesa and sent him to Ferdinand Pizarro with the evidences of his guilt. This circumstance, combined with information of conspiracies in several other places, which had for their object to free Almagro from prison and to give him possession of Cuzco, satisfied Ferdinand Pizarro that the country would never be in quiet while Almagro lived.
   Ferdinand accordingly brought Almagro to trial, in which he was convicted of giving occasion to all the preceding disorders, of which he was the first and chief cause; having begun the war by several acts of hostilities; having taken forcible possession of the city of Cuzco by his own private authority, where he put several persons to death merely for opposing his unlawful usurpation; and having marched in hostile array into the province of Chincha, which incontestibly belonged to the province assigned to the marquis. When sentence of death was pronounced, Almagro said every thing he could think of to excite the compassion of Ferdinand Pizarro that he might spare his life. He represented that the marquis in a great measure owed his present greatness to him; as he had advanced the greatest proportion of the original funds for the discovery of Peru. He desired Ferdinand to recollect, that when he was a prisoner in his hands, he had set him at liberty contrary to the representations of his officers, who advised that he should be put to death: And that though he, Pizarro, might have been ill treated while a prisoner, that had been done without his orders or knowledge. He intreated him to consider his very advanced age, which would soon bring him to the grave, without the disgrace of a public punishment. Ferdinand expressed his astonishment that one of such great courage should shew so much fear of death, which was now inevitable, and desired him to submit to the will of God like a good Christian, and to meet death with the courage of a gentleman and a man of honour. Almagro replied, that be ought not to be surprised at seeing him afraid of death, being a man and a sinner, since even Jesus Christ had evinced a fear to die. All this however was of no avail, as Ferdinand caused him to be beheaded.
   After the execution of Almagro, Ferdinand Pizarro went to Collao, where he punished Mesa for having excited mutiny among the troops of Candia; after which he sent the three hundred men under the command of Peranzures to reduce the country which had been assigned to Pedro de Candia. These troops had to march by a most difficult and dangerous route among morasses and uncultivated places, where they thought to have perished of famine. Ferdinand remained in Collao, which he reduced. This is a level country containing several gold mines, but so cold that it produces no maize, the natives living principally on a root named papas, which resembles truffles. This country likewise abounds in those Peruvian sheep which have been formerly described199. About this time the marquis came to Cuzco, to which place Ferdinand went to confer with him, leaving his brother Gonzalo Pizarro to continue his conquest. Gonzalo advanced into the province of the Charcas200, where he was attacked by a great body of Indians and reduced to great straits, insomuch that Ferdinand set out from Cuzco to his assistance with a body of horse. On this occasion, on purpose to encourage these succours to use every possible expedition, the marquis gave out that he meant to go in person to relieve his brother Gonzalo, and actually went two or three days journey from Cuzco. When Ferdinand arrived at Charcas, he found that Gonzalo had already extricated himself from his difficulties, having defeated and dispersed the enemy. They continued together for some time reducing the country, having frequently to fight with the Indians, till at last they took their chief prisoner, named Tixo201, on which the natives universally submitted. Ferdinand and Gonzalo now returned to Cuzco, where the marquis distributed settlements to every one sufficient to maintain them in ease and comfort.
   About this time likewise various other parties were sent out in different directions to discover and reduce the provinces of Peru and the neighbouring districts; among the commanders of these detachments were the captains Vergara, Porcel, Mercadillo, and Guevera. Pedro de Valdivia likewise was sent to Chili, where Almagro had formerly been, and Gonzalo Pizarro to Quito, of whose adventures we shall speak hereafter. When all these matters were arranged, by which the Spaniards were dispersed in various parts, and tranquillity was restored to the country, Ferdinand Pizarro set out for Spain to give an account to the emperor of all the transactions which had taken place in Peru, though many advised him not to run the risk of that measure until it was known what judgment might be formed at court respecting the death of Almagro. Before his departure, Ferdinand strongly advised his brother the marquis to put no trust in those who had adhered to the service of Almagro in the late troubles, who were usually denominated the Chilese, and particularly that he ought to keep them at a distance from each other, being well assured that if even eight or ten of them were permitted to dwell in one neighbourhood, that they would form conspiracies against his life.

