SECTION XVIII. Negotiations of Cortes at the Court of Spain, in respect to the Conquest and Government of Mexico
   In the year 1521, the holy father Adrian de Lobayana, succeeded to the papacy, he being then governor of Castille and resident in the city of Vittoria, where our agents waited upon him to kiss the foot of his holiness. About the same time a great nobleman, named M. de la Soa, arrived from Germany, who was chamberlain to our emperor, and was sent by him to congratulate the new pope on his election. When this nobleman was informed of the heroic deeds of the conquerors of Mexico, and the great things they had performed for the extension of the holy faith, by the conversion and baptism of such myriads of Indians, he became interested in our behalf, and made application to his holiness to expedite the business of our agents. This was readily acceded to, as besides the allegations of our agents, the pope had received other complaints against the bishop of Burgos from persons of quality and honour. Our chief agents on this occasion were Francisco de Montejo, Diego de Ordas, Francisco Nunez cousin to our general, and his father Martin Cortes; who were countenanced by many powerful noblemen, and chiefly by the Duke of Bejar. Thus supported, they brought forward their charges against the bishop to good purpose. These were, that Velasquez had bribed the bishop by the gift of a considerable district in Cuba, the natives of which were made to work in the gold mines for his emolument, to the manifest injury of the royal revenue. That when, in 1517, 110 of us had sailed at our own expence under the command of Hernandez de Cordova for the discovery of New Spain, the bishop had falsely informed his majesty that it was done by Velasquez. That Velasquez had transmitted 20,000 crowns in gold, which had been procured by his nephew Juan de Grijalva on our second voyage, all of which was given to the bishop, and no part of it to his majesty to whom it belonged. That when Cortes sent home a large contribution in gold to his majesty, the bishop had suppressed our letters, substituting others, and ascribed the present to Velasquez, retaining half of the treasure to his own use; and, when Puertocarrera applied to him for permission to wait upon his majesty, the bishop had thrown him into prison, where he died. That the bishop had forbidden the officers of the Casa de contratation of Seville to give any assistance to Cortes, by which the public service had suffered manifest injury. That he had appointed very unfit persons to the military command in New Spain, as was particularly the case with regard to Christoval de Tapia, to whom he had given a commission as governor of New Spain, in order to bring about a marriage between his niece and Tapia. That he had given authenticity to the false accounts transmitted by the agents of Velasquez, suppressing the true relations which came from Cortes. There were many other charges against the bishop which he could not gainsay, as they were all substantiated by good evidence.
   All these things being made clear to his holiness, he was pleased to order, that the bishop should have no longer any authority in regard to the affairs of New Spain, of which the government should be conferred on Cortes, and that Velasquez should be remunerated for all the expences he had incurred on account of the expedition, which he could duly substantiate. His holiness sent also to New Spain, a great number of indulgences for the hospitals and churches, and recommended to Cortes and the other conquerors to pay unremitting attention to the conversion of the Indians, and was pleased to send us his holy bulls of absolution. His majesty graciously confirmed all these orders of the pope, ordering Velasquez to be deprived of the government of Cuba, on account of having sent the expedition under Narvaez, in defiance of peremptory orders to the contrary from the royal audience of St Domingo, and the Jeronymite brethren. The bishop was so much affected by his disgrace on this occasion, that he fell dangerously ill.
   About this time, Panfilo de Narvaez and Christoval de Tapia arrived in Spain, together with the pilot Umbria and Cardenas, who by the instigation of the bishop of Burgos, preferred many severe accusations against Cortes to his majesty, in which they were gladly joined by the agents of Velasquez. They alleged, that Velasquez had fitted out three several expeditions for New Spain at vast expence, the last of which he had confided to Cortes, who broke his engagements and converted the armament to his own advantage. That when Velasquez sent Narvaez as governor of New Spain, with his majesties commission, Cortes made war upon him, defeated him and made him a prisoner. That when the bishop of Burgos sent Tapia to take the command of New Spain in the name of his majesty, Cortes refused obedience, and compelled him to re-embark. They also accused Cortes of having embezzled a great quantity of gold which he had obtained for his majesty; of taking a fifth of all the plunder to his own use; of having tortured Guatimotzin; of defrauding the soldiers of their shares; of making the natives of Mexico construct for his use magnificent palaces and castles as large as villages; of having poisoned Francisco de Garay, in order to get possession of his ships and troops, and many other charges of a similar nature. By command of his majesty, a court of inquiry was appointed from the privy council, to hear and determine upon these allegations, before which the following answers were given in. That Cordova was the real discoverer of New Spain, which had been done by him and his companions at their own cost. That although Velasquez had sent Juan de Grijalva on an expedition to New Spain, it was only for the purpose of trade, and not of colonization. That the principal charges had been expended by the different captains, and not by Velasquez, who had received the chief part of 20,000 crowns which these captains had collected. That Velasquez gave Indians in Cuba to the bishop of Burgos to collect gold for him, which ought to have belonged to his majesty. That although it was true Velasquez had sent Cortes to New Spain, his orders were only to barter; and the establishment he had made was entirely owing to the representations of his companions for the service of God and his majesty, and in no respect due to the instructions of Velasquez. That it was well known to all, that Cortes had reported the whole of his proceedings to his majesty, to whom he and his companions sent all the gold they could procure, waiting his majesties ultimate orders in the utmost humility; whereas the bishop of Burgos suppressed his letters, and appropriated the gold to his own use, concealing our meritorious services from his majesty, preventing our agents from gaining access to the emperor, and even throwing one of them into prison, where he died; and that he prevented the royal officers from supplying us with such things as we needed, by which our enterprize had been much retarded. That all these things had been done by the bishop from corrupt motives, that he might give the government of Mexico to Velasquez or Tapia, in order that one of them might marry his niece Donna Petronilla de Fonseca, being anxious to make his son-in-law governor of that splendid kingdom. As for the expedition of Narvaez, our agents contended that Velasquez ought to suffer death for having sent it in direct disobedience of his majesties orders as communicated by the royal audience; and that he had behaved with high disrespect to his majesty, in making his application to the bishop of Burgos on this occasion. In support of all these accusations they offered to bring substantial proofs, and prayed the court to award punishment for these multiplied offences.
   In reply to the accusations of Narvaez against Cortes, they represented, that Narvaez sent word to Montezuma on his arrival in Mexico, that he came to rescue him, by which he occasioned a dangerous war. That when Cortes desired to see his commission, and represented the necessity of an amicable junction of their forces for the good of the service, Narvaez would give no answer, but immediately declared war against Cortes and his companions, by which they were forced to defend themselves, and that Narvaez had even presumed to seize his majesties oydor, for which Cortes deemed it requisite to bring him to punishment. That when Cortes went to wait on Narvaez, that he might see his commission and remonstrate with him on his proceedings, Narvaez had attempted to make him prisoner by surprise, of which proof could be made by witnesses. As to the failure of Garay, and the ridiculous charge of having poisoned him; it was well known that the expedition under Garay had failed through his own misconduct and ignorance of the country; after which he had gladly accepted the friendly offers of Cortes, who had given him an hospitable reception in Mexico, where an alliance was agreed upon between their families, and Garay was to have been assisted in establishing a colony on the river Palmas; and finally, it was established beyond all doubt, by the oaths of the physicians who attended him, that Garay had died of a pleurisy. In regard to the charge of retaining his majesties fifth, it was proved that Cortes had fairly expended it in the public service, together with 6000 crowns of his own property. That the fifth which he had retained for himself, was according to compact with the soldiers; and as to the shares belonging to the soldiers, it was well known that very little gold was found in Mexico on its capture, as almost all the wealth of the place had fallen into the hands of our allies of Tlascala and Tezcuco. That the torture given to Guatimotzin had been done by his majesties officers, contrary to the inclination of Cortes, in order to force a discovery of where the treasures of Montezuma had been concealed. As for the buildings, though certainly sumptuous, they were intended for the use of his majesty and his successors, and that the work had been carried on by the Indians, under the order of Guatimotzin, as was always done in building houses for the great in that country. As to Alonzo de Avila having taken the commission from Narvaez by force; it appeared there was no commission among his papers, which consisted entirely of receipts for the purchase of horses and the like; and farther, that these papers had been taken without any order from Cortes, who never saw any of them. As for Tapia, it was urged, that if he had come to Mexico and produced his majesties orders, they should have been received and obeyed by Cortes with the utmost humility: But that his incapacity was so notorious to every one then in New Spain, that it was the universal advice and desire of all that Cortes should retain the command. As to the pilot Umbria, whose feet had been cut off, this had been done in the due course of justice, for having run away with his ship. That Cardenas had consented along with all the rest to give up his share of the gold, that the whole might be sent to his majesty; and that Cortes had given him 300 crowns from his own pocket, which was more than he deserved, being a person of no consideration and no soldier.
   The court having duly weighed all the charges and answers, the whole proceedings were reported to his majesty, together with their opinion and sentence, which were entirely in favour of Cortes, whose merit and valour, and that of all the veteran conquerors of Mexico, were highly praised. Velasquez was enjoined silence in respect to his complaints against Cortes, and was told that he might seek for the remuneration of his expences by a legal process. Cortes was declared governor-general of New Spain, pursuant to the orders of the pope, and the court approved of the arrangements which he had made in the country, authorizing him to distribute and appoint the districts or repartimientos in the way he thought proper. Narvaez was referred for redress to France, where Avila was still a prisoner. The pilots Umbria and Cardenas obtained royal grants of property in New Spain, to the extent of a thousand crowns in annual rent. And it was ordained that all the veterans of Cortes should have immediate and ample gratifications in lands and Indians, with such precedency in rank as their valour and services had deserved. This sentence was confirmed by the emperor at Valladolid, who was then on his road to Flanders; and he gave orders likewise for the banishment of all relapsed converts in New Spain, and that no Scholars76 should be admitted into that country for a certain term of years. His majesty, and his brother the king of Hungary, were graciously pleaded to write letters to Cortes, and to us the conquerors, thanking us for the good service we had performed.
   This affair being decided in our favour, the necessary documents were entrusted to two relations of Cortes, Roderigo de Paz and Francisco de las Casas, who carried them in the first place to St Jago in the island of Cuba, where Velasquez resided. On the sentence being made known to him, and proclaimed by sound of trumpet, he fell ill from vexation, and died soon afterwards poor and miserable. Francisco de Montejo had the government of Yucutan and Cozumel from his majesty, with the title of Don. Diego de Ordas was ennobled, getting for his coat of arms the volcano of Guaxocingo, and was confirmed in all his possessions in New Spain. He went back to Spain two years afterwards to solicit permission to conquer the province of Maranion, in which enterprize he lost his life and all his property. On the arrival of Las Casas and De Paz in Mexico with the appointment of Cortes to the government, there were great rejoicings everywhere. Las Casas was made a captain, and got the encomienda of a good district called Anquitlan; and De Paz was appointed major-domo and secretary to Cortes, getting likewise valuable possessions. Cortes liberally rewarded the captain of the vessel which brought out this pleasing information, and provided handsomely for all who came out to New Spain from his native country of Medellin. All the proceedings of our agents in Spain were regularly conveyed to us the conquerors; but it seemed to me that they agented solely for Cortes and themselves, as we who had raised Cortes to his greatness, were continually encountering dangers and hardships, without any reward. May God protect us, and inspire our great emperor to cause his just intentions towards us to be carried into effect. To us, the ancient, wise, and brave conquerors of Mexico, it appeared that Cortes ought to have duly considered his true friends, who had supported him from the first through all his difficulties and dangers, and ought to have rewarded us according to our respective merits, and his majesties orders, by giving us good and profitable situations, instead of leaving us poor and miserable. By his majesties orders, and by his duty, Cortes was bound to have given to us and our children all the good offices in the kingdom of New Spain; but be thought only of himself and his favourites. In our opinion, who were the conquerors, the whole country ought to have been divided into five equal parts, allotting one to the crown, another for the holy church, and the remaining three parts to Cortes and the rest of us, who were the true original conquerors, giving each a share in perpetuity in proportion to our rank and merits, considering that we had not only served his majesty in gratuity, but without his knowledge, and, almost against his will. This arrangement would have placed us at our ease; instead of which, many of us are wandering about, almost without a morsel to eat, and God only knows what may become of our children.
   To the veedor Pedro Alonzo Chirinos, Gonzalo Salazar the factor, Rodrigo Albornos the contador, and many others who came now from Spain, and to the dependents of great men, who flattered him and told him fine tales, Cortes refused nothing; but he treated us the true conquerors like vassals, forgetting us entirely in the distribution of property, yet never failing to call upon us when he wanted our assistance, as if we had been fit only for expeditions and battles. I do not blame him for being generous, as there was enough for all; but he ought in the first place to have considered those who had served his majesty in the conquest of this noble kingdom, and to whose blood and valour he was indebted for his own elevation. Long afterwards, when Luis Ponce de Leon came out to supersede Cortes, we the veteran conquerors represented to our general that he ought to give us that property which he had been ordered by his majesty to resign. He expressed his sorrow for having so long neglected us, and promised even with an oath, that he would provide for us all, if he returned to his government, thinking to satisfy us with smooth words and empty promises.

SECTION XIX. Of an Expedition against the Zapotecas, and various other Occurrences
   Intelligence was brought to Mexico that the Zapotecas were in rebellion, on which Rodrigo Rangel, whom I have several times mentioned already, solicited Cortes to be appointed to the command of an expedition for their reduction, that he too might have an opportunity of acquiring fame, proposing likewise to take Pedro de Ircio along with him as his lieutenant and adviser. Cortes knew well that Rangel was very unfit for any service of danger or difficulty, being a miserably diseased object, the effect of his sins, and put him off therefore by various excuses; but as he was a very slanderous fellow, whom he wished to get rid of, he at length agreed to his proposal, and at the same time wrote for ten or twelve veterans, then residing in Coatzacualco, of whom I was one, desiring us to accompany Rangel on this expedition. The country of the Zapotecas is composed of high and rugged mountains, always enveloped in clouds and mists, with such narrow and bad roads as to be unfit for cavalry, so steep that they must be climbed up like ladders, each successive soldier of the file having his head at the heels of the man immediately before him. The natives of these mountains are light and active, and have a way of whistling and shouting, so as to make the hills resound again, insomuch that it is hardly possible to know on which side they are coming to attack. Against such enemies in so strong a country, and with such a leader, it was impossible for us to effect any thing. We advanced, however, under heavy rain, to a scattered village, part of the houses being situated on a rocky ridge, and the rest in a valley, and well it was for us that the Indians made no stand, as poor Rangel whined and moaned the whole way, complaining of pains in his limbs, and the severity of the weather. It was at last agreed, as he grew every day worse and worse, that we could be of no use here, and were exposing ourselves needlessly to danger, to abandon this fruitless expedition, and return to our homes. Pedro de Ircio was among the first who advised this, and soon set the example, by retiring to his own town of Villa Rica; but Rangel chose rather to go along with us to Coatzacualco, to our great dissatisfaction, as he expected benefit from that warm climate to relieve him of his pains.
   We were hardly returned to Coatzacualco, when Rangel took it into his head to go upon an expedition against the Indians of Cimatan and Tatupan, who continued in rebellion, confiding in the impracticability of their country, among large rivers and trembling marshes; being also very formidable warriors, who used very long bows of great strength. We were all very averse from this, but as Rangel produced his commission from Cortes, we were under the necessity to obey, and accordingly set out on the expedition, with about 100 horse and foot. We soon arrived at a pass among lakes and marshes, where the Indians had thrown up a strong circular entrenchment of large trees and pallisades, having loop-holes to shoot through, and where they gave us a very warm reception with a flight of darts and arrows, by which they killed seven horses, and wounded Rangel and eight of our men. We had often told him what stout warriors these Indians were, and he now declared that in future the old conquerors should command him, and not he us, for he would not have been now in such jeopardy if he had listened to our advice. When our wounded men and horses were dressed, he requested me to go forward to reconnoitre, on which I took two comrades, and a fierce dog belonging to Rangel, desiring the infantry to follow close behind, but that Rangel and the cavalry might keep at a good distance in the rear. In this order we pursued our march for Cimatan, and soon fell in with another post, fortified like the former, and as strongly defended, whence the Indians assailed us with a shower of arrows, which killed the dog, and wounded us all three. On this occasion I received a wound in my leg, and had seven arrows sticking in my cotton armour. I immediately called to some of our Indian auxiliaries, who were a little way behind, to desire all the infantry to come up immediately, but that all the cavalry must remain behind, as otherwise they would certainly lose their horses. We soon drove the Indians from their entrenchments; but they took refuge among the marshes, where we could not pursue them without running the risk of sinking at every step.
   Having passed the night at an Indian village, we proceeded forwards next day, when we were opposed by a body of Indians posted in a marsh on the border of an open plain. In spite of every thing we could say, Rangel made a charge upon them with his cavalry, and was the first to tumble head foremost into the marsh, where the Indians closed in upon him, in hope of taking him alive for sacrifice. By great exertions we rescued him from their hands, half drowned and badly wounded. The country being very populous, we very soon found a village which the natives had abandoned, where we went for the purpose of refreshment, and to dress our wounded men: But had hardly been there a quarter of an hour, when the enemy attacked us with such violence, that we had much ado to repel them, after they had killed one of our men and two horses. Poor Rangel complained grievously of his wounds and bruises, and was so infested by mosquitoes and other vermin, which abound greatly in that country, that he could not rest either day or night. He, and some of the soldiers who had belonged to Garay that accompanied him, grew very sick of their expedition, in which nothing had been got except three hard fought battles, in which eleven horses and two soldiers had been slain, and many others wounded, on which account they were very desirous to get home again; yet Rangel was averse from having it appear that a retreat was his choice, and got, therefore, a council of those who were of his own opinion to propose that measure. At this time, I and about twenty more had gone out to try if we could make any prisoners, and had taken five among some gardens and plantations near the village. On my return, Rangel called me aside, and informed me that his council had determined on a retreat, and desired me to persuade the rest of the detachment to come into that opinion. "How, Sir," said I, "can you think of a retreat? What will Cortes and the world say of you, when they hear of your retreating in two successive expeditions, without having done any thing? You cannot surely return without disgrace, till you have reached the head town of these Indians. I will go forward on foot with the infantry to reconnoitre: Give my horse to another soldier, and you may follow in the rear with the cavalry." "You give good advice, said Rangel, and we will march on." This was done accordingly, to the great regret of many of our companions, and we advanced in good order to Cimatan, the principal town of the district, where we were saluted as usual by a shower of arrows. We entered the town, however, which was abandoned by the enemy, yet took several prisoners, whom I dismissed, with an invitation to the chiefs to come in and make peace with us; but they never returned. Rangel was very angry at me on this account, and swore that he would make me procure Indians for him, in place of those whom I had liberated. To pacify him, I went among the neighbouring marshes with thirty soldiers, where we picked up several stragglers, whom we brought to him. But he dismissed these likewise, in hopes to induce the rest to submit, yet all to no purpose. Thus ended the two famous expeditions against the Zapotecans and Cimatanese, and such was all the fame acquired by Rangel in the wars of New Spain. Two years afterwards, we effected the conquest of both these countries, the natives of which were converted to our holy religion, by the grace of God, and through the exertions of Father Olmedo, now grown weak and infirm, to the great regret of all who knew him, as he was an excellent minister of the gospel.
   Cortes had now collected 80,000 crowns in gold, and had caused a superb golden culverin to be made as a present for the emperor, on which the following motto was engraved:
   Esta ave nacio sin par: Yo en servir os sin segundo; Y vos sin iqual en el Mundo77.