SECTION IV. Expeditions of Pedro de Valdivia into Chili, and of Gonzalo Pizarro to Los Canelos
   On the arrival of Pedro de Valdivia in Chili, he was peaceably received by the Indians, who wished to gather in their crops, as it was then the season of harvest. When this important business was accomplished, the whole country rose upon the Spaniards, who were unprepared for this event and somewhat dispersed, and killed forty of them before they could draw their forces together. On this occasion, when Valdivia was about to take the field to chastise the Chilese, part of his troops threatened to mutiny against his authority, and he was under the necessity of hanging several of the ringleaders, among whom was captain Pedro Sancho de Hosz, who was almost equal to himself in the command of this expedition. After the suppression of this mutiny, Valdivia took the field against the Indians, and during his absence an army of the enemy exceeding seven thousand men came to attack the newly established city, in which only a small number of Spaniards remained for its defence, under the command of the captains Francisco de Villagran, and Alfonso de Monroy. These officers went boldly out against the Chilese, at the head only of thirty horsemen, with whom they fought bravely against the immense number of Chilese archers from morning till night, after which they retired into the city, extremely fatigued and several of them wounded, but none of them slain. As the Chilese suffered a great loss in killed and wounded during this engagement, they retired during the night.
   For eight years afterwards, Valdivia and his troops defended themselves bravely against every effort of the Chilese, who continued the war incessantly. In all that time, Valdivia obliged his soldiers to cultivate a sufficient quantity of land for their sustenance, not being able to procure Indians for that purpose, yet resolved not to abandon the country which had been commited to his government. At the end of that period he returned into Peru, at the time when the licentiate Pedro de la Gasca was employed in levying an army against Gonzalo Pizarro, as shall be related in the sequel202.
   Soon after the overthrow of the Almagrians, it was reported in Peru that a very rich country had been discovered to the eastwards of Quito, which in particular contained great quantities of cinnamon trees, on which account it got the name of Los Canelos, or the cinnamon country. The marquis accordingly resolved to send his brother Gonzalo Pizarro to discover that country; and as it was necessary to march thither by way of Quito, where likewise every requisite for the expedition was to be procured, the marquis conferred the government of the kingdom of Quito on his brother, till his majestys pleasure might be made known. Gonzalo Pizarro accordingly set out from Cuzco with a considerable force, taking his route for Quito by way of the elevated mountain vallies203. In this march he was opposed by the Indians of the province of Guanuco with so much perseverance and bravery, that the marquis was under the necessity of sending him a reinforcement under Francisco de Chaves. After having overcome this obstacle, he arrived in safety at Quito, where he proceeded to make preparations for his expedition to Los Canelos.
   On account of the hostile conduct of the Guanucos towards Gonzalo, and because the curacas or caciques of that province, in conjunction with those of the Conchucos had made frequent attacks on the city and province of Truxillo, in which they killed all the Spaniards they could meet with and pillaged the country, not even sparing their Indian neighbours, the marquis sent a detachment of troops under Gomez de Alvarado to make a conquest of Guanuco, with orders to establish a settlement in that country to keep the natives under subjection. In their military expeditions, the Peruvians of Guanuco carried an idol along with them, named Cataquilla, to which they made offerings of all whom they massacred or made prisoners, and of the spoil which fell into their hands. They persisted for a long time in their barbarous hostilities, till at length, Miguel de la Cerna raised a considerable force in Truxillo, with which he joined Francisco de Chaves. With these forces conjoined, they fought successfully against the Indians of Guanuco and reduced them to subjection.