   This sumptuous present was sent over to Spain under the care of Diego de Soto. I am uncertain whether Juan de Ribera, who had been secretary to Cortes went over at the same time with Soto; but I know that he carried over a sum of money for the generals father, which he appropriated to his own use; and, unmindful of the many obligations he had received, he reported much evil of Cortes, combining with the bishop of Burgos and others to injure him. I always thought him a bad man, from what I had observed of him when engaged in gaming, and many other circumstances: But, as he was of a fluent speech, and had been secretary to Cortes, he did him much harm, and would have injured him much more, if it had not been for the interest of the Duke of Bejar, who protected Cortes, who was then engaged in a treaty of marriage with the dukes niece, Donna Juana de Zuniga78. By this interest, and combined with the magnificent present brought over by Soto, the affairs of Cortes at the court of Spain took a favourable turn. The golden Phoenix with its motto, gave great offence to many, who thought it presumptuous in Cortes to insinuate that he had no equal in his services: But his friends justly defended him, observing that no one had so far extended the fame and power of his majesty, or had brought so many thousand souls under the dominion of the holy catholic church as he had done. Neither did they forget the merits of us his associates, truly declaring that we were entitled to honours and emoluments, which we had as justly earned as the original nobles of Castille, whose estates and honours were now enjoyed by their descendents. The culverin went no farther than Seville, as his majesty was graciously pleased to give it to Don Francisco de los Cobos, commendator-major of Leon, who melted it down. Its value was 20,000 ducats. Martin Cortes, our generals father, brought a suit against Ribera for the money of which he had defrauded him; and while that was pending, Ribera died suddenly while at dinner, and without confession. May God pardon his sins! Amen.
   Cortes continued to rebuild and embellish the city of Mexico, which was again as well peopled by natives as ever it had been before the conquest. All of these were exempted from paying tribute to his majesty, till their houses were built, and till the causeways, bridges, public edifices, and aqueducts, were all restored. In that quarter of the city appropriated to the Spaniards, churches and hospitals were erected under the superintendence of Father Olmedo, as vicar and superior; who likewise established an hospital for the natives, to whom he paid particular attention. In compliance with our petition, formerly mentioned, the general of the Franciscans sent over twelve of his order, under the vicarage of Father Martin de Valentia. Among these came Father Torribio de Motolinea, which name, signifying poor brother, he acquired from the Mexicans, because all that he received in charity he gave away in the same manner, going always barefooted in a tattered habit, preaching to the natives, and often in want of food. When Cortes learnt that these reverend fathers were arrived at Villa Rica, he ordered the road to Mexico to be repaired, and to have houses built at proper intervals for their accommodation; commanding the inhabitants of all the towns in the way to meet them with the utmost reverence, ringing their bells, bearing crucifixes and lighted wax-candles, and that all the Spaniards should kneel down and kiss their hands. On their approach to Mexico, Cortes went out to meet them, and dismounting from his horse, kneeled down to kiss the hands of the vicar. The natives were astonished to see so much honour conferred on these reverend fathers in tattered garments and bare feet, and considering them as gods, they all followed the example of the general, and have ever since behaved to them with the utmost reverence.
   About this time, Cortes informed his majesty of his proceedings with regard to the conversion of the natives, and rebuilding the city of Mexico; and also of the conduct of De Oli, whom he had sent to reduce the province of Higueras, but who had deserted and joined the party of Velasquez, on which account he had resolved to send a force to reduce him to obedience. He complained also of the proceedings of Velasquez, to the great injury of his majesties service, and of the partiality which had been shewn by the bishop of Burgos. At this time likewise, he remitted 30,000 crowns in gold to the royal treasury, lamenting the injurious effects of the proceedings of Velasquez and the bishop, which had prevented him from making a much larger contribution. He complained also against the contador, Rodrigo de Albornos, who had aspersed him from private pique, because he had refused to give him in marriage the daughter of the prince of Tezcuco; and that he understood Albornos corresponded in cyphers with the bishop of Burgos. Cortes had not yet learnt that the bishop was removed from the management of the affairs of the Indies. By the same ship, Albornos sent home accusations against Cortes; charging him with the levy of exorbitant contributions in gold for his own use; fortifying castles to defend himself, and marrying his private soldiers to the daughters of the native lords: insinuating that Cortes was endeavouring to set himself up as an independent king, and that it was highly necessary to send out an able officer with a great force to supersede him. The bishop of Burgos laid these letters before the whole junto of the enemies of Cortes, who immediately produced this new accusation to the emperor, complaining of the partial favour which had been shewn him on former occasions. Deceived by these misrepresentations, which were enforced by Narvaez, his majesty issued an order to the admiral of Hispaniola, to go with six hundred soldiers to arrest Cortes, and to make him answer with his head if found guilty; as also to punish all of us who had been concerned in attacking Narvaez. As an encouragement, this officer was promised the admiralty of New Spain, the right to which was then under litigation. Either from want of money, or because he was afraid of committing himself against so able and successful a commander, the admiral delayed his expedition so long, that the friends and agents of Cortes had time to make a full explanation of all the circumstances to the Duke of Bejar, who immediately represented a true statement of the case to the emperor, and offered to pledge his own life in security for the loyalty of Cortes. Being on due consideration quite satisfied of the justice of our cause, his majesty determined to send out a person of high quality and good character to hold a supreme court of justice in New Spain. The person chosen for this purpose was Luis Ponce de Leon, cousin to Don Martin, Count of Cordova; whom his majesty entrusted to inquire into the conduct of Cortes, with full power to inflict capital punishment if guilty. But it was two years and a half before this gentleman arrived in New Spain.
   I now go beyond the date of my narrative to inform my readers of a circumstance which happened during the viceroyalty of that illustrious nobleman, Don Antonio de Mendoza, worthy of eternal memory and heavenly glory for his wise and just government. Albornos wrote malignant and slanderous letters against him, as he had before done of Cortes, which letters were all sent back from Spain to Don Antonio. When he had read all the gross abuse which they contained, he sent for Albornos, to whom he shewed his own letters; saying mildly, in his usual slow manner, "When you are pleased to make me the subject of your letters to his majesty, remember always in future to tell the truth."

SECTION XX. Narrative of the Expedition of Cortes to Higueras
   I have formerly mentioned the revolt of De Oli. Cortes was much distressed on receiving this intelligence, and immediately sent off his relation, Francisco de las Casas, with five ships and a hundred well appointed soldiers, among whom were some of the veteran conquerors of Mexico, with orders to reduce De Oli. Las Casas soon arrived at the bay of Triumpho de la Cruz, where De Oli had established his head-quarters; and though Las Casas hoisted a signal of peace, De Oli determined on resistance, and sent a number of soldiers in two armed vessels to oppose Las Casas, who ordered out his boats armed with swivels and musquetry to attack those belonging to De Oli. In this affair Las Casas was successful, as he sunk one of the vessels belonging to De Oli, killed four of his soldiers, and wounded a great number. On this misfortune, and because a considerable number of his soldiers were on a detached service in the inland country, for the purpose of reducing a party of Spaniards under Gil Gonzalez de Avila, who was employed in making conquests on the river Pechin, De Oli thought it advisable to propose terms of peace to Las Casas, in hopes that his detachment might return to his assistance. Las Casas unfortunately agreed to treat, and remained at sea; partly for the purpose of finding some better place of disembarkation, and partly induced by letters from the friends of Cortes who were along with De Oli. That same night a heavy storm arose, by which the vessels of Las Casas were driven on shore and utterly lost, and above thirty of the soldiers perished. All the rest were made prisoners two days afterwards, having been all that time on shore without food, and almost perished with cold, as it was the season of almost incessant rain. De Oli obliged all his prisoners to swear fidelity to him against Cortes, and then released them all except Las Casas.
   The party which he sent against De Avila returned about this time, having been successful in their errand. Avila had gone with a party to reduce the country about the Golfe Dolce, and had founded a settlement to which he gave the name of St Gil de buena vista; and the troops sent against him, after killing his nephew and eight of his soldiers, made himself and all the rest prisoners. De Oli was now much elated by his success, in having made two captains belonging to Cortes prisoners, and sent off a full account of his exploits to his friend Velasquez. He afterwards marched up the country to a place called Naco in a very populous district, which is all now laid waste. While here, he sent off various detachments in different directions, among which one was commanded by Briones, who had first instigated him to revolt; bat Briones now revolted from him in his turn, and marched off with all his men for New Spain. He was a seditious fellow, who had on some former occasion had the lower part of his ears cut off, which he used to say had been done for refusing to surrender in some fortress or other. He was afterwards hanged at Guatimala for mutiny.
   De Oli was personally brave but imprudent, and permitted Las Casas and Avila to be at large, disdaining to be under any apprehensions from them; but they concerted a plan with some of the soldiers for putting him to death. Las Casas one day asked him, as if half in jest, for liberty to return to Cortes; but De Oli said he was too happy to have the company of so brave a man, and could not part with him. "Then" said Las Casas, "I advise you to take care of me, for I shall kill you one of these days". De Oli considered this as a joke, but measures were actually concerted for the purpose; and one night after supper, when the servants and pages had withdrawn to their own apartment, Las Casas, Avila, Juan de Mercado, and some other soldiers attached to Cortes, suddenly drew out their penknives and fell upon De Oli. Las Casas seized him by the beard, and made a cut at his throat, and the rest gave him several wounds; but being strong and active, he escaped from their hands, calling loudly to his people for assistance, but they were all too busy at their suppers to hear him. He then fled and concealed himself among some bushes, calling out for assistance, and many of his people turned out for that purpose; but Las Casas called upon them to rally on the side of the king and his general Cortes, which after some hesitation they consented to. De Oli was made prisoner by the two captains, who shortly afterwards sentenced him to be beheaded, which was carried into execution in the town of Naco. He was a brave man, but of no foresight, and thus paid with his life for following evil counsels. He had received many favours from Cortes, having valuable estates, and the commission of Maestre de Campo. His lady, Donna Philippa de Aranja, was a Portuguese, by whom he had one daughter. Las Casas and Avila now joined their troops together, and acted in concert as captains under Cortes. Las Casas colonized Truzilo in New Estremadura. Avila sent orders to his lieutenant in Buena Vista to remain in charge of that establishment, promising to send him a reinforcement as soon as possible, for which purpose he meant to go to Mexico.
   Some months after the departure of Las Casas, Cortes became afraid of some disaster, and repented that he had not gone himself on the expedition, and now resolved to go himself, that he might examine the state of the country and the mines it was said to contain. He left a good garrison in Mexico, and appointed Alonzo de Estrada and Albornos, the treasurer and contador, to carry on the government in his absence, with strict injunctions to pay every attention to the interest of his majesty, and recommended to Motolinca and Olmedo to labour incessantly in converting the natives. On purpose to deprive the Mexicans of chiefs during his absence, he took along with him Guatimotzin the late king of Mexico, the prince of Tacuba, an Indian now named Velasquez, who had been a captain under Guatimotzin, and several other caciques of consequence. We had along with us Fra Juan de las Varillas, and several other good theologians to preach to the Indians, as also the captains Sandoval and Marin and many other cavaliers. On this occasion, Cortes, was attended by a splendid personal suit; such as a steward, paymaster, keeper of the plate, a major-domo, two stewards of the household, a butler, confectioner, physician, surgeon a number of pages, among whom was Francisco de Montejo, who was afterwards captain in Yutucan, two armour-bearers, eight grooms, two falconers, five musicians, a stage-dancer, a juggler and puppet-master, a master of the horse, and three Spanish muleteers. A great service of gold and silver plate accompanied the march, and a large drove of swine for the use of the table. Three thousand Mexican warriors attended their own chiefs, and a numerous train of domestic servants.
   When about to set out, the factor Salazar and veedor Chirinos, remonstrated with Cortes on the danger of leaving the seat of government; but finding him determined, they asked permission to accompany him to Coatzacualco, which he agreed to. Cortes was received in all the places on his way with much pomp and many rejoicings; and above fifty soldiers and straggling travellers newly arrived from Spain, joined us on the road. During the march to Coatzacualco, Cortes divided his troops into two detachments, for the convenience of quarters and provisions. While on the march, a marriage took place at the town of Ojeda near Orizava, between our linguist Donna Marina and Juan Xaramillo. As soon as the advance of Cortes to Guazpaltepec in the district of Sandoval was known at Coatzacualco, all the Spaniards of that settlement went above thirty leagues to meet him; in so much respect and awe was he held by us all. In proceeding beyond Guazpaltepec fortune began to frown upon us, as in passing a large river three of our canoes overset, by which some plate and other valuables were lost, and nothing could be recovered as the river swarmed with alligators. At Coatzacualco three hundred canoes were prepared for crossing the river, fastened two and two together to prevent oversetting, and we were here received under triumphal arches, with various festivities, such as mock skirmishes between Christian's and Moors, fireworks, and the like. Cortes remained six days at Coatzacualco, where the factor and veedor prevailed on Cortes to give them a commission to assume the government of Mexico in case they should judge that the present deputies failed in their duty. This measure occasioned much trouble afterwards in Mexico, as I shall explain hereafter; but these two associates took their leaves at this place, with much pretended tenderness and affection for the general, even affecting to sob and cry at parting.
   From Coatzacualco, Cortes sent orders to Simon de Cucena, one of his major-domos, to freight two light vessels at Villa Rica with biscuit made of maize flour, as there was then no wheat in Mexico, wine, oil, vinegar, pork, iron, and other necessaries, and to proceed with them along the coast till he had farther directions. Cortes now gave orders for all the settlers of Coatzacualco who were fit for duty, to join the expedition. This was a severe disappointment to us, as our colony was composed of most of the respectable hildagos, the veteran conquerors, who expected to have been allowed to enjoy our hard earned houses and lands in peace, instead of which we were obliged to undertake an arduous expedition of five hundred leagues, which took us up above two years and a half of infinite fatigues. We had nothing for it but compliance, so that we armed ourselves and mounted our horses; being in all above 250 veterans, 130 of whom were cavalry, besides many soldiers newly arrived from Old Spain. I was immediately dispatched at the head of 30 Spaniards and 3000 Mexicans, to reduce the district of Cimatan, which was then in rebellion. My orders were, if I found the natives submissive, I was merely to quarter my troops on the natives, and do them no farther injury. But, if refractory, they were to be summoned three times in presence of a royal notary and proper witnesses, after which, if they still persisted in rebellion, I was to make war on them and compel them to submit. The people received me in a peaceable manner, for which reason I marched on with my detachment to rejoin Cortes at Iquinapa. In consequence of the veterans being withdrawn from Coatzacualco, these people revolted again in a few months after. After I left him, the general proceeded with the rest of his troops to Tonala, crossing the river Aquacualco, and another river seven leagues from an arm of the sea, by a bridge a quarter of a league in length, which was constructed by the natives under the direction of two Spanish settlers of Coatzacualco. The army then proceeded to the large river Mazapa, called by seamen Rio de dos bocas, or Two-mouth river, which flows past Chiapa. Crossing this by means of double canoes, they proceeded through several villages to Iquinapa, where my detachment rejoined the army. Crossing another river and an arm of the sea, on wooden bridges, we came to a large town named Copilco, where the province of Chontalpa begins; a populous district, full of plantations of cacoa, which we found perfectly peaceable. From thence we marched by Nicaxuxica and Zagutan, passing another river, in which the general lost some part of his baggage. We found Zagutan in peace, yet the inhabitants fled during the night; on which Cortes ordered parties out into the woods to make prisoners. Seven chiefs and some others were taken, but they all escaped from us again in the night, and left us without guides. At this place fifty canoes arrived at our quarters from Tabasco, loaded with provisions, and some also from Teapan, a place in my encomienda.
   From Zagutan, we continued our march to Tepetitan, crossing a large river called Chilapa, where we were detained four days making barks. I here proposed sending five of our Indian guides to a town of the same name, which I understood was on the banks of this river, in order to desire the inhabitants to send their canoes to our assistance; which was accordingly done, and they sent us six large canoes and some provisions: Yet with all the aid we could procure, it took us four days to pass this river. From thence we went to Tepetitan, which was depopulated and burnt in consequence of a civil war. For three days of our march from the river Chilapa, our horses were almost constantly up to their bellies in the marshy grounds, and when we reached a place called Iztapa, it was found abandoned by the inhabitants; but several chiefs and others were brought in, who were treated kindly, and made the general some trifling presents of gold. As this place abounded in corn and grass, we halted three days to refresh the men and horses, and it was considered by Cortes as a good situation for a colony, being surrounded by a number of towns, which might serve as dependencies. Cortes received information from some travelling merchants at this place concerning the country he had to pass through, produced to them a map painted on cloth, representing the road to Huy-Acala, which signifies great Acala, there being another place of the same name. According to them, the way was much intersected by rivers, as, to reach a place named Tamaztepec, three days journey from Iztapa, there were three rivers and an arm of the sea to cross. In consequence of this intelligence, the general sent orders to the chiefs to provide canoes and construct bridges at the proper places, but neither of these things were done. Instead of three days, our march occupied us for a whole week; but the natives succeeded in getting quit of us, and we set out with only provisions of roasted maize and roots for three days, so that we were reduced to great straits, having nothing to eat but a wild plant called quexquexque, which inflamed our mouths. We were obliged to construct bridges of timber, at which every one had to labour from the general downwards; which detained us for three days. When we had crossed the last inlet, we were obliged to open a way through the woods with infinite labour, and after toiling in this manner for two days we were almost in despair. The trees were so thick that we could not see the sun; and on climbing to the top of one of the trees, we could not discover any thing but a continuation of the same impervious forest. Two of our guides had fled, and the only one who remained was utterly ignorant of the country. The resources of Cortes were quite inexhaustible, as he guided our way by a mariners compass, assisted by his Indian map, according to which the town of Huy-acala of which we were in search, lay to the east; but even he acknowledged that he knew not what might become of us, if we were one day longer of finding it out.
   We who were of the advanced guard fortunately at this time fell in with the remains of some trees which had been formerly cut, and a small lane or path, which seemed to lead towards a town or village. The pilot Lopez and I returned to the main body with intelligence of this happy discovery, which revived the spirits of our whole army. We accordingly made all possible haste in that direction, and soon came to a river, on the opposite side of which we found a village named Tamaztepec, where, though abandoned by the inhabitants, we found plenty of provisions for ourselves and horses. Parties were immediately sent out in search of the natives, who soon brought back many chiefs and priests who were well treated, and both supplied us plentifully with provisions, and pointed out our road to Izguantepec, which was three days journey, or sixteen leagues from the town where we now were. During our journey to this place, our stage-dancer and three of the new come Spaniards died of fatigue, and many of the Mexicans had been left behind to perish. We discovered likewise that some of the Mexican chiefs who accompanied us, had seized some of the natives of the places through which we passed, and had eaten them to appease their hunger. Cortes very severely reprimanded all who had been concerned in this barbarous deed, and one of our friars preached a holy sermon on the occasion; after which, as an example to deter our allies from this practice in future, the general caused one against whom this crime had been most clearly proved, to be burnt. All had been equally guilty, but one example was deemed sufficient on the present occasion. Our poor musicians felt severely the want of the feasts they had been used to in Spain, and their harmony was now stopt, except one fellow; but the soldiers used to curse him, saying they wanted maize not music. It may be asked, how we did not lay our hands on the herd of swine belonging to Cortes in our present state of starvation? But these were out of sight, and the steward alleged they had been devoured by the alligators on passing one of the rivers: In reality, they were artfully kept four days march behind the army. During our route, we used to carve crosses on the bark of trees, with inscriptions bearing, that Cortes and his army had passed this way at such and such a time.
   The Indians of Tamaztepec sent a message to Izguantepec, our next station, to inform the inhabitants, and that they might not be alarmed at our approach: They also deputed twenty of their number to attend us to that place as guides. After our arrival at Izguantepec, Cortes was curious to know the course of a large river which flowed past that place, and was informed that it discharged itself into the sea near two towns named Guegatasta and Xicolanga; from which he judged that this might be a convenient way in which to send for information concerning his ships under Cuenзa whom he had ordered to wait his orders on that part of the coast. He accordingly sent off two Spaniards on that errand, to one of whom, Francisco de Medina, he gave an order to act as joint commander along with Simon Cuenзa. Medina was a man of dilligence and abilities, and well acquainted with the country; but the commission he carried proved most unfortunate in its consequences. He found the ships waiting at Xicolanga, and on presenting his authority as joint captain, a dispute arose between
   him and Cuenзa as to which of them should have the chief command. Each was supported by a party, and had recourse to arms, in which all the Spaniards were slain except eight. The neighbouring Indians fell upon the survivors, and put them all to death; after which they plundered the ships and then destroyed them. It was two years and a half after this, before we knew what had become of the ships.