   When Gonzalo Pizarro had completed the preparations for his expedition, he set out from Quito in the year 1540 at the head of 200 Spaniards well equipped, of whom the half was cavalry204. He was attended by 4000 friendly Indians205, and by a flock of 4000 animals, consisting of swine and Peruvian sheep, to serve as provisions, and to carry the baggage and ammunition of the army. After passing a place called Inca, the boundary of the conquests of Huana Capac towards the north and east, Gonzalo arrived in the country of the Quixos, where he was opposed by the natives, but they all disappeared one night, without the Spaniards being able to make a single prisoner. On the retreat of the Indians, Gonzalo and his troops took possession of their deserted habitations in which they rested for some days. While here, the country was visited by a dreadful earthquake, accompanied by prodigious thunder and lightning and an immense fall of rain. The earth opened in many places and swallowed up above five hundred houses. By the excessive rains, which continued forty or fifty days, a river in the neighbourhood of the Spanish quarters became so swollen that it was quite impassable, in consequence of which the troops suffered much from famine, as they were unable to get across the river in search of provisions. On the cessation of the tempest, Gonzalo had to cross a prodigious ridge of mountains, on the top of which they suffered such extreme cold that many of their attendant Indians were frozen to death. And as no provisions or shelter could be had in that elevated region, he made haste to arrive in the province of Zumaco206 which is situated at the foot of a volcano. As provisions were found here in abundance, the army halted in this place for refreshments. In the mean time Gonzalo went with a small party of troops to endeavour to find out a passage through the forest. He at length reached the banks of a river named Coca, whence he sent for the remainder of his people to join him from Zumaco. During two months that the army remained in this country, it never ceased raining day or night, so that they never had a sufficient interval in which to dry their clothes.
   In this province of Zumaco the trees are found which afford cinnamon. These trees are very large and have leaves resembling the laurel. Their fruit grows in clusters, consisting of a nut resembling the acorn of the cork tree, but larger, and containing a number of small seeds. The fruit, leaves, bark, and roots have all the taste and flavour of cinnamon; but the best consists of the shell or nut which contains the seeds. In the whole of that country vast numbers of these trees are found wild in the woods, growing and producing fruit without care; but the Indians cultivate them with much attention in their plantations; and these cultivated trees produce a much better cinnamon than those trees which grow wild. This cinnamon is in great request among the natives, and is exchanged by the inhabitants of Zumaco with the neighbouring tribes, receiving in return provisions and other things of which they are in want.
   Leaving the greater part of his people in the country of Zumaco, as has been already said, Gonzalo penetrated into the country with much difficulty, accompanied by the most vigorous of his men, and guided by the Indians, who frequently gave him false accounts of the country in advance, on purpose to get him away from their own district. Thus the people of Zumaco informed him that the country beyond theirs was well peopled and had abundance of provisions; but he found it extremely barren and very thinly inhabited. Having penetrated to the province of Coca upon a large river of that name, he remained there about six weeks, waiting the arrival of the rest of his people from Zumaco, all the while treated in a friendly manner by the cacique of the district.
   After his troops were all assembled at Coca, Gonzalo marched along the course of the river, till at last he arrived at a place where it fell over a cataract of above 200 fathoms making a noise that could be easily heard at six leagues distance. A few days march below that place, the whole waters of the river became confined in a rocky channel not exceeding twenty feet wide, while the rocks were at least 200 fathoms in height above the water, and perfectly perpendicular. After a march of fifty leagues along the banks of this river, the Spaniards could find no place where they might possibly cross over, except at that narrow rocky channel, where a considerable number of Indians opposed their passage. Having driven away these Indians by means of their firearms, the Spaniards constructed a wooden bridge across between the steep rocks, over which they all passed in safety.
   After crossing the river, the Spaniards penetrated through the woods to a country named Guema, which was extremely flat and intersected with rivers and marshes, and in which they could get no provisions except wild fruits; but after this they came to a country tolerably peopled, in which there were some provisions. In this place the natives wore cotton vestments, but in the whole country through which they had hitherto passed, the few natives they had seen were entirely naked, either on account of the continual and excessive heat of the climate, or because they had no means of procuring clothes: The men had only a kind of girdles round their waist, with some strings tied to their prepuce, which passed between their thighs and were drawn up to the girdle; and the women wore some slight clouts. At this place Gonzalo built a bark to serve for crossing the rivers in search of provisions, and to transport the baggage and the sick by water. Besides in some places the country was so covered with wood, that they were unable to clear the way by means of their swords and hatchets, and in other places so inundated, that they were often obliged to transport the whole party by water. The building of this vessel occasioned infinite difficulty and labour, as besides cutting down wood for the purpose, they had to construct a forge in which to make the necessary iron work, which they made from the shoes of their dead horses. On this occasion, Gonzalo not only obliged every one to labour without regard to rank, but gave the example himself in using both the hatchet and the hammer as occasion required. Instead of pitch and tar, the gum which exuded from some trees of the forest was collected; and instead of flax and hemp, the old clothes of the Indians and the wore-out shirts of the Spaniards were employed for caulking the scams. They at length succeeded in making their bark capable of swimming, so as to transport all their baggage very commodiously; besides which they hollowed out several canoes to accompany the bark instead of boats.