   We now learnt that the town of Huy-acala was three days march distant from our present quarters, and that the way lay across some deep rivers and trembling marshes. Two soldiers were sent on by Cortes to examine the route, who reported on their return that the rivers were passable by means of timber bridges, but as for the marshes, which were more material to know, they were beyond the rivers and had not been examined. Cortes sent me in the next place, along with one Gonzalo de Mexia and some Indian guides, with orders to go forward to Huy-acala to procure provisions, with which we were to meet him on the road. But our guides deserted us the first night, on account of the two nations being at war, and we were forced to rely entirely on ourselves for the remainder of the journey. On our arrival at the first town belonging to the district of Huy-acala, which has the supreme command over twenty other towns, the inhabitants seemed very jealous of us at first, but were soon reconciled. This district is much intersected by rivers, lakes, and marshes, and some of the dependent towns are situated in islands, the general communication being by means of canoes. We invited the chiefs to accompany us back to Cortes; but they declined this, because their nation was at war with the people of Izguantepec. It would appear that at our arrival they had no idea of the force of our army under Cortes; but, having received more accurate intelligence concerning it next day, they treated us with much deference, and promised that they would provide every accommodation for our army on its arrival. While still conversing, two other Spaniards came up to me with letters from Cortes, in which he ordered me to meet him within three days with all the provisions I could possibly collect; as the Indians of Izguantepec had all deserted him, and he was now on his march for Huy-acala entirely destitute of necessaries. These Spaniards also informed me, that four soldiers who had been detached farther up the river had not returned, and were supposed to have been murdered, which we learnt afterwards was the case. In pursuing his march, Cortes had been four days occupied in constructing a bridge over the great river, during which time the army suffered excessive famine, as they had come from their last quarters without provisions, owing to the desertion of the natives. Some of the old soldiers cut down certain trees resembling palms, by which means they procured nuts which they roasted and eat; but this proved a miserable recourse for so great a number. On the night that the bridge was completed, I arrived with 130 loads of provisions, consisting of corn, honey, fruit, salt, and fowls. It was then dark, and Cortes had mentioned his expectation of my arrival with provisions, in consequence of which, the soldiers waited for me and seized every thing I had, not leaving any thing for Cortes and the other officers. It was all in vain that the major-domo cried out, "this is for the general;" for the soldiers said the general and his officers had been eating their hogs, while they were starving, and neither threats nor entreaties could prevail on them to leave him a single load of corn. Cortes lost all patience, and swore he would punish those who had seized the provisions and spoken about the hogs; but he soon saw that it was better to be quiet. He then blamed me; but I told him he ought to have placed a guard to receive the provisions, as hunger knows no law. Seeing there was no remedy, Cortes, who was accompanied by Sandoval, addressed me as follows: "My dear friend, I am sure you must have something in reserve for yourself and your friend Sandoval, pray take us along with you that we may partake." Sandoval also assured me that he had not a single handful of maize. "Well," said I, "gentlemen, come to me when the soldiers are asleep, and you shall partake of what I had provided for myself and my companions." They both thanked and embraced me, and so we escaped famine for this bout, as I had with me twelve loads of maize, twenty fowls, three jars of honey, and some fruit and salt. Cortes made inquiry as to how the reverend fathers had fared; but they were well off, as every soldier gave them a share of what they had procured. Such are the hardships of military expeditions in unexplored countries. Feared as he was by the soldiers, our general was pillaged of his provisions, and in danger of starving, and both he and captain Sandoval were indebted to me for their rations.
   On continuing our march from the river for about a league, we came to the trembling marshes, where our horses had all been nearly destroyed; but the distance across did not exceed half a bowshot, between the firm ground on either side, and we got them through by main force. When we were all safe over, and had given thanks to God for our safety, Cortes sent on to Huy-acala for a fresh supply of provisions, and took care not to have these plundered like the former; and on the ensuing day, our whole army arrived early at Huy-acala, where the chiefs had made ample preparation for our reception. Having used every proper means to conciliate the chiefs of this nation, Cortes inquired from them as to the country we had still to march through, and whether they had heard of any ships being on the coast, or of any Europeans being settled in the country. He was informed, that at the distance of eight days journey, there were many men having beards like ourselves, who had horses and three ships. They also gave the general a map of the route, and offered every assistance in their power; but when asked to clear the road, they represented that some of their dependent districts had revolted, and requested our assistance to reduce them to obedience. This duty was committed to Diego de Mazariegos, a relation of the treasurer de Estrada, as a compliment to him, and Cortes desired me in private to accompany him as his counsellor, being experienced in the affairs of this country. I do not mention this circumstance, which is known to the whole army, by way of boast, but as my duty of historian requires it of me, and indeed his majesty was informed of it, in the letters which were written to him by Cortes. About eighty of us went on this occasion along with Mazariegos, and had the good fortune to find the district in the best disposition. The chiefs returned with us to Cortes, and brought a most abundant supply of provisions along with them. In about four days, however, all the chiefs deserted us, and we were left with only three guides to pursue our march, as well as we could. After crossing two rivers, we came to another town in the district of Huy-acala, which was abandoned by the inhabitants, but in which we took up our quarters.
   In this place, Guatimotzin, the last king of the Mexicans, closed his unhappy career. It appeared that a plot had been concerted by this unfortunate monarch with many of the Mexican nobles who accompanied him, to endeavour to cut off the Spaniards; after which they proposed to make the best of their way back to Mexico, where, collecting all the forces of the natives, they hoped to be able to overpower the Spanish garrison. This conspiracy was revealed to Cortes by two Mexican nobles who had commanded under Guatimotzin during the siege, and who had been baptized by the names of Tapia and Velasquez. On receiving this intelligence, Cortes immediately took the judicial informations of these two and of several others who were concerned in the plot; from which it was learnt, that the Mexicans, observing that we marched in a careless manner, that discontent prevailed among our troops, many of whom were sick, that ten of our Spanish soldiers had died of hunger, and several had returned towards Mexico, and considering also the uncertainty of the fate of the expedition and the miseries they endured from scarcity of provisions, they had come to the resolution of falling upon us at the passage of some river or marsh, being encouraged by their numbers, which exceeded 3000 well armed men, and thinking it preferable to die at once than to encounter the perpetual miseries they now endured by accompanying us in this wilderness. Guatimotzin acknowledged that he had heard of this proposal, which he never approved of, declaring that he did not believe it would ever have been attempted, and anxiously denied that the whole of the Mexican force had concurred in the plot. His cousin, the prince of Tacuba, declared that all which had ever passed on the subject, between him and Guatimotzin, was, that they had often expressed their opinion, that it would be better to lose their lives at once like brave men, than to suffer in the manner they did by hunger and fatigue, and to witness the intolerable distresses of their friends and subjects who accompanied them. On those scanty proofs, Cortes sentenced Guatimotzin and the prince of Tacuba to be immediately hanged; and when the preparations were made for the execution, they were led forth to the place attended by the reverend fathers, who did their utmost to console them in their last moments. Before his execution, Guatimotzin addressed Cortes to the following effect: "Malintzin ! I now see that your false words and flattering promises have ended in my death. It had been better to have fallen by my own hands, than to have trusted myself to your power. You take away my life unjustly, and may God demand of you my innocent blood." The prince of Tacuba only said, that he was happy to die along with his beloved sovereign. Thus did these two great men end their lives, and, for Indians, most piously and like good Christians. I lamented them both sincerely, having seen them in their greatness. They always treated me kindly on this march, giving me Indians to procure grass for my horse, and doing me many services. To me and all of us, their sentence appeared cruel and unjust, and their deaths most undeserved.
   After this, we continued our march with much circumspection, being apprehensive of a mutiny among the Mexican troops in revenge for the execution of their chiefs; but these poor creatures were so exhausted by famine, sickness, and fatigue, that they did not seem even to have bestowed a thought on the matter. At night we came to a deserted village; but on searching we found eight priests, whom we brought to Cortes. He desired them to recal the inhabitants, which they readily promised, requesting him not to injure their idols in a temple close to some buildings in which Cortes was quartered, which he agreed to, yet expostulated with them on the absurdity of worshipping compositions of clay and wood. They seemed as if it would have been easy to induce them to embrace the doctrines of our holy faith; and soon brought us twenty loads of fowls and maize. On being examined by Cortes about the bearded men with horses, they said that these people dwelt at a place called Nito, at the distance of seven suns, or days journey from their village, and offered to guide us to that place. At this time Cortes was exceedingly sad and ill-humoured, being fretted by the difficulties and misfortunes of his march, and his conscience upbraided him for the cruelty he had committed upon the unfortunate king of Mexico. He was so distracted by these reflections, that he could not sleep, and used to walk about at night, as a relief for his anxious thoughts. Going in the dark to walk in a large apartment which contained some of the Indian idols, he missed his way and fell from a height of twelve feet, by which he received a severe contused wound in his head. He endeavoured to conceal this circumstance from general knowledge, and got his wounds cured as well as he could, keeping his sufferings to himself.
   After leaving this place, we came in two days to a district inhabited by a nation called the Mazotecas, where we found a newly built town, fortified by two circular enclosures of pallisades, one of which was like a barbican, having loop-holes to shoot through, and was strengthened by ditches. Another part of the town was inaccessible, being on the summit of a perpendicular rock, on the top of which the natives had collected great quantities of stones for their defence. And a third quarter of the town was defended by an impassable morass. Yet after all these defensive preparations, we were astonished to find the town entirely abandoned, though every house was full of the different kinds of provisions which the country afforded, besides which it had a magazine stocked with arms of all sorts. While we were expressing our astonishment at these circumstances, fifteen Indians came out of the morass in the most submissive manner, and told us that they had been forced to the construction of this fortress as their last resort, in an unsuccessful war with a neighbouring nation, called the Lazandones as far as I can now remember. They brought back the inhabitants, whom we treated with kindness, and from whom we received farther information, respecting, the Spanish settlement, to which two of the natives of this place undertook to shew us the way. From this place we entered upon vast open plains, in which not a tree was to be seen, and in which innumerable herds of deer were feeding, which were so tame as almost to come up to us. Our horsemen, therefore, easily took as many as they pleased, and we found that the Indians never disturbed them, considering them as a kind of divinities, and had even been commanded by their idols, or priests rather in their name, neither to kill or frighten these animals. The heat of the weather was now so excessive that Palacios Rubios, a relation of Cortes, lost his horse by pursuing the deer. We continued our march along this open campaign country, passing several villages where the destructive ravages of war were distinctly perceivable. On one occasion we met some Indians on their return from hunting, who had along with them a huge lion79 just killed, and several iguanas80, a species of small serpent very good to eat. These people shewed us the way to their town, to which we had to wade up to our middles through a lake of fresh water by which it was surrounded. This lake was quite full of fish, resembling shads, but enormously large, with prickles on their backs; and having procured some nets, we took above a thousand of them, which gave us a plentiful supply. On inquiry, five of the natives of this place engaged to guide us to the settlement of our countrymen; and they were glad to get so easily rid of us, as they were apprehensive we had come to put them all to death.
   Leaving this place, we proceeded to a town named Tayasal, situated on an island in a river, the white temples, towers, and houses, of which place, glistened from a distance. As the road now became very narrow, we thought proper to halt here for the night, having in the first place detached some soldiers to the river to look out for a passage. They were so fortunate as to take two canoes, containing ten men and two women, who were conveying a cargo of maize and salt. Being brought to Cortes, they informed him that they belonged to a town about four leagues farther on. Our general detained one of the canoes and some of the people, and sent two Spaniards along with the rest in the other canoe, to desire the cacique of that town to send him canoes to enable us to cross the river. Next morning, we all marched down to the river, where we found the cacique waiting for us, who invited the general to his place of residence. Cortes accordingly embarked with an escort of thirty crossbows, and was presented on his arrival at the town with a few toys of gold very much alloyed, and a small number of mantles. They informed him that they knew of Spaniards being at three different places, which were Nito, Buena Vista, and Naco, the last being ten days journey inland from Nito, and where the greater number of the Spaniards resided, Nito being on the coast. On hearing this, Cortes observed to us that De Oli had probably divided his forces, as we knew nothing as yet respecting Gil Gonzalo de Avila, or Las Casas.
   Our whole army now crossed the river, and halted about two leagues from it, waiting the return of Cortes. At this place, three Spanish soldiers, two Indians, and a Negro deserted; preferring to take their chance among the unknown natives of the country, to a continuance of the fatigues and dangers they had experienced. This day likewise, I had a stroke of the sun, which occasioned a burning fever or calenture. At this period the weather changed, and for three days and nights it rained incessantly; yet we had to continue our march, lest our provisions might fail. After two days march we came to a ridge of rocky hills, which we named the Sierra de los Pedernales, the stones of which were as sharp as knives. Several soldiers were sent a league on each side of this bad pass in search of a better road, but to no purpose, so that we were forced to proceed. Our horses fell at every step, and the farther we advanced it grew the worse, insomuch that we lost eight horses, and all the rest were so lamed that they could not keep up with us. After getting over this shocking pass, we advanced towards a town called Taica, where we expected to procure provisions in abundance; but to our great mortification were unexpectedly stopped by a prodigious torrent, so swelled by the late heavy rains that it was quite impassable, and made such a noise in tumbling over its rocky bed that it might have been heard at the distance of two leagues. We had to stop here for three complete days to construct a bridge between the precipitous banks of this river; in consequence of which delay the people of Taica had abandoned their town, removing all their provisions out of our reach. We were all miserably disappointed at this event, finding that hunger was to be our portion after all our fatigues. After sending out his servants in every direction, Cortes was only able to procure about a bushel of maize. He then called together the colonists of Coatzacualco, and earnestly solicited us to use our utmost endeavours to procure supplies. Pedro de Ircio requested to have the command on this occasion, to which Cortes assented: But as I knew Ircio to be a better prater than marcher, I whispered to Cortes and Sandoval to prevent him from going, as he was a duck-legged fellow, who could not get through the miry ground, and would only interrupt us in our search. Cortes accordingly ordered him to remain, and five of us set out with two Indian guides across rivers and marshes, and came at length to some Indian houses where we found provisions in abundance. We here made some prisoners, and with their fruit, fowls, and corn, we celebrated the feast of the Resurrection to our great contentment. That same night we were joined by a thousand Mexicans, who had been sent after us, whom we loaded with all the corn we could procure, and twenty fowls for Cortes and Sandoval, after which there still remained some corn in the town, which we remained to guard. We advanced next day to some other villages, where we found corn in abundance, and wrote a billet to Cortes desiring him to send all the Indians he could spare to carry it to the army. Thirty soldiers and about five hundred Indians arrived in a short time, and we amply provided for the wants of the army during the five days it remained at Taica. I may observe here, that the bridges which we constructed on this march continued good for many years; and the Spaniards, when they travelled this way, used to say, "These are the bridges of Cortes."

  After resting five days at Taica, we continued our march for two days to a place called Tania, through a country everywhere intersected by marshes, rivers, and rivulets, all the towns being abandoned and the provisions carried away; and, to add to our misfortunes, our guides made their escape during the night, being entrusted, as I suppose, to some of the newly arrived Spaniards, who used to sleep on their posts. We were thus left in a difficult country, and did not know which way to go; besides which heavy rains fell without ceasing. Cortes was very much out of humour, and observed among his officers, that he wished some others besides the Coatzacualco settlers would bestir themselves in search of guides. Pedro de Ircio, a man of quality named Marmolejo, and Burgales, who was afterwards regidor of Mexico, offered their services, and taking each of them six soldiers, were out three days in search of Indians, but all returned without success, having met with nothing but rivers, marshes, and obstructions. Cortes was quite in despair, and desired Sandoval to ask me as a favour to undertake the business. Though ill, I could not refuse when applied to in this manner; wherefore, taking two friends along with me who could endure fatigue, we set out following the course of a stream, and soon found a way to some houses, by observing marks of boughs having been cut. Following these marks, we came in sight of a village surrounded by fields of corn; but we remained concealed till we thought the people were asleep, and taking the inhabitants by surprise, we secured three men, two very handsome Indian girls, and an old woman, with a few fowls and a small quantity of maize. On bringing our prize to head-quarters, Sandoval was quite overjoyed. "Now," said he to Pedro de Ircio in the presence of Cortes, "was not Castillo in the right, when he refused to take hobbling people along with him, who tell old stories of the adventures of the Conde de Urena and his son Don Pedro Giron?" All who were present laughed heartily at this sally, as Ircio used to pester us with these stories continually, and Sandoval knew that Ircio and I were not on friendly terms. Cortes paid me many compliments on this occasion, and thanked me for my good service. But what is praise more than emptiness, and what does it profit me that Cortes said he relied on me, next to God, for procuring guides? We learnt from the prisoners that it was necessary to descend the river for two days march, when we would come to a town of two hundred houses, called Oculiztli; which he did accordingly, passing some large buildings where the travelling Indian merchants used to stop on their journeys. At the close of the second day we came to Oculiztli, where we got plenty of provisions, and in one of the temples we found an old red cap and a sandal, which had been placed there as offerings to the idols. Some of our soldiers brought two old men and four women to Cortes, who told him that the Spanish settlement was on the seaside two days journey from this place, with no intervening towns. Cortes therefore gave orders to Sandoval to set out immediately with six soldiers for the coast, to ascertain what number of men De Oli had with him, as he meant to fall upon him by surprise, being quite ignorant of the revolution which had happened in this quarter.
   Sandoval set out accordingly with three guides, and on reaching the sea shore, he soon perceived a canoe; and concealing himself where he expected it might anchor for the night, was fortunate enough to get possession of the canoe; which belonged to some Indian merchants who were carrying salt to Golfo dolce. Sandoval embarked in this canoe with a part of his men, sending the rest along the shore, and made for the great river. During the voyage, he fell in with four Spaniards belonging to the settlement, who were searching for fruit near the mouth of the river, being in great distress from sickness and the hostilities of the Indians. Two of these men were up in a tree, when they saw Sandoval to their great astonishment, and soon joined him. They informed him of the great distress of the settlement, and of all the events which had occurred, and how they had hanged the officer whom Avila had left in the command, and a turbulent priest, for opposing their determination to return to Cuba, and had elected one Antonio Niote in his stead. Sandoval resolved to carry these people to Cortes, whom he wished to inform as soon as possible of the news, and sent a soldier named Alonzo Ortiz, who soon reached us with the agreeable intelligence, for which Cortes gave him an excellent horse, and all of us gave him something in proportion to our abilities. Sandoval arrived soon afterwards, and Cortes issued immediate orders to march to the coast, which was about six leagues distant. Cortes pushed forwards with his attendants, and crossed the river by means of the two canoes, swimming the horses. The Spanish settlement was about two leagues from the place where Cortes landed, and the colonists were astonished on seeing the Europeans coming towards them, and still more so when they found it was the renowned conqueror of Mexico. Cortes received their congratulations very graciously, and desired them to bring all the canoes they could collect, and the boats belonging to their ships to assist his army in crossing. He likewise ordered them to provide bread for the army; but of this only fifty pounds weight could be got, as they lived almost entirely on sapotes and other vegetables, and fish.
   We had an arm of the sea to cross, and had therefore to wait for low water, but Cortes had found the passage so dangerous that he sent us word not to follow till farther orders. The care of passing this dangerous place was entrusted to Sandoval, who took as effectual measures as possible, but it took us four days to get over, partly wading and partly swimming. One soldier and his horse went to the bottom, and was never seen more, and two other horses were lost. A person named Saavedra, presuming on his relationship to Cortes, refused obedience to the orders of Sandoval, and endeavoured to force his passage, even laying his hand on his poinard, and using disrespectful expressions to Sandoval; who seized him instantly and threw him into the water, where he was nearly drowned. Our sufferings at this time were excessive, as during all these four days we had literally nothing to eat, except by gathering a few nuts and some wild fruits, and on getting across our condition was not improved. We found this colony to contain forty men and six women, all yellow and sickly, and utterly destitute of provisions; so that we were under the necessity of setting out immediately in search of food both for ourselves and them. For this purpose, about eighty of us marched, under the command of Luis Marin, to a town about eight leagues distant, where we found abundance of maize and vegetables, and great quantities of cacao; and as this place was in the direct road for Naco, to which Cortes intended to go, he immediately sent Sandoval and the greatest part of the troops to join us, on receiving the agreeable intelligence of our good fortune. We sent a plentiful supply of maize to the miserable colonist who had been so long in a starving condition, of which they eat to such excess that seven of them died. About this time likewise a vessel arrived with seven horses, forty hogs, eight pipes of salted meat, a considerable quantity of biscuit, and fifteen adventurers from Cuba. Cortes immediately purchased all the provisions, which he distributed among the colonists, who eat the salted meat so voraciously that it occasioned diarrhoeas, by which, in a very few days, fourteen of them were carried off.
   As Cortes wished to examine this great river, he caused one of the brigantines belonging to Avila which had been stranded to be fitted out; and embarking with thirty soldiers and eight mariners belonging to the vessel lately arrived, having likewise a boat and four double canoes, he proceeded up the river to a spacious lake with good anchorage. This lake was navigable for six leagues, all the adjacent country being subject to be inundated; but on endeavouring to proceed higher, the current became stronger, and he came to certain shallows, which prevented the vessels from proceeding any farther. Cortes now landed with his soldiers, and advanced into the country by a narrow road which led to several villages of the natives. In the first of these he procured some guides, and in the second he found abundance of corn, and many domesticated birds, among which were pheasants, pigeons, and partridges, which last are often domesticated by the Indians of America. In prosecuting his route, he approached a large town called Cinacan Tencintle, in the midst of fine plantations of cacao, where he heard the sound of music and merry-making, the inhabitants being engaged in a drunken feast. Cortes waited a favourable opportunity, concealed in a wood close by the town, when suddenly rushing out, he made prisoners of ten men and fifteen women. The rest of the inhabitants attacked him with their darts and arrows, but our people closed with them and killed eight of their chiefs, on which the rest submitted, sending four old men, two of whom were priests, with a trifling present of gold, and to petition for the liberation of the prisoners, which he accordingly engaged to give up on receiving a good supply of provisions, which they promised to deliver at the ships. A misunderstanding took place afterwards between Cortes and these Indians, as he wished to retain three of their women to make bread, and hostilities were renewed, in which Cortes was himself wounded in the face, twelve of his soldiers wounded, and one of his boats destroyed. He then returned after an absence of twenty-six days, during which he had suffered excessive torment from the mosquitoes. He wrote to Sandoval, giving him an account of all that had occurred in his expedition to Cinacan, which is seventy leagues from Guatimala, and ordered him to proceed to Naco; as he proposed to remain himself on purpose to establish a colony at Puerto de Cavallos81, for which he desired Sandoval to send back ten of the Coatzacualco veterans, without whose assistance nothing could be done properly. Taking with him all the Spaniards who remained at St Gil de Buena Vista, Cortes embarked in two ships, and arrived in eight days sail at Puerto de Cavallos, which had a good harbour, and seemed every way well calculated for a colony, which he established there under the command of Diego de Godoy, naming the town Natividad. Expecting by this time that Sandoval might have arrived at Naco, which is not far distant from Puerto Cavallos, Cortes sent a letter for him to that place, requiring a reinforcement of ten of the veteran soldiers of Coatzacualco, as he intended to proceed for the bay of Honduras; but this letter reached us in our last-mentioned quarters as we had not yet reached Naco. Leaving Cortes for the present, I shall only say that he was so tormented by the mosquitoes, which prevented him from procuring rest either by night or day, that he had almost lost his life or his senses.
   On receiving this last letter from the general, Sandoval pressed on for Naco, but was obliged to halt at a place called Cuyocan, in order to collect the stragglers who had gone in quest of provisions. We were also impeded by a river, and the natives on every side were hostile. Our line of march was now extremely long, by the great number of invalids, especially of the Mexicans, who were unable to keep up with the main body; on which account Sandoval left me at this place, with the command of eight men at the ferry, to protect and bring up the stragglers. One night the natives attacked my post, setting fire to the house in which we were lodged, and endeavoured to carry away our canoe; but, with the assistance of some of our Mexicans who had come up, we beat them off; and, having collected all the invalids who had loitered behind, we crossed the river next day, and set but to rejoin Sandoval. A Genoese, who had been sometime ill, sunk at length through weakness, occasioned by poverty of diet, and died on the road, and I was obliged to leave his body behind. When I made my report to Sandoval, he was ill pleased at me for not having brought on the dead body; but I told him we had already two invalids on every horse, and one of my companions said rather haughtily, that we had enough of difficulty to bring on ourselves, without carrying dead men. Sandoval immediately ordered me and that soldier, whose name was Villanueva, to go back and bury the Genoese, which we did accordingly, and placed a cross over his grave. We found a purse in his pocket, containing some dice, and a memorandum of his family and effects in Teneriffe. God rest his soul! Amen. In about two days we arrived at Naco, passing a town named Quinistlan, and a place where mines have been since discovered. We found Naco to be a very good town, but it was abandoned by its inhabitants, yet we procured plenty of provisions and salt, of which we were in very great need. We took up our quarters in some large quadrangular buildings, where De Oli was executed, and established ourselves there as if we had been to have remained permanently. There is the finest water at this place that is to be found in all New Spain; as likewise a species of tree which is most admirable for the siesta; as, however great may be the heat of the sun, there is always a most delightful and refreshing coolness under its shade, and it seems to give out a delicate kind of dew, which is good for the head. Naco is admirably situated, in a fertile neighbourhood, which produces different kinds of sapotes in great abundance, and it was then very populous. Sandoval obtained possession of three chiefs of the district, whom he treated kindly, by which means the people of the district remained in peace, but all his endeavours to induce the inhabitants to return to the town were ineffectual. It was now necessary to send the reinforcement of ten Coatzacualco veterans which Cortes had required. At that time I was ill, and besides Sandoval wished to retain me along with him: Eight valiant soldiers were sent off, however, who heartily cursed Cortes and his expedition at every step of their march; for which indeed they had good reason, as they were entirely ignorant of the state of the country through which they had to go. Sandoval took the precaution of sending five principal people of the natives along with them, making known at the same time that he would punish the country most severely if any injury was done them on their journey. They arrived in safety at Natividad, where Cortes then was; who immediately embarked for Truxillo, leaving Godoy in the command of the settlement at Puerto de Cavallos, with forty Spaniards, who were all that remained of the settlers who had accompanied de Avila, and of those who had come recently from Cuba. Godoy maintained himself for some time; but his men were continually dropping off by disease, and the Indians began at last to despise and neglect him, refusing to supply the settlement with provisions, so that in a short time he lost above half his number by sickness and famine, and three of his men deserted to join Sandoval. By various expeditions and judicious measures, Sandoval reduced all the country round Naco to peace and submission, namely the districts of Cirimongo, Acalao, Quinistlan, and four others, of which I forget the names, and even extended his authority over the natives as far as Puerto Cavallos, where Godoy commanded.
   After six days sail, Cortes arrived at the port of Truxillo, where he found a colony which had been established by Francisco de las Casas, among whom were many of the mutineers who had served under De Oli, and who had been banished from Panuco. Conscious of their guilt, all these men waited on Cortes, and supplicated for pardon, which he granted them, even confirming all who had been appointed to offices in the colony; but he placed his relation Saavedra as commandant of the colony and surrounding province. Cortes summoned all the chiefs and priests of the Indians, to whom he made a long harangue, giving them to understand that he had come among them to induce them to abandon the cruel and abominable practices of their false religion, and to embrace the only true faith. He also enlarged upon the power and dignity of our great emperor, to whose government he required their submission. He was followed by the reverend fathers, who exhorted them to become proselytes to the holy catholic religion, the principles of which they explained. After all this, the people readily agreed to obey our general, and to become vassals to Don Carlos; and Cortes enjoined them to provide the settlement with provisions, especially fish, which are caught in great abundance in the sea about the islands of Guanojes82; he likewise ordered them to send a number of labourers to clear the woods in front of the town of Truxillo, so as to open a view of the sea. Cortes likewise ordered a number of sows with young to be turned loose in these islands, by which, in a few years, they were amply stocked. The natives cleared the woods between Truxillo and the sea in two days, and built fifteen houses for the colonists, one of which for Cortes, was sufficiently commodious. Cortes became feared and renowned over all the districts, as far as Olancho, where rich mines have been since discovered; the natives giving him the name of Captain Hue-hue de Marina, or the old captain of Donna Marina. He reduced the whole country to submission, excepting two or three districts in the mountains, against which he sent a party of soldiers under Captain Saavedra, who brought most of them under subjection, one tribe only named the Acaltecans holding out.
   As a great many of the people along with Cortes became sick through the unhealthiness of the climate, he sent them by a vessel to Hispaniola or Cuba for the recovery of their healths. By this opportunity, he sent letters to the royal audience of St Domingo and the reverend brothers of the order of St Jerome, giving an account of all the events that had recently happened, and in particular of his having left the government of Mexico in the hands of deputies, while he proceded to reduce de Oli who had rebelled. He apprised them of his future intentions, and requested a reinforcement of soldiers, to enable him to reduce the country where he now was to subjection; and that they might attach the greater credit to his report of its value, he sent a valuable present of gold, taken in reality from his own side-board, but which he endeavoured to make them believe was the produce of this new settlement. He entrusted the management of this business to a relation of his own, named Avalos, whom he directed to take up in his way twenty-five soldiers who, he was informed, had been left in the island of Cozumel to kidnap Indians to be sent for slaves to the West Indian islands. This vessel was wrecked about seventy leagues from the Havanna, on which occasion Avalos and many of the passengers perished. Those who escaped, among whom was the licentiate Pedro Lopez, brought the first intelligence to the islands of the existence of Cortes and his army; as it had been universally believed in Cuba and Hispaniola that we had all perished. As soon as it was known where Cortes was, two old ships were sent over to Truxillo with horses and colts, and one pipe of wine; all the rest of their cargoes consisting of shirts, caps, and useless trumpery of various kinds. Some of the Indian inhabitants of the Guanajas islands, which are about eight leagues from Truxillo, came at this time to Cortes, complaining that the Spaniards had been accustomed to carry away the natives and their macegualos or slaves, and that a vessel was now there which was supposed to have come for that purpose. Cortes immediately sent over one of his vessels to the islands; but the ship against which the natives complained made sail immediately on seeing her, and escaped. It was afterwards known, that this vessel was commanded by the bachelor Moreno, who had been sent on business by the royal audience of St Domingo to Nombre de Dios.
   While Sandoval remained at Naco, the chiefs of two neighbouring districts, named Quecuspan and Tanchinalchapa, complained to him of a party of Spaniards, at the distance of a days march from Naco, who robbed their people and made slaves of them. Sandoval set out against these people immediately with a party of seventy men, and on coming to the place these Spaniards were exceedingly surprised at seeing us and took to their arms; but we soon seized their captain and several others, and made them all prisoners without any bloodshed. Sandoval reprehended them severely for their misconduct, and ordered all the Indians whom they had made prisoners to be immediately released. One Pedro de Garro was the commander of these men, among whom were several gentlemen, and in comparison of us dirty and worn down wretches, they were all mounted and attended like lords. They were all marched to our head-quarters as prisoners; but in a day or two they became quite reconciled to their lot. The occasion of their coming into the country was as follows: Pedro Arias de Avila, the governor of Tierra Firma, had sent a captain named Francisco Hernandez to reduce the provinces of Nicaragua and New Leon, and to establish a colony in that place, which he accomplished. After the atrocious murder of Balboa, who had married Donna Isabella the daughter of Aries, Moreno had been sent over by the court of royal audience, and persuaded Hernandez, who was now comfortably settled, to throw off his dependence upon Pedro Aries, and to establish a distinct government immediately under the royal authority. Hernandez had done so, and had sent this party under de Garro on purpose to open a communication from Nicaragua with the north coast, by which to receive supplies from old Spain. When all this was explained to Sandoval, he sent Captain Luis Marin to communicate the intelligence to Cortes, in expectation that he would support the views of Hernandez. I was sent along with Marin on this occasion, our whole force consisting of ten men. Our journey was exceedingly laborious, having to cross many rivers which were much swollen by the rains, and we had at times to make our way through hostile Indians armed with large heavy lances, by which two of our soldiers were wounded. We had sometimes three difficult rivers to cross in one day; and one river, named Xagua, ten leagues from Triumpho de la Cruz, detained us for two days. By the side of that river we found the skeletons of seven horses, which had belonged to the troops of de Oli, and had died from eating poisonous herbs. Several of the rivers and inlets on our journey were much infested by alligators.
   Passing Triumpho de la Cruz and a place called Quemara, we arrived one evening near Truxillo, where we saw five horsemen riding along the sea shore, who happened to be our general and four of his friends taking the air. After the first surprize at this unexpected meeting, Cortes dismounted and embraced us all with tears in his eyes, quite overjoyed to see us. It made me quite melancholy to see him, as he was so worn down by distress and disease, that he appeared much reduced and extremely weak, insomuch that he had even expected death, and had procured a Franciscan habit to be buried in. He walked along with us into the town of Truxillo, and invited us all to sup with him; where we fared so wretchedly that I had not even my fill of bread or biscuit. After reading over the letters we had brought him relative to Hernandez, he promised to do every thing in his power to support him. The two vessels which I formerly mentioned as having brought horses from Hispaniola, only arrived three days before us, and we were fools enough to run ourselves in debt by purchasing their useless frippery. Hitherto Cortes had not received any intelligence whatever from Mexico since he left it on this disastrous expedition; but, while we were giving him an account of the hardships of our late journey from Naco, a vessel was descried at a distance making for our port. This vessel was from the Havanna, and brought letters from the licentiate Zuazo, who had been alcalde-major of Mexico, the contents of which overwhelmed Cortes with such sorrow and distress, that he retired to his private apartment, whence he did not stir out for a whole day, and we could distinctly hear that he suffered great agitation. After hearing mass next morning, he called us together and communicated to us the intelligence which these letters conveyed, which was to the following effect.
   In consequence of the power which Cortes had inconsiderately granted to Salazar and Chirinos, to supersede Estrada and Albornos in the administration of government in Mexico, in case of misconduct in these deputies, they had formed a strong party on their return to Mexico, among whom were Zuazo the alcalde-major, Rodrigo de Paz, alguazil-major, Alonzo de Tapis, Jorge de Alvarado, and many of the veteran conquerors, and had attempted to seize the government by force, and much disturbance and some bloodshed had ensued. Salazar and Chirinos had carried their point, and had taken the two former deputies and many of their friends prisoners; and as discontents and opposition still prevailed, they had confiscated the property of their opponents, which they distributed among their own partizans. They had superseded Zuazo in his office of alcalde-major, and had imprisoned Rodrigo de Paz; yet Zuazo had brought about a temporary reconciliation. During these disturbances, the Zapotecans and Mixtecans, and the inhabitants of a strong rocky district named Coatlan had rebelled, against whom the veedor Chirinos had marched with an armed force; but his troops thought of nothing but card-playing, so that the enemy had surprised their camp and done them much mischief. The factor Salazar had sent a veteran captain, Andres de Monjaraz, to assist and advise Chirinos; but Monjaraz being an invalid was unable to exert himself properly; and to add to their distractions, an insurrection was every hour expected in Mexico. The factor Salazar, constantly remitted gold to his majesties treasurer, Don Francisco de los Cobos, to make interest for himself at court, reporting that we had all died at Xicalonga. This report originated with Diego de Ordas, who, on purpose to escape from the factious troubles in Mexico, had gone with two vessels in search of us to Xicalongo, where Cuenзa and Medina had been slain as formerly mentioned, on learning which misfortune he concluded it had been Cortes and his whole party, which he so reported in letters to Mexico, and had sailed himself to Cuba. Salazar shewed these letters to our several relations in Mexico, who all put on mourning, and so universally were we all believed to be dead, that out properties had been sold by public auction. The factor Salazar even assumed to himself the office of governor and captain-general of New Spain; a monument was erected to the honour of Cortes, and funeral service was performed for him in the great church of Mexico. The self-assumed governor even issued an order, that all the women whose husbands had gone with Cortes, and who had any regard for their souls, should consider themselves as widows and should immediately marry again; and because a woman named Juana de Mansilla, the wife of Alonzo Valiente, refused to obey this order, alleging we were not people who would be so easily destroyed as Salazar and his party, she was ordered to be publickly whipped through Mexico as a witch. One person from whom we expected better behaviour, and whose name I will not mention, by way of flattering Salazar, solemnly assured him before many witnesses, that one night, as he was passing the church of St Jago, which is built on the site of the great temple of Mexico, he saw the souls of Cortes, Donna Marina, and Sandoval burning in flames of fire: Another person, also, of good reputation, pretended that the quadrangles of Tescuco were haunted by evil spirits, which the natives said were the souls of Donna Marina and Cortes

   At this time the captains Las Casas and De Avila, who had beheaded Christoval de Oli, arrived in Mexico, and publickly asserted the existence of Cortes, reprobating the conduct of Salazar, and declaring if Cortes were actually dead, that Alvarado was the only fit person to have been raised to the government, till his majesties pleasure could be known. Alvarado was written to on the subject, and even set out for Mexico; but becoming apprehensive for his life, he returned to his district. Finding that he could not bring over Las Casas, De Avila, and Zuazo to his party, Salazar caused the two former to be arrested and prosecuted for the murder of De Oli, and even procured their condemnation; and it was with the utmost difficulty their execution could be prevented by an appeal to his majesty; but he was obliged to content himself with sending them prisoners to Spain. He next sent off the licentiate Zuazo in irons to Cuba, under pretence of making him answer for his conduct while acting as a judge in that island. Salazar collected all the gold he could lay his hands upon, and seized Rodrigo de Paz, alguazil-major of Mexico, who had been major domo to Cortes, demanding of him an account and surrender of all the treasure belonging to the general; and as he either could not or would not discover where it was, he caused him to be tortured by burning his feet and legs, and even caused him to be hanged that he might not carry his complaints to his majesty. His object in collecting gold was to support his negociations at court; but in this he was counteracted by almost all the other officers of government in New Spain, who determined to send their own statements of the affairs of the colony to court by the same conveyance with his. He arrested most of the friends of Cortes, several of whom joined his party as he gave them Indians, and because they wished to be of the strongest side; but Tapia and Jorge Alvarado took sanctuary with the Franciscans. To deprive the malcontents of arms, he brought the whole contents of the arsenal to his palace, in front of which he planted all the artillery for his defence, under the command of Captain Luis de Guzman, son-in-law to the duke of Medina Sidonia. He formed likewise a body guard for his own individual protection, partly composed of soldiers who had belonged to Cortes, to the command of which he appointed one Arriaga. This letter likewise mentioned the death of Father Bartholomew de Olmedo, who was so much revered by the native Mexicans, that they fasted from the time of his death till after his burial. Zuazo, in the conclusion of his letter, expressed his apprehensions that the colony of Mexico would be utterly ruined by these confusions. Along with this long and melancholy letter from Zuazo, Cortes received letters from his father, informing him of the death of the bishop of Burgos, and of the intrigues of Albornos at court, already mentioned on a former occasion, and the interference of the Duke of Bejar in his behalf. He also told him that Narvaez had been appointed to the government of the country on the river Palmas, and one Nuno de Guzman to the province of Panuco.