   Gonzalo flattered himself that all his difficulties would be surmounted by means of this bark, and that he would now be able to pursue his discoveries to any extent he pleased. He continued his march therefore, accompanied by the bark which carried the baggage, while the main body had to travel along the banks of the river, often greatly incommoded in passing marshes, thick woods, and close brushwood. In some of these places they had to cut their way through canes and reeds with great toil, by means of their swords and hatchets; often changing from one side of the river to the other in search of an easier road. In this march they were always accompanied by the bark; and at night the whole party united together, that they might be able to give mutual assistance in case of need. After having penetrated above two hundred leagues, always following the course of the river, during which space they got only wild fruits and roots to support them, Gonzalo gave orders to Francisco de Orellana, one of his captains, to go forwards in the bark with fifty men in search of provisions; with orders to load his bark with these if he found any, leaving all the baggage at a place where two great rivers joined, according to information received from the Indians; and likewise to leave two canoes in a river which crossed the road to that place by land, to serve for ferrying over the troops.
   Orellana set out accordingly in the bark, and was very soon carried by the current to the appointed place where the two rivers met; but finding no provisions, and considering the immense difficulty of going up the river against a rapid current, he resolved to trust himself to the stream to try his fortune in that way. He even neglected to leave the two canoes at this place according to the orders of Gonzalo; and although several of those who were along with him in the bark urged him to remain according to the orders of his general, he insisted upon going forwards, even maltreating Friar Gaspard de Carvajal, who opposed this act of mutiny and desertion more forcibly than any of the rest. In his progress down the river, Orellana and his people frequently landed in search of provisions, and had often to fight with the Indians, who sometimes even attacked him in the bark by means of canoes, on which occasion the Spaniards could hardly defend themselves they were so crowded. On this last account he built a second bark, at a place where the Indians received him in a friendly manner and supplied him with provisions. From these Indians he was informed of a district a few days journey farther on, which was entirely inhabited by women, who made war and defended themselves agaist their neighbours207.
   Following continually the stream of the river, but without finding any gold or silver, or the least indication of these metals, Orellana arrived at the mouth of this river on the Atlantic Ocean, about 350 leagues from the island of Cubagua. This great river is called the Maragnon or Marannon, from a person of that name who first discovered its mouth. It takes its rise in Peru on the eastern slopes of the Andes of Quito, and its entire course measured in a straight line extends to 700 leagues; but following all its flexures from the Andes to the ocean, it measures at least 1800 leagues. At its mouth it measures 15 leagues in breadth, and in many parts of its course is three or four leagues broad. Orellana went afterwards into Spain208, where he gave an account to his majesty of his discovery, which he pretended to have made at his own charges. He alleged that he had discovered a very rich country inhabited by a nation of warlike females, on which account the country and river came to be called of the Amazons. Having procured a commission of governor of this new country from his majesty, he levied a force of five hundred men for its conquest, with which he embarked from Seville: But having a most unprosperous voyage, in which his people suffered much from scarcity of provisions, most of his followers deserted from him at the Canaries, leaving him almost alone. He died during the subsequent part of the voyage, and all his remaining companions dispersed themselves among the islands.