   The intelligence from Zuazo made us all very melancholy, and it is difficult to say which of the two we cursed most heartily in secret for our misfortunes, Cortes or Salazar, for we gave them ten thousand maledictions, and our hearts sunk within us to think of our miserable plight after all our fatigues and dangers. Cortes retired to his chamber, and did not appear again till the evening, when we unanimously entreated him to hasten to Mexico, that he might recover the government from the usurper. He replied kindly: "My dear friends, this villainous factor is very powerful. If I go along with you to Mexico, he may waylay us by the road and murder us all. I think it better for me to go privately to Mexico with only three or four of you, that I may come upon him at unawares, and that all the rest of you rejoin Sandoval and go along with him to Mexico." When I saw that Cortes was resolved on going privately to Mexico, I anxiously requested to attend him, as I had hitherto accompanied him in all his difficulties and dangers. He complimented me on my fidelity, but insisted on my continuing with Sandoval. Several of the colonists of Truxillo began to grow mutinous, because Cortes had neglected promoting them to offices; but he pacified them by promises of providing for them when he should be replaced in his government of Mexico. Previous to his intended departure, he wrote to Diego de Godoy, to quit Puerto Cavallos with his settlers, where they were unable to remain on account of mosquitos and other vermin, ordering them to relieve us in the good settlement of Naco. He also ordered that we should take the province of Nicaragua in our way to Mexico, as it was a country in his opinion worth taking care of. We took our leave of Cortes, who embarked on his intended voyage, and we set out cheerfully for Naco to join Sandoval, as Mexico was now the object of our march. The route to Naco was as usual attended with much difficulty and distress, yet we got safe there, and found that Captain De Garro had set off for Nicaragua, to inform his commander Hernandez that Cortes was setting out for Mexico, and had promised to give him all the assistance in his power.
   Two confidential friends of Pedro Aries had come to the knowledge of the private correspondence between Hernandez and Cortes, and suspected that Hernandez meant to detach himself from the command of Aries, and to surrender his province to Cortes. The names of these men were Garruito and Zamorrano, the former of whom was urged by an ancient enmity to Cortes, on account of a rivalship between them in Hispaniola when both young men, about a lady, which ended in a duel. These persons communicated intelligence of all they knew to Aries, who immediately hastened to Nicaragua, to seize all the parties concerned. Garro took the alarm in time, and made his escape to us; but Hernandez, relying on his former intimacy with Aries, expected that he would not proceed to extremities against him, and waited his arrival. He was miserably disappointed in these hopes, as Aries, after a summary process, ordered him to execution as a traitor to his superior officer.
   On his first attempt to sail from Truxillo to Vera Cruz, Cortes was put back by contrary winds, and a second time by an accident happening to his ship. Dispirited by sickness, the accidents which had delayed his voyage prayed on his spirits, he became apprehensive of the power of Salazar being too great for him, and his lofty mind sunk under superstitious fears. On his second return to Truxillo, he ordered the celebration of a solemn mass, and prayed fervently to be enlightened by the Holy Spirit as to his future proceedings. On this occasion it appears that he became inclined to remain in Truxillo to colonize that part of the country; and in three several expresses which he sent in quick succession to recall us to that place, he attributed his determination on that subject to the inspiration of his guardian angel. On receiving these messages, we cursed Cortes and his bad fortune, and declared to Sandoval that he must remain by himself, if he chose that measure, as we were resolved on returning to Mexico. Sandoval was of the same opinion with us, and we sent a letter to Cortes to that effect signed by all of us; to which we had an answer in a few days, making great offers to such of us as would remain, and saying, if we refused, that there still were good soldiers to be had in Castile and elsewhere. On receiving this letter we were more determined than ever to proceed; but Sandoval persuaded us to wait a few days till he could see and speak with Cortes; to whom we wrote in reply, that if he could find soldiers in Castile, so could we find governors and generals in Mexico, who would give us plantations for our services, and that we had already suffered sufficient misfortunes by following him. With this reply Sandoval set off, attended by a soldier named Sauzedo and a farrier, swearing by his beard that he would not return till he had seen Cortes embarked for Mexico. On this occasion Sandoval applied to me for my horse, an excellent animal for speed, exercise, and travel, which cost me six hundred crowns, my former horse having been killed in action at a place called Zulaco. Sandoval gave me one of his in exchange, which was killed under me in less than two months; after which I was reduced to a vicious colt which I bought from the two vessels at Truxillo. On parting from us, Sandoval desired us to wait his return at a large Indian town called Acalteca.
   When Sandoval came to Truxillo, Cortes received him very joyfully; but neither his pressing instances nor our letter could prevail on him to proceed to Mexico. He prevailed on him, therefore, to send Martin de Orantes, a confidential servant, with a commission to Pedro de Alvarado and Francisco de las Casas, in case these officers were in Mexico, to assume the government till he should return; or, in the event of their absence, to authorise the treasurer, Estrada, and the contador, Albornos, to resume the power granted by the former deputation, revoking that which he had so inadvertently given to the factor Salazar and the veedor Chirinos, which they had so grossly abused. Cortes agreed to this, and having given Orantes his instructions and commissions, directed him to land in a bay between Vera Cruz and Panuco, suffering no person but himself to go on shore, after which the vessel was immediately to proceed to Panuco, that his arrival might be kept as secret as possible. Orantes was likewise furnished with letters from Cortes to all his friends in New Spain, and to the treasurer and contador, although he knew they were not of that description, desiring them all to use their utmost diligence in displacing the present tyrannical usurpers. Having favourable weather, Orantes soon arrived at his destination; and disguising himself as a labourer, set forward on his journey, always avoiding the Spaniards, and lodging only among the natives. When questioned by any one, he called himself Juan de Flechilla; and indeed he was so altered during his absence of two years and three months, that his most intimate acquaintances could not have recognised him. Being a very active man, he arrived in four days in Mexico, which he entered in the dark, and proceeded immediately to the convent of the Franciscans, where he found the Alvarados and several other friends of Cortes, who were there concealed. On explaining his errand and producing the letters of Cortes, every one was exceedingly rejoiced, and even the reverend fathers danced for gladness. The gates of the monastery were immediately locked, to preclude all notice being conveyed to the adverse party; and about midnight, the treasurer and contador, and many of the friends of Cortes were brought secretly to the convent, where the intelligence was communicated to them. In a grand consultation, it was resolved to seize the factor Salazar next morning, the contador Chirinos being still occupied at the rock of Coatlan.
   The rest of the night was employed in providing arms and collecting all their friends, and at day-break next morning the whole party marched for the palace which Salazar inhabited, calling out as they went along, "Long live the king, and the governor Hernando Cortes." When this was heard by the citizens, they all took up arms; and under an idea that their assistance was required by the government, many of them joined Estrada on the march. The contador Albornos played a double game on the occasion, as he sent intelligence to put Salazar on his guard, for which Estrada reproached him afterwards with much severity. On approaching the palace, the friends of Cortes found Salazar already well prepared for resistance, in consequence of the information he had received; the artillery under Guzman being drawn out ready for action in front of the palace, and a strong garrison inside for its defence. But the adherents of Cortes pushed on, forcing their way by the different doors, and others by the terraces or wherever they could get access, continually shouting, for the king and Cortes. The adherents of Salazar were dismayed; the artillery-men abandoned the guns, and the other soldiers run away and hid themselves, leaving the poor factor with only Pedro Gonzalez Sabiote and four servants. Salazar being thus abandoned, became desperate, and endeavoured to fire off one of the guns, in which attempt he was made prisoner, and confined in a wooden cage. Circular notice of this revolution was immediately conveyed to all the provinces of New Spain; and the veedor Chirinos, leaving the command of his troops with Monjaraz, took refuge in the Franciscan monastery at Tescuco; but was shortly afterwards made prisoner and secured in another cage. Immediate intelligence of this revolution was transmitted to Pedro de Alvarado, with directions to go immediately to Truxillo to wait upon Cortes. The next thing done by the new deputies was to wait upon Juanna de Mansilla, who had been whipped as a witch, who was placed on horseback behind the treasurer Estrada, in which situation she was escorted in grand procession through all the streets of Mexico, like a Roman matron, and was ever afterwards stiled Donna Juanna, in honour of her constancy, for refusing to marry again while she believed her husband was still living.
   As the situation of Mexico evidently required the presence of Cortes, Fra Diego de Altamirano was sent by his friends to represent to him the necessity of setting out immediately for the capital. This reverend father had been in the army before he entered the church, and was a man of considerable abilities, and experienced in business. On his arrival at Truxillo, and giving Cortes an account of the recent events in Mexico, the general gave thanks to God for the restoration of peace; but declared his intention of going to Mexico by land, being afraid of encountering the adverse currents, and because of the bad state of his health. The pilots, however, represented that the season was quite favourable for the voyage, it being then the month of April, and prevailed on him to give up his first resolution. But he would on no account leave Truxillo till the return of Sandoval, who had been detached with seventy soldiers against a Captain Roxas, who served under Pedro Arias de Avila, against whom complaints had been made by the inhabitants of Olancho, a district about fifty-five leagues from Truxillo. When the parties first met they were on the brink of proceeding to hostilities; but they were reconciled and parted amicably, Roxas and his men agreeing to evacuate the country. Sandoval was recalled in consequence of the arrival of Altamirano, and Cortes took measures to leave the country in good order, of which Saavedra was left lieutenant-governor. Captain Luis Marin was directed to march our whole party to Mexico by way of Guatimala, and Captain Godoy was ordered to take the command at Naco. All things being now settled for the departure of Cortes, he confessed to Fra Juan and received the Sacrament, previous to his embarkation, as he was so exceedingly ill that he thought himself on the point of death. The wind was favourable, and he soon arrived at the Havanna, where he was honourably received by his former friends and acquaintances, and where he had the pleasure, by a vessel just arrived from Vera Cruz, to receive intelligence that New Spain was entirely restored to peace; as all the refractory Indians, on hearing that Cortes and we their former conquerors were alive and returning, had come in and made their submissions.
   The conduct of Salazar and Chirinos during their usurped authority had gained them many adherents; as, by means of their confiscations and the distribution of property among their greedy supporters, many were interested in the maintenance of their authority. These were mostly of the lower order, and persons of a seditious disposition; though some men of quality, especially influenced by the contador Albornos, who dreaded the arrival of Cortes, had formed a plot to kill the treasurer Estrada, and to reinstate Salazar and Chirinos in the government. For the purpose of releasing them from prison, they employed one Guzman, a white-smith, a fellow of low character who affected to be a wit, to make keys for opening their cages, giving him a piece of gold of the form which they required, and enjoining the strictest secrecy. He undertook all that they asked with the utmost apparent zeal, pretending to be very anxious for the liberation of the prisoners; and by his affected humour and zeal for the cause, contrived to become acquainted with their whole plan of procedure: But when the keys were finished and the plot ripe for execution, he communicated intelligence of the whole affair to Estrada; who instantly assembled the friends of Cortes, and went to the place of meeting, where he found twenty of the conspirators already armed and waiting for the signal. These were seized, but many others made their escape. Among the prisoners there were several very notorious characters, one of whom had lately committed violence on a Spanish woman. They were immediately brought to trial before Ortega, the alcalde-major of Mexico; and, being convicted, three of them were hanged, and several of the rest whipped.
   I must here digress, to mention an affair not exactly accordant in point of time with my narrative, but relevant in regard to its subject. By the same vessel in which Salazar had transmitted letters to his majesty tending to criminate Cortes, other letters were conveyed and so artfully concealed that he had no suspicion of their existence, in which a full and true account of all his oppresions and unlawful proceedings was sent to his majesty. All these facts had also been reported by the royal court of audience at St Domingo; by which the reported death of Cortes was contradicted, and his majesty was truly informed in what manner the general was employed for his service. In consequence of these representations, the emperor is said to have expressed his high indignation at the unworthy treatment which Cortes had experienced, and his determination to support him in the government of New Spain.

SECTION XXI. Return of Cortes to Mexico, and occurrences there previous to his departure for Europe; together with an account of the return of the Author to Mexico
   Cortes remained five days at the Havanna for refreshment, after which he reimbarked, and in twelve days arrived at the port of Medelin, opposite the Isla de los Sacrificios, where he disembarked with twenty soldiers; and while proceeding to the town of San Juan de Ulua, about half a league from Medelin, he had the good fortune to fall in with a string of horses and mules which had been employed in conveying travellers to the coast, which he immediately engaged to carry him and his suit to Vera Cruz83. He gave strict orders to all who accompanied him to give no hint to any person of his name and quality; and on his arrival at the town before day-break, he went directly to the church, the doors of which were just opened. The sacristan was alarmed at seeing so great a number of strangers going into the church, and immediately ran into the streets to call the civil power to his assistance. The alcaldes, with the alguazils, and some of the inhabitants repaired immediately to the church with their arms; and Cortes was so squalid from long illness, that no one knew him till he began to speak. The moment he was known, they all fell on their knees and kissed his hands, welcoming him back to New Spain; and his old fellow-soldiers escorted him after mass to the quarters of Pedro Moreno, where he remained eight days, during which he was feasted by the inhabitants. Intelligence was immediately conveyed of the joyful news to Mexico and all the surrounding country, and Cortes wrote to all his friends giving them notice of his arrival. The neighbouring Indians flocked to wait upon him with presents and congratulations; and when he set out on his journey to Mexico, every preparation was made for his accommodation and honourable entertainment. The inhabitants of Mexico, and all the places round the lake, and those of Tlascala and all the other Indian towns, celebrated his return with festivals. On his arrival at Tescuco, the contador came to wait upon him, and on entering the capital, he was received in great state by all the civil and military officers, and all the inhabitants. The natives in their gayest attire, and armed as warriors, filled the lake in their canoes; dancing and festivity prevailed in every corner of the city during the whole day; and at night every house was illuminated. Immediately on his arrival, he went to the monastery of St Francis, to give thanks to God for his preservation and safe return; and from thence went to his magnificent palace, where he was esteemed, served, and feared like a sovereign prince, all the provinces sending messages of congratulation on his happy return, with considerable presents. This return of Cortes to Mexico was in June84, and he immediately ordered the arrest of all who had been most eminent for sedition during his absence, causing a judicial inquiry to be made into the conduct of the two principal culprits, Salazar and Chirinos, whom he intended to have brought immediately to justice for their crimes; and, if he had done so, no one would have found fault, but in this instance he certainly acted with too much lenity, or rather want of firmness. I remember to have heard from some of the members of the royal council of the Indies in 1540, that the capital punishment of these men would have been approved by his majesty. One Ocampo, who had been guilty of defamatory libels, and an old scrivener named Ocana, who used to be called the soul of Chirinos, was arrested on this occasion.
   Shortly after the arrival of Cortes in Mexico, the licentiate Luis Ponce de Leon arrived unexpectedly at Medelin, and Cortes was surprised with this intelligence while performing his devotions in the church of St Francis. He prayed earnestly for direction from God, that he might so conduct himself on this critical emergency, as seemed best fitting to his holy will, and the good service of his sovereign; and immediately sent a confidential person to bring him information of the particular object and tendency of the coming of De Leon. In two days after, he received a copy of the royal orders to receive the licentiate as resident judge of Mexico: In consequence of which, he dispatched a person with a complimentary message, desiring to know which of the two roads to the city De Leon intended to take, that he might give orders for every proper accommodation to be prepared suitable to his rank. De Leon sent back an answer, thanking him for his polite attention, but that he proposed to repose for some time where he then was, to recover from the fatigues of his voyage. This interval was busily employed by the enemies of Cortes, in misrepresenting all the transactions in which Cortes had been concerned. They asserted that Cortes intended to put the factor and veedor to death before the arrival of De Leon at Mexico, and even warned him to take great care of his own personal safety, alleging that the civility of Cortes in desiring to know the road he meant to take, were to enable him to prepare for his assassination, under pretence of doing him honour. The persons with whom the licentiate principally consulted were, Proano, the alcalde-major, and his brother, who was alcalde of the citadel, named Salazar de la Pedrada, who soon afterwards died of a pleurisy; Marcos de Aguilar, a licentiate or bachelor; a soldier named Bocanegra de Cordova, and certain friars of the Dominican order, of whom Fra Thomas Ortiz was provincial. This man had been a prior somewhere, and was said to be much better fitted for worldly affairs, than for the concerns of his holy office. By these men De Leon was advised to proceed to Mexico without delay, and accordingly the last messengers sent to him by Cortes met him on the road at Iztapalapa. A sumptuous banquet was prepared at this place for De Leon and his suit, in which, after several abundant and magnificent courses, some cheese-cakes and custards were served up as great delicacies, which were much relished, and some of the company eat of them so heartily that they became sick. Ortiz asserted that they had been mixed up with arsenic, and that he had refrained from eating them from suspicion; but some who were present declared that he partook of them heartily, and declared they were the best he had ever tasted. This ridiculous story was eagerly circulated by the enemies of Cortes. While De Leon was at Iztapalapa, Cortes remained in Mexico; and report said that he sent at this time a good sum in gold as a present to the licentiate. When De Leon set out from Iztapalapa, Cortes having notice of his approach, went immediately to meet him, with a grand and numerous retinue of all the officers and gentlemen of the city. At meeting, many civilities passed between the two great men, and Cortes prevailed with some difficulty on De Leon to take the right hand. De Leon proceeded immediately to the monastery of St Francis, to offer up his thanks to the Almighty for his safe arrival, whence he was conducted by Cortes to a palace prepared for him, where he was most sumptuously entertained, all business being deferred for that day. On this occasion the grandeur and politeness of Cortes were so conspicuous, that De Leon is said to have observed privately among his friends, that Cortes must have been long practising the manners of a great man.
   Next day, the cabildo or council of Mexico, all the civil and military officers, and all the veterans who were present in the capital, were ordered to assemble; and in the presence of all these, the licentiate Ponce de Leon produced his commission from his majesty. Cortes kissed it, and placed it on his head as a mark of respectful submission, and all present declared their ready obedience. The licentiate then received from Cortes the rod of justice, in token of surrendering the government into his hands, saying: "General, I receive this government from you by the orders of his majesty; although it is by no means implied that you are not most worthy both of this and of a higher trust." The general answered, "That he was always happy in obeying the commands of his majesty, and was the more satisfied on the present occasion, because he would have an opportunity to prove the malice and falsehood of his enemies." De Leon replied, "That in all societies there were good and bad men, for such was the way of the world; and he trusted that both would be repaid in kind." This was all the material business of the first day. On the next, the new governor sent a respectful summons to Cortes, who accordingly waited upon him, and they had a long private conference, at which no one was present except the prior Ortiz: Yet it was believed that the conversation was to the following effect. De Leon observed, that it was the wish of his majesty that those who had most merit in the conquest of the country should be well provided for in the distribution of plantations, those soldiers who had first come from Cuba being more especially considered: Whereas it was understood that they had been neglected, while others who had newly arrived had been gratified with unmerited wealth. To this Cortes answered, that all had got shares in the division of the country; and that it could not be imputed to him that some of these had turned out of less value than others: But it was now in the power of the new governor to remedy this inequality. The governor then asked why Luis de Godoy had been left to perish in a distant settlement, when the veterans ought to have been allowed to enjoy the comforts of established possessions in Mexico, and the new settlements assigned to new colonists: And why Captain Luis Marin, Bernal Diaz, and other approved veterans had been neglected. Cortes answered, That for business of difficulty and danger, none but the veterans could be depended on: But that all these were soon expected to return to Mexico, when the new governor would have it in his power to provide for them. De Leon next questioned him rather sharply about his imprudent march against Christoval de Oli, which he had undertaken without permission from his majesty. Cortes said, That he looked upon that measure as necessary for his majestys service, as such an example might have dangerous effects on officers entrusted with subordinate commands; and that he had reported his intentions to his majesty before he set out on this expedition. De Leon questioned him likewise on the affairs of Narvaez, Garay, and Tapia; on all of which subjects Cortes gave such answers that the governor seemed perfectly satisfied.
   Soon after this conference, Ortiz called on three very intimate friends of the general, and pretending to be actuated only by the most friendly desire to serve him, assured them that the governor had secret orders from the emperor to behead Cortes immediately; and that he, from private regard, and in conformity with the duties of his holy functions, had considered it to be his duty to give him this intelligence. He even desired an interview with Cortes next morning, and communicated the same information to him, accompanied with many protestations of regard and friendship. This assuredly gave Cortes a very serious subject of meditation: But he had already been informed of the intriguing character of the prior, and suspected all this proceeded from a wish to be bribed for his good offices with the governor; though some alleged that Ortiz acted by the secret directions of De Leon on this occasion. Cortes received this pretended friendly information with many thanks; but declared his belief that his majesty had a better opinion of his services, than to proceed against him in this clandestine manner; and that he had too high an opinion of the governor, than to believe he could proceed to such extremities without the royal warrant. When the prior found that his sly conduct did not produce the effect which he had expected, he remained so confused that he knew not what farther to say on the occasion. The new governor gave public notice, for all who had complaints to make against the former administration, to bring their charges, whether against Cortes, or any others of the civil or military officers. In consequence of this, a vast number of accusers, litigants, and claimants started up; among whom many private enemies of the general preferred unjust accusations against him, while others made just claims for what was really due to them. Some alleged that they had not received their just shares of the gold; others that they had not been sufficiently rewarded in the distribution of settlements; some demanded remuneration for their horses which had been killed in the wars, though they had already been paid ten times their value; and others demanded satisfaction for personal injuries. Just as the governor had opened his court to give a hearing to all parties, it pleased God, for our sins, and to our great misfortune, that he was suddenly taken ill of a fever. He remained four days in a lethargic state; after which, by the advice of his physicians, he confessed and received the sacrament with great devotion, and appointed Marcos de Aguilar, who had come with him from Spain, to succeed him in the government. On the ninth day from the commencement of his illness, he departed from this life, to the great grief of all the colonists, particularly the military, as he certainly intended to have redressed all abuses, and to have rewarded us according to our merits. He was of a gay disposition, and fond of music; and it is said that his attendants, while his illness was at the height, brought a lute player into his apartment, in hopes of soothing his distress. While a favourite air was playing, he was said to have beat time with perfect accuracy, and expired just when the tune was finished.
   Immediately on his death, the enemies of Cortes in Mexico circulated the most malignant slanders against him, even going the length of asserting that he said Sandoval had poisoned the governor as he had before done with Garay. The most busy in propagating this malicious report was the Prior Ortiz. But the truth was, that the vessel which brought the governor and his suite from Spain was infected with the disease of which he died; above a hundred of the crew and passengers having died at sea or soon after landing; among whom, almost all the friars who came out at that time were carried off, and the contagion spread through the city of Mexico. Some of the principal people in Mexico objected against the appointment which the late governor had made of a successor; alleging that Marcos de Aguilar was only a bachelor and not a licentiate, and therefore incapable of acting in that capacity. The cabildo of Mexico insisted that Aguilar was incapable of executing the high office to which De Leon had appointed him, on account of his age and infirmities; as he was a diseased hectic old man, who was obliged to drink goats milk, and to be suckled by a woman to keep him alive; they recommended therefore that Cortes should be associated with him in the government: But Aguilar insisted on adhering strictly to the testament of his predecessor; and Cortes, for substantial private reasons, was entirely averse from taking any share in the authority. The enemies of Cortes insisted on the inquiry proceeding in the manner intended by the late governor; and Cortes readily assented to this, providing the new governor would take the responsibility on himself for acting contrary to the testament of his predecessor, who had left orders for him not to proceed with the business before the court, but that the whole should be laid before his majesty.
   It is now proper to revert to our situation who had been left at Naco, when Cortes set sail from Truxillo for the Havanna and Mexico. We remained for some time at Naco, waiting intelligence for the sailing of Cortes, which Sandoval was to have sent us; but Saavedra maliciously suppressed the letters. Becoming impatient after a considerable delay, our captain, Luis Marin, sent ten of the cavalry, among whom I was, to Truxillo to learn the truth. On our arrival at a place named Olancho, we learned from some Spaniards that Cortes was sailed; which information was soon afterwards confirmed by a message from Saavedra. We returned therefore joyfully to Marin, and set out for Mexico, throwing stones at the country we were quitting, as a mark of our dislike. At a place called Maniani, we met five soldiers commanded by Diego de Villaneuva, one of our brave veterans, who were sent in search of us by Alvarado, who was at a place not far distant, named Chohilteca Malalaca, where we joined him in two days, and where we were likewise joined by a party belonging to Pedro Arias de Avilla, who had sent some of his captains to adjust some disputed boundaries with Alvarado. From this place, where we remained three days, Alvarado sent one Gaspar Arias de Avilla to treat on some confidential business with Pedro Arias, I believe relative to a marriage; for Pedro Arias seemed much devoted henceforwards to Alvarado. Continuing our march through a hostile country, the natives killed one of our soldiers, and wounded three; but we were too much in haste to punish them as they deserved. Farther on in Guatimala, the natives manned the passes against us, and we were detained three days in forcing our way through, on which occasion I received a slight wound. While in the valley where the city of Guatimala has been since built, and all the people of which were hostile, we had a number of shocks of an earthquake, all of which continued a long while, and were so violent that several of our soldiers were thrown down. On passing old Guatimala, the natives assembled against us in hostile array, but we drove them before us, and took possession of their magnificent dwellings and quadrangles for the night, and hutted ourselves next day on the plain, where we remained ten days. During this time Alvarado summoned the neighbouring Indians to submit, but they neglected to appear. We then proceeded by long marches to Olintepec, where Alvarados main force was stationed, whence we proceeded by Soconuzco and Teguantepec towards Mexico, losing two soldiers on our march, and the Mexican lord named Juan Velasquez, who had been a chief under Guatimotzin.
   On our arrival at Oaxaca, we learned the news of the death of Ponce de Leon the governor. We pressed forward to Mexico, and on our arrival at Chalco sent messengers to inform Cortes of our approach, and to request he would provide us with good quarters, having been two years and three months absent on our expedition. Cortes, attended by many gentlemen on horseback, met us on the causeway and accompanied us into the city, where we immediately went to the great church to return thanks to God for our arrival, after which we went to the generals palace, where a sumptuous entertainment was provided for us. Alvarado went to reside at the fortress, of which he had been appointed alcalde. Luis Marin went to lodge with Sandoval; and Captain Luis Sanchez and I, were taken by Andres de Tapia to his house. Cortes and Sandoval and all our other friends sent us presents of gold and cacao to bear our expences85. Next day, my friend Sanchez and I went to wait upon the new governor Aguilar, accompanied by Sandoval and De Tapia. We were received with much politeness, saying he would have done every thing in his power for us, if so authorised, but every thing having been referred by De Leon to his majesty, he was unable to make any new arrangements.
   At this time Diego de Ordas arrived from Cuba, who was said to have circulated the report of our deaths; but he declared that he had only sent an account of the unfortunate catastrophe of Xicalonga as it really happened, and that the misrepresentation proceeded entirely from the factor Salazar. Cortes had so much business on his hands that he thought proper to drop this affair, and endeavoured to recover his property which had been disposed of under the supposition of his death. A great part of it had been expended in celebrating his funeral obsequies, and in the purchase of perpetual masses for his soul; but, on his being discovered to be alive, had been repurchased by one Juan Caceres for his own benefit when he might happen to die, so that Cortes could not recover his property. Ordas, who was a man of much experience, seeing that Cortes was fallen much into neglect since he was superseded from the government, advised him to assume more state and consequence to maintain the respect due to him: But such was his native plainness of manners, that he never wished to be called otherwise than simply Cortes; a truly noble name, as glorious as those of Cesar, Pompey, or Hanibal among the ancients. Ordas likewise informed Cortes of a current report in Mexico, that he intended to put Salazar privately to death in prison, and warned him that he was powerfully patronized. About this time, the treasurer Estrada married one of his daughters to Jorge de Alvarado, and another to Don Luis de Guzman, son to the Conde de Castellar. Pedro de Alvarado went over to Spain to solicit the government of Guatimala, sending in the meantime his brother Jorge to reduce that province, with a force chiefly composed of the warriors of the different nations that were in our alliance. The governor also sent a force against the province of Chiapa, under the command of Don Juan Enriquez de Guzman, a near relation to the Duke of Medina Sidonia: And an expedition was sent against the Zapotecan mountaineers, under Alonzo de Herrera, one of our veteran soldiers.
   Having lingered about eight months, Marcos de Aguilar died, and appointed by his testament Alonzo de Estrada the treasurer to succeed him in the government: But the Cabildo of Mexico and many of the principal Spaniards were very solicitous that Cortes should be associated in the government; and on his peremptory refusal, they recommended that Sandoval, who was then alguazil-major, should act in conjunction with Estrada, which accordingly was the case. The incompetence of Estrada for conducting the government in the present conjuncture, particularly appeared from the following circumstance. Nuno de Guzman, who had held the government of Panuco for two years, conducted himself in a furious and tyrannical manner, arbitrarily extending the bounds of his jurisdiction on the most frivolous pretences, and putting to death all who dared to oppose his commands. Among these, Pedro Gonzalez de Truxillo, having asserted truly that his district was dependent on Mexico, Guzman immediately ordered him to be hanged. He put many other Spaniards to death, merely to make himself feared; and set the authority of the governor of Mexico at defiance. Some of the enemies of Cortes persuaded Estrada to represent to the court of Spain, that he had been compelled by the influence of Cortes to associate Sandoval with himself in the government, contrary to his inclination, and to the detriment of his majesties service. By the same conveyance, a string of malevolent falsehoods were transmitted against the general; as that he had poisoned Garay, De Leon, and Aguilar; that he had endeavoured to administer arsenic in cheese-cakes to a great number of people at a feast; that he was plotting the deaths of the veedor and factor Chirinos and Salazar, then in jail; and that he had procured the death of his wife, Donna Catalina. All these lies were supported by the industry of the contador Albornos, then in Spain: And, in consequence of these gross falsehoods, Cortes was partly judged unheard; as orders were sent to release Salazar and Chirinos; and Pedro de la Cueva, commendator-major of Alcantara, was ordered to go out to Mexico with an escort of three hundred soldiers at the expence of Cortes, with authority to put Cortes to death if his guilt were proved, and to distribute his property among the veteran conquerors of Mexico. This was to have been done, however, under the authority of a court of royal audience, which was to be sent out to Mexico; but all ended in nothing; as neither De la Cueva nor the court of royal audience made their appearance.
   Estrada was greatly elated by the countenance he received at court, which he attributed to his being considered as a natural son of the Catholic king. He disposed of governments at his pleasure, and carried every thing with a high hand. At this time he sent his relation Mazoriejos to inquire into the conduct of Don Juan Enriquez de Guzman in Chiapa, who is said to have made more plunder there than was proper. He sent also a force against the Zapotecas and Mixtecas, under the command of one De Barrios, said to be a brave soldier who had served in Italy. I do not mean De Barrios of Seville, the brother-in-law of Cortes. This officer marched with a hundred men against the Zapotecas; but they surprised him, one night, and slew himself and seven of his soldiers. Such was the difference between these raw half formed soldiers, who were ignorant of the stratagems of the enemy, and us the veteran conquerors. One Figuero, a particular friend of Estrada, was sent with a hundred new soldiers to the province of Oaxaca. On passing through the country of the Zapotecas, Figuero fell into a dispute with one Alonzo de Herrera, who had been sent to command there by the late governor Aguilar, in which Figuero and three soldiers were wounded. Finding himself unable for the field, and that his soldiers were unfit for expeditions among the mountains, Figuero thought proper to search for the sepulchres of the ancient chiefs, on purpose to appropriate the gold which used to be buried along with them; by which means he collected above an hundred thousand crowns, and returned with this wealth to Mexico, leaving the province in a worse state than before. From Mexico he went to Vera Cruz, where he embarked for Spain; but he and all his wealth went to the bottom, as the vessel in which he sailed was lost in a storm. The business of subjecting these Indians was finally left for us, the veterans of Coatzacualco, who at length reduced them to submission. They used to submit during the summer, and to rebel when the torrents rendered their country inaccessible. I was on three expeditions against them; and at last the town of St Alfonso was built to keep them under subjection.
   When the governor heard how his friend Figuero had been maltreated by Herrera, he sent the officers of justice to apprehend him, but he made his escape to the rocks and woods. They took a soldier named Cortejo who used to accompany him, whom they brought prisoner to Mexico, where the governor ordered his right hand to be cut off, without hearing him in his defence, although he was a gentleman. About this time also, a servant belonging to Sandoval wounded one of Estradas servants in a quarrel. The governor had him arrested, and sentenced him to have his right hand cut off, Cortes and Sandoval resided at this time in Quernavaca, partly on prudential considerations; and immediately posted off to Mexico, where he is said to have used such severe expressions to the governor as to put him in fear of his life. He called his friends about him to form a guard for his person, and immediately released Salazar and Chirinos from prison, by whose advice he issued an order for the expulsion of Cortes from Mexico. When this was represented to Cortes, he declared his readiness to obey; and since it was the will of God, that he who had gained that city at the expence of his best blood, should be banished from it by base and unworthy men, he was resolved to go immediately to Spain and demand justice from his majesty. He quitted the city instantly, and went to one of his country residences at Cojohuacan, from whence in a few days he proceeded towards the coast. Estradas lady, a person worthy of memory for her many virtues, seeing the dangerous consequences which were likely to result from this absurd and arbitrary conduct, remonstrated with her husband on the subject, reminding him of the many favours he had received from Cortes, the ingratitude with which he now repaid him, and the many powerful friends of the general. These representations are said to have induced the treasurer to repent sincerely of the violent steps he had taken. Just at this time, Fra Julian Garrios, the first bishop of Tlascala arrived in New Spain, who was much displeased on hearing the proceedings of the governor; and two days after his arrival in Mexico, where he was received with great pomp, he undertook to mediate a reconciliation between the governor and Cortes. Many seditious persons, knowing the dissatisfaction of Cortes, offered him their services if he would set himself up as an independant monarch in New Spain, and he even received similar offers from many persons in Mexico. He immediately arrested all of these men who were in his reach, threatening to put them to death, and wrote to inform the bishop of Tlascala of their treasonable offers. The bishop waited on Cortes, and found his conduct in every respect satisfactory, of which he sent word to Mexico; and finding that Cortes was positively determined upon going to Spain, the prelate added to his letter a severe censure from himself upon the misconduct of those who had driven him from thence.

SECTION XXII. Narrative of Occurrences, from the Departure of Cortes to Europe till his Death
   About this time likewise, Cortes received letters from the president of the council of the Indies, the Duke of Bejar, and several others of his friends in Spain; strongly urging the necessity of his appearance at court to counteract the malignant accusations of his numerous enemies86. By the same conveyance, he received notice of the death of his father. Having performed funeral obsequies in memory of his father, he ordered two ships to be purchased, which he stored so abundantly with provisions of all kinds, that after his arrival in Spain the overplus might have served for a voyage of two years. I am uncertain whether Cortes returned to Mexico in order to arrange his private affairs; but he appointed several agents for that purpose, the principal of whom was the licentiate Altamirano. His major-domo, Esquival, was employed in making preparations for the voyage; who, in crossing the lake to Ajotzinco in a large canoe with six Indians and a negro, having some ingots of gold in his possession, was waylaid and murdered; but the manner of his death could never be ascertained, as neither canoe, Indians, nor negro could ever be traced. The body of Esquival was found four days afterwards on a small island, half eaten by the birds of prey. There were many suspicions about this affair, some of such a nature as I cannot relate; but no great inquiry was made as to his death. Cortes appointed other persons to complete the preparations for his voyage; and offered by proclamation a free passage for all Spaniards who had license from the government to go to Spain, with a supply of provisions during the voyage. He took home with him from Mexico a great number of the curiosities of the country to present to his majesty, among which were various unknown birds, two tigers87, many barrels of ambergris and indurated balsam, and of a kind resembling oil88: Four Indians who were remarkably expert in playing the stick with their feet: Some of those Indian jugglers who had a manner of appearing to fly in the air: Three hunchbacked dwarfs of extraordinary deformity: Some male and female Indians whose skins were remarkable for an extraordinary whiteness, and who had a natural defect of vision89. Cortes was likewise attended by several young chiefs of the Mexican and Tlascalan nations, who went over along with him into Spain at their own request90.
   Every thing being in readiness for the voyage, Cortes confessed and received the sacrament, after which he embarked along with Sandoval, de Tapia, and other gentlemen; and in forty-one days arrived in Spain, where he disembarked near the town of Palos, in the month of December 1527. As soon as he set his foot on shore, he knelt down and returned thanks to God for the safety of his voyage. This fortunate voyage was soon succeeded by severe grief, in consequence of the death of the valiant Sandoval, who expired after a lingering illness in the house of a rope-maker in Palos, who robbed him in his presence of thirteen bars of gold, in the following manner: Perceiving the extreme weakness of Sandoval, he sent away all his servants on a pretended message to Cortes; and then went into Sandovals room, where he broke open his chest and took out the gold, our poor friend being too ill in bed to hinder him, and even apprehensive if he made any outcry, that the robber might take his life. As soon as he got the gold, he made his escape into Portugal, where he could not be pursued. Sandoval grew worse hourly, and as the physicians pronounced his end approaching, he prepared himself for death like a good Christian, and made his will, by which he left all his property to a sister, who afterwards married a natural son of the Conde de Medelin. Sandoval died universally regretted, and was followed to the grave by Cortes and a great train of mourners. May God pardon his sins! Amen.
   Cortes transmitted by express, an account of his arrival and of the death of his friend Sandoval to his majesty and to his patrons at court; and when the Duke of Bejar and the Conde de Aguilar waited on his majesty on the occasion, they found him already acquainted by means of letters from Cortes, and that he had been pleased to issue orders for his being received in the most honourable manner in all the towns and cities where he might have occasion to pass. On his arrival at Seville, Cortes was entertained by the Duke of Medina Sidonia, who presented him with several beautiful horses. He proceeded from thence to attend the nine days devotion at the shrine of our lady of Guadaloupe, where Donna Maria, the lady of the commendador Don Francisco de los Cobos, and many other ladies of high rank arrived at the same time. After Cortes had performed his devotions, and given charity to the poor, he went in grand style to pay his respects to Donna Maria, her beautiful sister, and the many other ladies of distinguished rank who were along with her, where he exhibited that politeness, gallantry, and generosity, in which he surpassed all men. He presented various golden ornaments of great value to all the ladies, giving a plume of green feathers richly ornamented with gold to every one of the ladies, but his presents to Donna Maria and her sister were particularly rich and valuable. He then produced his Indian dancers and players with the stick, who astonished all the spectators. And learning that one of the mules belonging to Donna Marias sister had fallen lame, he presented her with two of the finest which could be procured. Waiting the departure of these ladies, he attended them during their journey to the court, entertaining them magnificently on all occasions, doing the honours with a grace peculiar to himself, insomuch that Donna Maria de Mendoza began to have thoughts of a marriage between her sister and Cortes, and wrote in such strains of the politeness and generosity of Cortes, that she brought over the commendador her husband entirely to his interest.
   On his arrival at court, his majesty was pleased to order apartments for him, and all his friends came out to meet him on the road. Next day he went by permission to throw himself at his majestys feet, accompanied by the Duke of Bejar, the Admiral of the Indies, and the commendador of Leon. His majesty commanded him to rise, on which Cortes, after a short enumeration of his services and vindication of his conduct from the aspersions of his enemies, presented a memorial in which the whole was fully detailed. His majesty then honoured him with the title of Marquis della Valle de Oaxaca and the order of St Jago, giving him an estate for the support of his new dignity, and appointed him Captain-general of New Spain and of the South Seas. Thus loaded with honours, Cortes retired from the royal presence; and shortly afterwards falling dangerously ill, the emperor did him the honour of paying him a visit in person. One Sunday after his recovery, when the emperor was at mass in the cathedral of Toledo, seated according to custom with all the nobility in their proper stations, Cortes came there rather late, designedly as it was said, after all were seated; and, passing before all the others, took his place next the Conde de Nasao, who sat nearest the emperor. This gave great offence to many, though some said it was done by desire of the emperor. Indeed Cortes felt his elevation so much, that he ceased to hold some of his patrons in the estimation they deserved, bestowing his whole attentions on the Duke of Bejar, the Admiral, and the Conde de Nasao. He applied likewise to the emperor to be reappointed to the government of New Spain; but, though supported in this request by his noble patrons, his majesty refused compliance, and from this time he did not seem so much in favour as before.