   Gonzalo Pizarro was reduced to prodigious straits in consequence of the desertion of Orellana, both by the want of provisions and the difficulty of passing the rivers in his course; besides which Orellana had carried away with him a great quantity of gold, silver, and emeralds, which he converted to his own use in making his solicitations at the court of Spain, and in fitting out his expedition for the conquest and settlement of Amazonia. On his arrival at the place where Orellana had been ordered to leave the canoes, for the purpose of facilitating the passage of certain rivers which fall into the great Maranon, Gonzalo and his people were exceedingly embarrassed, and had to make other canoes with much difficulty to enable them to cross over, that they might continue their journey. When they came afterwards to where the two large rivers joined209, and where Orellana ought to have waited for them, they found a Spaniard who had been left at this place by Orellana, because he had opposed the continuation of the voyage, and preferred to wait in that place for his general210. By his account, Orellana had renounced his dependence on Gonzalo Pizarro, meaning to proceed to discover the river in his own name and authority, and had prevailed on the people who accompanied him to elect him of new for their captain.
   By the loss of their vessel Gonzalo and his men were deprived of every means of procuring provisions from the Indians, as all the mirrors, bells, and other baubles for trading with the natives of the country had been put on board the bark. In this hopeless and discouraging situation, above four hundred leagues distant from Quito, they came to the immediate resolution of returning to that city; although, from the length and difficulty of the way, through forests and marshes, they had very little hope of ever getting back, and could hardly expect to escape dying of famine in the mountains and deserts over which they had to pass. In fact above forty actually died of famine during the march. After recommending themselves to the mercy of God, they began their march in great dejection; and as the way in which they came from Peru was full of difficulties and destitute of provisions, they took another road in their return, altogether at hazard, which they did not find in any degree better than the former211. Before reaching Peru, they were under the necessity of killing all their remaining horses to keep themselves from starving, and even to eat all their dogs. In the course of this journey likewise, they were reduced to the necessity of feeding on certain strings, or twining plants, a good deal like the tendrils of vines, which they found in the woods, and which had the taste of garlic. During this march a wild cat or a turkey sold for four dollars, and one of the sea-birds named Alcatraz, formerly mentioned as being very bad eating, brought a dollar or more, although reckoned very unwholesome.
   Some short time before Gonzalo got to Peru intelligence of his return had reached Quito, on which the inhabitants collected a considerable number of swine and Peruvian sheep which they sent off to meet him. They sent off at the same time a good many horses, and a supply of clothes for Gonzalo and his officers. This seasonable supply met them above fifty leagues from Quito, and one may easily judge that it was received with much joy, especially the provisions. The whole party, from the general to the private soldier, was almost entirely naked; as, from the almost continual rains to which they had been exposed, and the other hardships of their journey, their clothes were all rotten and torn to rags, and they were reduced to the necessity of covering themselves with the skins of beasts. Their swords were all without scabbards, and almost destroyed with rust. Their legs and arms were torn and scratched by the brushwood, thorns, and brakes, through which they had travelled; and the whole party were so pale, lean, and worn out with fatigue and famine, that their most intimate acquaintances were hardly able to recognize them. Among all their privations, what they felt the most unsufferable, was the want of salt, of which they had not been able to procure the smallest supply for above two hundred leagues.
   On arriving in the kingdom of Quito, where every thing they stood in need of was brought them, they knelt down and kissed the ground as a mark of gratitude and satisfaction, and returned thanks to God for their preservation from so many dangers. Such was their eagerness for food after so long famine, that it became necessary to regulate their supply, and only to allow them to eat by little and little at a time, till their stomachs became accustomed to digest their food. As there had only been sent from Quito a sufficiency of horses and clothes for Gonzalo and his officers, they refused to avail themselves of either, not choosing to enjoy any advantages which they could not share with their soldiers, by which they rendered themselves extremely popular and gained their affection greatly. They arrived at Quito in the morning, and went immediately to church to hear mass, and to give thanks to God for their delivery from so many and severe evils; after which every one retired to his quarters, to refresh and clothe themselves according to their means. This country of Los Canelos, whence the cinnamon is procured, is immediately under the equinoctial line, similar in that respect to the Molucca islands, whence cinnamon is brought into Spain and other parts of Europe212.