   The emperor now proceeded on a journey to Flanders; and shortly after his departure, Cortes was married to Donna Juanna de Zuniga, on which occasion he presented his lady with the most magnificent jewels that had ever been seen in Spain. Queen Isabella, from the report of the lapidaries, expressed a wish for some similar jewels, which Cortes accordingly presented to her; but it was reported that these were not so fine or so valuable as those he had given to his lady. At this time Cortes obtained permission from the council of the Indies to fit out two ships on a voyage of discovery to the south seas, with the condition of enjoying certain privileges and revenues from all lands that were acquired through his means to the crown of Spain. Don Pedro de la Cueva, who was to have gone to Mexico with a commission to try Cortes and to put him to death if found guilty, was now upon the most intimate footing with him, and told him that even his innocence would have been sufficiently expensive, as the cost of the expedition, which he was to have paid, would have exceeded 300,000 crowns.
   Cortes sent Juan de Herrada, a brave soldier who had attended him in his expedition to Honduras, to carry a rich present of gold, silver, and jewels, to his holiness Pope Clement, with an ample memorial of all the circumstances respecting the newly discovered countries; and on this occasion solicited some abatement of the tithes of New Spain. Herrada was accompanied to Rome by several of the Indians who shewed feats of agility, and with whose performances the pope and cardinals were highly diverted. His holiness, on the receipt of the letters and memorial, gave thanks to God for the opportunity of making so many thousands converts to the holy catholic faith, praising the services which Cortes and we had rendered to the church and our sovereign, and sent us bulls of indulgence, freeing us from the penalties of our sins, and others for the erection of churches and hospitals; but I know not what was done in regard to the tithes. When Herrada had concluded his business at Rome, he returned to Spain with a liberal reward from the pope, who gave him the rank of Count Palatine, and strongly recommended that he should have the grant of a considerable plantation in New Spain, which he never got. After his return to America, he went to Peru, where Diego de Almagro left him in the office of governor to his son. He was high in the favour and confidence of the family and party of Almagro, with whom he served as maestre de campo under young Almagro, and headed the party which put to death the elder Don Francisco Pizarro.
   While Cortes remained in Spain, the members of the court of royal audience arrived in Mexico. Of this court, Nuno de Guzman, who had been governor of Panuco, was president; the four oydors or judges being the licentiates, Matienzo, Delgadillo, Parada, and Maldonado; not the good Alonzo Maldonado who was afterwards governor of Guatimala. These magistrates had greater powers than had hitherto been confided to any officers in New Spain, being entrusted with the final distribution of landed property, in which his majesty had particularly charged them to take care of the interests of the conquerors, and they evinced from the very first a determination to do justice. Immediately after their arrival, they issued a proclamation, requiring the attendance of an agent from each settlement, and to be furnished with memorials and returns of the several districts; and the agents accordingly arrived as soon as possible. Being then in Mexico in the execution of my office of procurator-syndic of the town of Coatzacualco, I posted to that place in order to be present at the election of agents, and after a violent contest, Captain Marin and I were elected by the majority. On our arrival in Mexico, we found that two of the oydors had died of pleurisies, and that the factor Salazar had acquired so complete an ascendancy over the others that they followed his advice in every thing. The agents pressed a final distribution of lands; but Salazar persuaded the president and the two remaining oydors not hastily to part with that source of patronage, which would necessarily diminish their influence. Salazar even set out for Spain, to solicit the government for the president, Nuno de Guzman; but was shipwrecked on the coast near Coatzacualco, and had to return to Mexico. Estrada died soon after being superseded, which he owed more to his own tameness than to any right the members of the court could found on his majestys orders, which left the government entirely with him, without saying any thing of the association of Guzman; who yet usurped the sole government to himself as president. Estrada was universally regretted, as he conducted himself with perfect impartiality, and would assuredly have been supported, if he had insisted on retaining his office of governor.
   A commission was appointed at Guatimala, where Jorge de Alvarado commanded, of which I never learnt the result. In Mexico the most severe proceedings were adopted against the Marquis della Valle, during which the factor Salazar reviled and slandered him in the grossest manner. The licentiate Altamirano, his friend and manager of his affairs, remonstrated with the court against these indecent proceedings, but to no purpose, as Guzman and the surviving judges gave their countenance to Salazar, who became more abusive than ever; insomuch that on one of these occasions Altamirano drew his poniard, and would have stabbed the factor, throwing the court into confusion and uproar, if he had not been prevented. Altamirano was sent prisoner to the citadel, and Salazar was ordered into arrest in his own house, and the city was thrown into an universal ferment. At the end of three days, the licentiate was liberated from confinement at our earnest desire, and the dispute was quieted for the present; but a more serious disscution succeeded. One Zavalos, a relation of Narvaez, had been sent by his wife in quest of him, as he had gone as governor to the Rio Palmas, and had not been heard of for a long while. On coming to Mexico, Zavalos, as is supposed by instigation of the members of the royal court of audience, lodged criminal information against all the soldiers of Cortes who had been concerned in the attack upon Narvaez; so that about two hundred and fifty of us, then in the city, myself among the rest, were apprehended, brought to trial, convicted, and sentenced to a fine of a certain quantity of gold, and banishment to the distance of five leagues from Mexico: But the banishment was remitted and very few paid the fine.
   The enemies of the marquis took a new ground of attack, alleging that he had embezzled the treasure of Montezuma and Guatimotzin, and was answerable to the soldiers both for what he had appropriated to his own use, and for that which had been sent to Spain as a present to his majesty and had been captured by Florin the French corsair. A long list of other demands followed, on every one of which he was found liable, and his property was sold under executions for the payment. At this time likewise, Juan Suarez the brother of Donna Catalina, the first wife of Cortes, charged him with her murder, offering to produce witnesses of the manner of her death. Many of us the veteran conquerors, who were the friends of Cortes, seeing the harsh manner in which he was treated, met by appointment at the house of Garcia Holguin, under the license of an alcalde or judge of police, where we entered into a resolution to renounce all our claims to the treasure: But when the judges of the royal tribunal heard of our proceedings, they ordered us all to be arrested for an illegal meeting; and though we produced the license under which our meeting was held, they again banished us five leagues from Mexico; but we were allowed to return. A proclamation was issued about this time, that all persons of Moorish descent, or from those who had been burned or sanbenited91 by the holy tribunal, as far as the fourth generation, should quit New Spain within four months, under the penalty of losing half their property. Vast numbers of informers and accusers started up on this occasion, by which an infinite number of most infamous slanders were propagated; and yet after all only two individuals were expelled.
   The court was generous in fulfilling the royal commands respecting the veteran conquerors, who were all amply provided for; but they granted an excessive license in regard to the branding of slaves, in consequence of which so many were made in the province of Panuco that it became almost depopulated. Guzman made a new-years-gift to Albornos, who was newly returned to Spain, of the whole district of Guazpaltepec. Albornos brought with him a royal patent for erecting some sugar-works at Chempoalla, which soon went to ruin. The oydor Delgadillo was much censured for his free gifts, as it was observed he always reserved some rents to himself, and the consequent extortions and oppressions of those he patronized were excessive. The other oydor Matienzo was superannuated. The abuses of the members of this supreme court became at length so notorious, that other members of more discretion were sent out to supersede them. Old Matienzo, who was the least exceptionable, was sent to Panuco to inquire into and remedy the abuses committed in that province; where he revoked the grants made by the president and Delgadillo to their friends and clients, bestowing the plantations on those who were pointed out by the royal instructions; but all those who were desired to deliver up their plantations endeavoured to bring proof that they had been granted in reward of former services, disclaiming all favour or patronage from Guzman or Delgadillo, and most of them succeeded in keeping what they had got, the only persons deprived being Albornos of his new-years-gift, Villareal, and Villegas.
   When the members of the royal tribunal understood that they were to be superseded, they resolved to send agents to Spain, provided with witnesses and documents to vouch for the propriety of their conduct; and for this purpose all the veteran conquerors and other persons of distinction were convened in the great church, to choose an agent for our interest. The president and judges of the royal tribunal recommended Salazar the factor; and though they had committed some improprieties, as they had in the main done us justice in the repartimientos, or distribution of property and vassals, we were all disposed to vote for the person they recommended; but when we had assembled in the church, so many persons had crowded in who had no right, making a prodigious noise and confusion, that we could not proceed to business; and though all who had not been summoned were ordered to withdraw, they refused and insisted to vote as well as the others. We therefore adjourned to the next day, at the house of the president; and none being admitted but those summoned, the business was soon amicably adjusted by agreement with the members of the royal audience, and two agents were chosen. One, named Antonio de Carvajal, for the court; and Bernardino Vasquez de Tapia, for Cortes and the conquerors. In my opinion, both of these were equally devoted to the views of the president; but this was natural on our part, as Guzman had done much more for us during his short administration, than Cortes during all the period of his power. Yet we were always more attached to Cortes, who had been our commander, than he was to our interest, notwithstanding that he had his majestys orders to provide for us; of which the following is a striking proof. The president and judges used their influence with us to petition his majesty that Cortes might never be permitted to return to New Spain, under pretence that his presence might occasion factions and disturbances, tending to the loss of the country. We opposed this to the utmost of our power; and as Alvarado arrived at this time from Spain with the commission of governor and lieutenant-general of Guatimala, and decorated with a commandery of St Jago, he and the friends of Cortes agreed to lay a statement of every thing before his majesty, giving a clear developement of the views and conduct of the members of the royal audience. From this it appeared to the royal council of the Indies, that all the measures they had taken against Cortes were dictated by passion and interest, and the determination of recalling the present members of the audience was thereby confirmed. The presence of Cortes in Spain at this time was also highly favourable to his interests, and he was now rapidly advancing to the pinnacle of his fortune.
   As Guzman was now quite certain of being superseded, he determined upon an expedition into the province of Xalisco, now called New Gallicia92. For this purpose he collected a large military force, partly of volunteers, and partly by the influence of his supreme authority, obliging those who did not serve personally to find substitutes, and those who had horses to sell them for half value. He took with him likewise a considerable number of Mexicans, partly as soldiers, and others to carry the baggage. In this expedition, he cruelly oppressed the provinces through which he passed, that he might amass riches. From Mechoacan93 he obtained a large quantity of gold much alloyed with silver, which the inhabitants had been collecting for ages; and as the unfortunate prince or cacique of that country was unable to gratify his avarice sufficiently, he had him tortured in the first place, and afterwards hanged on some false or trifling allegations, to the great displeasure of all the Spaniards in his army, who considered it as the cruellest and most unjust action ever committed in New Spain. All the booty which he had made in this expedition was collected at the town of Compostello, which he founded at a heavy expence to the crown and to the inhabitants of Mexico, and he remained in this place until his arrest.
   In consequence of the injustice of the former court of audience, his majesty was pleased to suppress it, and to cancel all its grants, and to appoint a new one consisting of wise and upright men. Of this new tribunal, Don Sebastian Ramirez, bishop of St Domingo was president, and the oydors or judges were the licentiates Maldonado de Salamanca, Vaco de Quiroga y Madrigal, afterwards bishop of Mechoacan, Zaynos de Toro, and Solomon de Madrid. On commencing their sittings, such crowds of complainants of all descriptions, settlers, agents, and native chiefs from every city, town, and district of New Spain made application for redress against the partiality and oppression of the former court, that the members were quite astonished. The demands made by the agents of Cortes for what had been unjustly taken from him, amounted to above 200,000 crowns. As Nuno de Guzman was absent, the whole blame was laid upon him by the other members of the former tribunal, who alleged that they were compelled to act according to his orders. He was accordingly summoned to appear, which he did not think proper to do, and it was judged proper to refer the whole affair for the present to the supreme court in Spain. Accordingly, one Torre, a licentiate, was sent with full powers from Spain to Xalisco, having orders to transmit Guzman to Mexico, and to commit him to prison. Torre was also commissioned to indemnify us for the fines which had been imposed on us respecting the affair of Narvaez.
   The properties of Delgadillo and Martienzo, were sold to pay the damages of those who had gained causes against them, and their persons imprisoned for the deficiency. A brother of Delgadillo, who was alcalde-major in Oaxaca, and another who was alcalde among the Zapotecas, were fined and imprisoned for the same reason, and died in jail. Delgadillo and Martienzo returned afterwards to Spain in poverty, where they soon died. The new judges were wise and just, regulating their conduct entirely according to the will of God and the king, and shewing a laudable zeal for the protection and conversion of the Indians. They prohibited all branding of the natives for slaves, and made many other excellent regulations. In about four years, Solomon and Zaynos, two of the judges, being old and wealthy, petitioned for leave to retire. The president also was ordered to repair to Europe, to give an account of the affairs of New Spain. He was then bishop of St Domingo, having been formerly inquisitor in Seville. After his return to Spain, he was advanced successively to the bishopricks of Toro, Leon, and Cuenзa, with astonishing rapidity, and was also made president of the royal chancery in Valladolid. The good conduct of the oydor Maldonado was rewarded by the government of Guatimala, Honduras, and Veragua, and the title of adelantado or lieutenant governor of Yucutan. The other judge, Quiroga de Madrigal, obtained the bishoprick of Mechoacan. Such were the rewards of these just judges!
   His majesty was pleased to appoint Don Antonio de Mendoza viceroy of New Spain. This most illustrious nobleman, worthy of all praise, was brother to the Marquis of Montejar. Along with him there came out as oydors or judges of the court of audience, the doctor Quesada, and the licentiates Tejada de Logrono and Loaysa. The latter was an old man who staid only three or four years in Mexico, where he collected a good deal of money, and then returned home to Spain. Santilana, another licentiate came out at the same time, appointed to succeed Maldonado as oydor when he might vacate his office. All were excellent magistrates. On opening their court, they gave leave to every one to make objections against the conduct of their predecessors; but which was found on inquiry to have been perfectly right. When the viceroy Mendoza arrived, as he knew that the licentiate Torre had orders to arrest Nuno de Guzman, he invited him to Mexico, meaning to save him from insult, and gave him apartments in the palace, where he was treated with all respect. But Torre, who had orders to communicate his commission to the viceroy, not finding himself countenanced in the strong measures he was inclined to pursue, and being naturally violent, arrested Guzman in the palace and carried him to the common prison, saying that he acted by royal authority. Guzman remained several days in custody, but was at length released at the intercession of the viceroy. The licentiate was much addicted to cards, particularly at the games of triumpho and primero, on which circumstance one of Guzmans friends played him the following trick to hold him up to ridicule. The civilians at that time wore gowns with loose hanging sleeves, into one of which some wag contrived to convey a pack of cards, so that when Torre was walking across the great square of Mexico in company with several persons of quality, the cards began to drop from his sleeve, leaving a long trail behind him as he walked along. On discovering the trick, which was heartily laughed at, he became very much enraged; and either from vexation or the influence of the climate, he died soon after of a calenture or burning fever, by which the affair of Guzman was respited.
   Cortes having now been long in Spain, advanced to the dignity of marquis, captain-general of New Spain, and admiral of the south sea, being anxious to revisit his estates in New Spain, embarked with his family and twelve fathers of the order of mercy. On his arrival at Vera Cruz, he was by no means so honourably received as formerly, and went from thence to Mexico, to present his patents to the viceroy and to take possession of his offices. Considerable difficulty occurred in regard to the interpretation of the royal grant of towns and lands to the marquis, which I do not pretend to understand. The grant, in mentioning the districts which were granted to him, enumerated the vicinos or neighbours who were considered as belonging to it and as constituting his vassals. Cortes insisted that the head person only of each family was to be considered as the vicino or vassal; but the Doctor Quesada, who was deputed to allot his districts, contended that every adult male in a family, master, son, servant, or slave, was to be reckoned in the number of the vicinos. The marquis was much disappointed by this interpretation, as there were often twelve or fifteen of these in one household or family, which would have prodigiously reduced his revenue, and several law-suits ensued in consequence. This matter was reported for his majesties determination, and continued for several years in suspence, during which the marquis received his full rents without hindrance: But finding the great diminution of his importance in the country which he had subdued, by the appointment of a viceroy, he retired to Quernavaca, where he established his residence, being on his own estate, never returning to Mexico. While Marcos de Aguilar held the government of New Spain, Cortes caused four ships to be fitted out at Zacatula on the south sea, under the command of Alvarado de Saavedra, and provided with various articles of merchandize, for a voyage to China and the Molucca or spice islands. He was likewise directed to look out for a squadron which had sailed from Spain for China, commanded by Don Garcia de Loaysa, a commander of the order of St John at Rhodes94. While Saavedra was preparing for his expedition, a vessel belonging to the squadron of Loaysa arrived at Zacatula, from the pilot and crew of which he acquired all the information he wished. Taking with him the pilot and two sailors of this ship, Saavedra proceeded on his voyage in December 1527 or 1528, and sustained many misfortunes and hardships on the way to the Moluccas. I do not know the particulars of this voyage: But, about three years afterwards, I met a sailor who had sailed in this expedition, who told me many strange things respecting the cities and nations he had seen. I also heard that the Portugueze had captured Saavedra and several of his people, whom they had sent prisoners to Europe. After his return to New Spain the marquis sent two ships, in May 1532, from Acapulco, commanded by Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, to make discoveries in the south sea. One of his ships mutinied and returned to New Spain, to the great mortification of Cortes, and Hurtado was never heard of afterwards. After this, Cortes sent out two other vessels, one commanded by Diego Bezerra de Mendoza, and the other by Hernando de Grijalva. The first night after their departure from Tehuantepec, they were separated in a gale of wind and never joined again, Grijalva being well pleased to escape from under the command of Bezerra, who was of a haughty temper; and besides, Grijalva was desirous to take the merit of any discoveries he might make to himself. After sailing 200 leagues, he came to an uninhabited island, which he named St Thomas. Bezerra made himself so odious by his domineering disposition, that his pilot Ximenes entered into a plot for his assassination, which he carried into effect, and took the command of the vessel. Continuing the voyage, he discovered an island which he named Santa Cruz, which was inhabited by savages, and where he set on shore two Franciscan friars and several persons who had refused to join in the mutiny. Being in want of water, he went at the same time on shore for that purpose; but he and all who landed were put to death by the savages within view of the ship. After this misfortune the survivors returned to New Spain.
   The Marquis del Valle was so much vexed by these disappointments that he resolved to go in person upon discovery, with three ships which he had ready for launching at Teguantepec. When the Spaniards learnt that he meant to embark on a voyage of discovery, they thought that success was quite certain, and great numbers resolved to accompany him. Above 320 persons, including women, offered their services, as there were above 130 of them married men, who brought their wives along with them. Leaving Teguantepec in May 1536 or 1537, accompanied by Andres de Tapia and several other officers, with some ecclesiastics, physicians and surgeons, and as many colonists as the vessels could contain, he sailed for the island of Santa Cruz, where he arrived after a prosperous voyage, and sent back the ships to bring over the remainder of the people95. The second voyage was not so fortunate, as they separated in a gale of wind near the river of St Peter and St Paul, one only of the ships arriving at the island of Santa Cruz, where the marquis anxiously expected them, as provisions were growing scarce. One of the other vessels, which contained the provisions, was stranded on the coast of Xalisco, whence most of the people returned to New Spain. The other vessel came to a bay which the people named Guayaval, from the quantity of guayavas which they found there. During this time, the marquis and his people were experiencing extreme distress on the uncultivated island of Santa Cruz, twenty-three of the soldiers dying of famine, and the rest sinking daily, and cursing his expeditions and discoveries. Taking fifty soldiers with him in the ship which had arrived, he went in search of the other two; and after some considerable search he found one stranded, as already mentioned, on the coast of Xalisco, and abandoned by the people, and met the other among some rocks. Having repaired these vessels, he brought them with a quantity of provisions to Santa Cruz, where his famished colonists eat so voraciously that half of them died. Anxious to quit this scene of misery, the marquis embarked from Santa Cruz, and, continuing his project of discoveries, fell in with the land of California, heartily tired of his fruitless pursuit, yet unwilling to return to New Spain without effecting some important discovery. When the Marchioness del Valle had notice of the loss of one of the vessels, she became very apprehensive of her husbands safety, and fitted out two ships to go in search of the marquis and his unfortunate colonists. These sailed under the command of Francisco de Ulloa, who carried letters from the marchioness and the viceroy, requesting the return of Cortes to New Spain. Ulloa had the good fortune to fall in with Cortes, who suffered himself to be prevailed on, and returned to New Spain by way of Acapulco, leaving Ulloa to command the squadron. His return rejoiced the Spaniards, who were always afraid the natives chiefs might revolt, when not awed by his presence. The people whom he left in California returned soon afterwards; but whether they were so ordered by the government I know not. After a few months, the Marquis fitted out other two ships, which he sent upon discovery under the command of Ulloa, who sailed from the port of Navidad in the month of June, but I forget the year. Ulloa had orders to explore the coast of California, and to search for Hurtado, who had never been heard of. After an absence of seven months, Ulloa returned to Xalisco, without having effected any discovery of importance; and was assassinated a few days afterwards on shore by a soldier who bore him a grudge. Thus ended the projected discoveries of the Marquis del Valle, in which I have heard him say that he expended above 300,000 crowns. He never prospered after his first conquest of New Spain; and his bad fortune was ascribed to the curses of his companions, for having treated them so ill in the distribution of the property acquired by their bravery. He now determined on going to Spain, in order to solicit an allowance from his majesty for the expences he had been at in these voyages, as also to endeavour to end the dispute concerning the vassals of his estates in New Spain, and to procure restitution of the property which had been seized from him by Nuno de Guzman, who was now a prisoner in Castille.

   After the departure of the Marquis, the viceroy and court of audience sent a military force from Xalisco by land to the north west, under the command of Francisco Vasquez Coronado, who married the beautiful and virtuous daughter of the treasurer Estrada. Coronado left his government of Xalisco, under the charge of an officer named Onate, and marched into the country named Celibola96 or the Seven Cities; whence he sent a Franciscan friar, named Marcos de Nica, to Mexico, to give the viceroy an account of the country. He described it as consisting of fine plains, with great herds of cattle quite different from those of Europe; having populous towns, in which the houses were of two stories with stairs. He also represented that it lay on the coast of the south sea, by means of which necessaries and reinforcements could be easily sent to the Spanish force. Accordingly, three ships were sent for that purpose, under the command of Hernando de Alarco, an officer belonging to the household of the viceroy.
   In the year 1537, Don Pedro de Alvarado fitted out a great armament of thirteen vessels from the port of Acaxatla97 on the south sea, in consequence of a license from his majesty, in which he had a grant of certain rents and advantages in such countries as he might discover; that is to say, in China and the Moluccas or Spice Islands. As the port where this armament was fitted out was above 200 leagues from Vera Cruz, whence all the iron and most other articles had to be carried by land, its cost might easily have fitted out eighty such vessels from Old Spain. All the wealth which Alvarado brought from Peru98, together with what he had got from the mines in Guatimala, with the rents of his estates, and rich presents from his friends and relations, were insufficient for his preparations on this occasion, although all the merchandize was procured on credit. Great as was the expence of the ships, it was far exceeded by that of his army, consisting of 650 soldiers with their officers, and a number of horses, as a good horse at that time cost 300 crowns. Alvarado sailed some time in the year 1538 for the harbour of Navidad near the city of Purification, in the province of Xalisco, or New Galicia, where he meant to take in water, and to embark more soldiers. When the viceroy heard of this great armament, he became desirous to have a share in it, and went to Navidad to view the fleet, whence he and Alvarado returned to Mexico. Alvarado wished to have a relation of his own named Juan appointed to have the command of this expedition, while the viceroy was desirous to have another officer, named Villalobos, joined in command with Juan Alvarado. On his return to the port of Navidad, and when just ready to sail, Alvarado received a letter from Onate, who had been left in the command of the province of Xalisco, earnestly entreating his immediate assistance, as he and the settlement were threatened with destruction by the Indians of Cochitlan. Alvarado, who was always zealous in his majestys service, marched immediately with his troops to their relief, and found them in a most desperate situation. The insurgents rather diminished in the violence of their attacks on the arrival of Alvarado, but hostilities were still continued; and one day, as Alvarado was following the enemy among some rocky mountains, a soldier on horseback, who was at a considerable height above him on the steep side of a mountain, came rolling down above him, horse and all, by which he was so much bruised, that soon after his removal to the town of the Purification, he was seized with fainting-fits, and expired in a few days. On the news of Alvarados death being known to his fleet and army, many of the people returned to their homes with what they had received. The viceroy sent off the licentiate Maldonado to prevent confusion as much as possible, whom he followed soon after to take the charge of the remaining soldiers, with whom he marched against the insurgents, and after a tedious and difficult warfare of some continuance, reduced them to submission.
   The loss of Alvarado was severely felt in his family, and his memory was long held in high esteem through all New Spain. On receiving the fatal intelligence in Guatimala, the worthy bishop Maroguin and all his clergy celebrated his obsequies with much honour, and his major-domo caused the walls of his house to be painted black, which colour has remained ever since. Many gentlemen waited on Donna Beatrix de la Cueva, his lady, to console her for her loss. They advised her to give God thanks, since it was his will to take her husband to himself. Like a good Christian, she assented to this sentiment, yet said that she now wished to leave this melancholy world and all its misfortunes. The historian Gomara has falsely said that she spoke blasphemously on this occasion, saying that God could now do her no more injury; and injuriously ascribes the subsequent misfortune which befel her to these words which she did not utter. A deluge of mud and water burst forth from the volcano near Guatimala, which overwhelmed the house in which she was praying along with her women. Although Alvarado and his four brothers had served his majesty with much zeal, no part of his property descended to his children, and the whole family was peculiarly unfortunate. Don Pedro died, as I have already related, by an uncommon accident in Cochitlan, or Culiacan. His brother Jorge died in Madrid in 1540, while soliciting his majesty for a recompence of his services. Gomes de Alvarado died in Peru. Gonzalo in Mexico or Oaxaca, I am uncertain which. Juan on his voyage to Cuba. The eldest son of Don Pedro, while on a voyage along with his relation the younger Juan, to solicit a recompence for his fathers services, was lost at sea. Don Diego, the younger son, seeing the fortunes of the family desperate, returned to Peru, where he died in battle. Donna Beatrix99, the lady of Don Pedro, with the female part of the family, were destroyed, as before related, by a torrent from a volcano, one of his daughters only excepted, Donna Leonora, who was saved from the torrent, and has caused two sepulchres to be built in the great church of Guatimala, to receive the bones of her relations. May our Lord Jesus take them all with him into glory! Amen.
   About a year after the death of Don Pedro Alvarado, the viceroy sent the best of his ships under Villalobos to make discoveries to the westwards of the Pacific Ocean; but with what success I never learnt. No part of the expences of this armament were ever recovered by any of the descendants of Alvarado.
   As the Marquis del Valle was in Spain at the time of the expedition against Algiers, he attended his majesty on that occasion, along with his legitimate son Don Martinez, and Don Martin the son he had by Donna Marina. The fleet was dispersed in a storm, and the ship on board of which the marquis had embarked was stranded, on which occasion he, his sons, and his suite, got on shore with much difficulty. On this occasion he tied a quantity of rich jewels, which he used to wear like other great lords for no use, in a handkerchief round his arm, but they were all lost. On account of this disaster to the fleet, the council of war was of opinion that the siege ought to be immediately raised. The marquis was not called to this council; but it has been said that, if present, he would have declared for continuing the siege, and if he had been so fortunate as to command there such brave soldiers as those who accompanied him to Mexico, he would have entertained no doubt of success.
   The marquis was now grown old and worn out by long and severe fatigue, and was anxious to have returned to New Spain, to settle his affairs: But he waited the celebration of a marriage, between his eldest daughter Donna Maria and Don Alvaro Pinez Osorio, son and heir to the Marquis of Astorga, and had agreed to give his daughter a fortune of 100,000 ducats. He had sent to bring over his daughter from Mexico, and had even gone himself to Seville to meet her; but the match was broke off, as is said by the fault of Don Alvaro. Cortes was much disappointed at this, and as his health was already in a bad state, he declined so rapidly, that he retired to Castileja de la Cuesta, to attend to the concerns of his soul, and to make his testament. Having arranged all his affairs, both for this and the next world, he departed this life on the 2d of December 1547. He was buried with great pomp in the chapel of the dukes of Medina Sidonia; but, according to his will, his remains were afterwards, removed to Cojohuacan or Tezcuco in New Spain, I am uncertain which. By his latter will, he left funds for the endowment of an hospital in Mexico, and a nunnery in his own town of Cojohuacan. In 1519, when we went along with him from Cuba against Mexico, he used to tell us that he was then thirty-four years old; and as he died 28 years afterwards, he must have been exactly 62 at his death. The arms granted to him by his majesty, when he was created a marquis, were the heads of seven kings surrounded by a chain, implying Montezuma, Cacamatzin, Guatimotzin, Tulapa, Coadlavaca, and the princes of Tacuba and Cojohuacan. The motto, as I have been told, was well adapted to a valiant warrior; but being in Latin, which I do not understand, I say nothing on that subject.
   The Marquis del Valle de Oaxaca, was strong built, and of a good stature, with a rather pale complexion and serious countenance. His features were rather small, with mild and grave eyes. His hair and beard were black and thin. His breast and shoulders were broad, and his body thin. He was well-limbed, his legs being somewhat bent. He was an excellent horseman, and very dexterous in the use of arms; and he also had the heart and mind of valour, which is the principal part of that business. I have heard that, when young, he was very wild about women, and had several duels in Hispaniola on that account with able swordsmen, in all of which he came off victorious: But he received a wound near his under lip on one of these occasions, the scar of which could be seen through his beard when closely examined. In his appearance, manners, behaviour, conversation, table, and dress, every thing corresponded to a man of high rank; and, although his clothes always corresponded to the fashion of the times, he was not fond of silks, damasks, or velvets; but wore every thing plain and handsome. Instead of large chains of gold in which some delighted, he was satisfied with a small chain of exquisite workmanship, to which was appended a gold medal of the Virgin and child Jesus, with a Latin motto, and on the reverse St John the Baptist and another motto. On his finger he wore a very fine diamond ring; and in his cap, which was of velvet, he bore a gold medal, the head and motto of which I have forgot: But, in his latter days, he wore a plain cloth cap without ornament.
   His table was always magnificently served and attended, having four major-domos or principal officers, with many pages, and a great quantity of massy plate both of gold and silver. He dined heartily about mid-day, drinking only about half a pint of wine mixed with water. He was not nice or expensive in his food, except on particular occasions, where he saw it to be proper. He was exceedingly affable with all his captains and soldiers, especially those who accompanied him at first from Cuba; yet practised the strictest attention to military discipline, constantly going the rounds himself in the night, and visiting the quarters of the soldiers, severely reprehending all whom he found without their armour or appointments, and not ready to turn out at a moments warning, saying, "It is a bad sheep that cannot carry its own wool." He was a Latin scholar, and as I have been told, a bachelor of laws, a good rhetorician, and something even of a poet. He was very devote to the Holy Virgin, and to St Peter, St James, and St John the Baptist. His oath was, "By my conscience." When angry with any of his friends, he used to say, "may you repent it;" and when in great warmth, the veins of his throat and forehead used to swell much, but he then never spoke. He was very patient under insults or injuries, as the soldiers were sometimes very rude and abusive; yet he never resented their conduct, only saying, "Be silent," or, "Go in Gods name, and do not repeat this or I shall have you punished." In all matters of war, he was exceedingly headstrong and determined, never attending to remonstrances on account of danger; one instance of which was in the attack of the fortresses called the Rocks of the Marquis, which he forced us to climb, contrary to all our opinions, where courage, counsel, or wisdom, could give no rational hope of success. Another instance was in his obstinacy respecting the expedition against De Oli; in which I repeatedly urged him to go by way of the mountains, whereas he obstinately persisted in going by the coast. Had he taken my advice, he would have found towns the whole way. Where we had to erect any fortress or entrenchment, he was always the hardest labourer; when we advanced to battle, he was always in the front.
   Cortes was fond of play, both at cards and dice, at which he was always good-humoured and affable, often using the cant terms customary on these occasions. During our expedition to Higueras, I observed that he had acquired a habit of taking a short sleep or siesta after eating; and if he could not get this he was apt to become sick. On this account, let the rain be ever so heavy, or the sun ever so hot, he always reposed a short while on a cloak or carpet under a tree; and after a short sleep, mounted his horse and proceeded on his march. When engaged in the conquest of New Spain, he was very thin and slender; but after his return from Higueras, he became fat and corpulent. His beard began at that time to grow grey, after which he trimmed it in the short fashion. In his early life, he was very liberal, but grew close afterwards, insomuch that some of his servants complained that he did not pay them properly. I have already observed that he never succeeded in his latter undertakings: Perhaps such was the will of Heaven, which reserved his reward for a better world; for he was a good gentleman and very devout. God pardon him his sins, and me mine, and give me a good end, which is better than all conquests or victories over Indians! Amen.
   * * * * *
   Descendants of Hernando Cortes100.
   The legitimate children of Cortes were, Don Martin, who succeeded him as marquis; Donna Maria, who married the Conde de Luna of Leon; Donna Juanna, who married Don Hernando Enriquez, heir to the Marquis of Tarriffa; Donna Catalina, who died in Seville; and Donna Leonora, who married, in Mexico, Juanez de Tolosa, a rich Biscayan, which alliance gave great offence to the young marquis. He left also two natural sons: Don Martin by Donna Marina; and Don Luis by a lady named De Hermosilla; both of whom were commanders of the order of St Jago. Besides these, he had three natural daughters; one by an Indian woman of Cuba, and two others by a Mexican woman: He left great fortunes to all these ladies.
   Don Hernando Cortes, conqueror, governor, and captain-general of New Spain, admiral of the South Seas, first Marquis of the Valley of Oaxaca, had in second marriage, Donna Jeroma Ramirez de Arellano y Zuniga, daughter of Don Carlos Ramirez de Arellano, second Conde de Aguilar, and of Donna Jeroma de Zuniga, daughter of the first Duke of Bejar. Their son was,
   I. Don Martinez Cortes de Ramirez y Arellano, second Marquis of the Valley, married his cousin, Donna Anna Ramirez de Arellano. Their issue was,
   II. Don Hernando Cortes de Ramirez ye Arellano, third Marquis of the Valley; married Donna Murcia Hernandez de Cabrera y Mendoza, daughter of Don Pedro Hernandez de Cabrera y Bovadilla, second Conde de Chinchon, and Donna Maria de Mendoza y Cerda, sister to the Prince of Melito. Don Hernando had but one son, who died in childhood, and was therefore succeeded by his brother,
   2. Don Pedro Cortes, &c. fourth Marquis of the Valley, who married Donna Anna Pacheco de la Cerda, sister of the second Conde de Montalban: But leaving no issue was succeeded by his sister,
   3. Donna Jeroma Cortes, &c. fifth Marchioness of the Valley, who married Don Pedro Carillo de Mendoza, ninth Conde de Priego, captain-general of Seville, and grand major-domo to Queen Margaret of Austria. Their only daughter, who carried on the line of the family, was,
   III. Donna Stephania Carillo de Mendoza y Cortes, sixth Marchioness of the Valley, who married Don Diego de Arragon, fourth Duke of Terra Nova, prince of Castel Vetrano, and of the holy Roman empire, Marquis of Avola and Favora, constable and admiral of Sicily, commander of Villa Franca, viceroy of Sardinia, knight of the golden fleece. Their only daughter was,
   IV. Donna Juana de Arragon, &c. fifth Duchess of Terra Nova, seventh Marchioness of the Valley, &c. who married Don Hector Pignatelli, Duke of Montelione, prince of Noja, &c. Their only son was,
   V. Don Andrea Fabrizio Pignatelli, &c. duke of Montelione and Terra Nova, &c. eighth Marquis of the Valley; who married Donna Teresa Pimentel y Benavides, &c. Their daughter was,
   VI. Donna J. Pignatelli, &c. Duchess of Montelione and Terra Nova, ninth Marchioness of the Valley, &c. who married Don Nicolas Pignatelli, viceroy of Sardinia and Sicily, &c. Their son was,
   VII. Don Diego Pignatelli, &c. duke of Montelione and Terra Nova, tenth Marquis of the Valley, &c. His son was,
   VIII. Don Fabrizio Pignatelli, &c. Duke of Montelione and Terra Nova, eleventh Marquis of the Valley, &c. His son was,
   IX. Don Hector Pignatelli, &c. Duke of Montelione and Terra Nova, twelfth Marquis of the Valley, grandee of Spain, prince of the holy Roman empire, at present living in Naples101, and married to Donna N. Piccolomini, of the family of the Dukes of Amalfi.
   From the noble couple mentioned in the VI. step of the foregoing deduction, besides Don Diego, who carried on their line, there were three other sons and three daughters: 1. Don Diego, as above. 2. Don Ferdinand. 3. Don Antonio. 4. Don Fabrizio. 5. Donna Rosa. 6. Donna Maria Teresa. 7. Donna Stephania102.

SECTION XXIV. Concluding Observations by the Author103
   Having enumerated the soldiers who passed from Cuba along with Cortes, to the conquest of New Spain, I have to observe that we were for the most part hidalgos, or gentlemen, though some were not of such clear lineage as others; but, whatever may have been the dignity of our birth, we made ourselves much more illustrious by our heroic actions in the conquest of this country, at our own sole cost, without any aid or support, save that of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. In the ancient history of our own country, many cavaliers rose to dignity and honours by valiant and faithful services to their kings; and though they did not go into the field as we did, without pay, they were rewarded with lands, houses, castles, dignities, and privileges, to them and their heirs in perpetuity. Also, when his majesty Don Jayme, won certain parts of his kingdom from the Moors, he made grants of these to the cavaliers who assisted him in the conquest, from which period their descendants derive their estates, honours, and blazons. Those also who served under the Great Captain and the Prince of Orange were rewarded in like manner. I have recalled the recollection of these things, that the world may consider and determine whether we, who gained this great country by our valour, even without the knowledge of his majesty, are not as worthy of such rewards and honours as those cavaliers above-mentioned, by our good, notable, and loyal services to God, the king, and all Christendom.
   I have placed myself last in the list, having been twice in this country before the coming of Cortes, and the third time along with him; and, as among those whom I have enumerated, there were many valiant captains, so I was held in no inconsiderable estimation in my day as a soldier. Besides the many battles and dangers in which I participated since I came into this country, and the distresses, by hunger, thirst, fatigue and wounds, incident to all who undertake discoveries and wars in unknown countries, I was twice in the hands of the enemy, who were carrying me off for sacrifice: But thanks and praise to God and his holy Virgin Mother, who gave me force to escape from their grasp, that I might now relate and make manifest our heroic deeds in the conquest of this new world, and thereby to prevent all the honour and merit from being unjustly ascribed to our general alone. It is now proper that I should make some observations on the good effects produced by our exertions and illustrious conquests, to the service of God and our king, in which many of our companions lost their lives, being sacrificed to the gods or idols of the Mexicans, Huitzilopochtli and Tezcatlipoca.
   In the first place, we purged the land of many wicked customs, and in particular from human sacrifices. By estimates made by the reverend Franciscan friars, who succeeded Fra Bartholomew de Olmedo, it appears that above 2500 human victims were sacrificed yearly in Mexico and some adjacent towns on the lake; so that the number annually put to death in the whole country must have been very great. Their various other horrible practices exceed my powers of description. Their cursed adoratories were exceedingly numerous, like our holy churches, hermitages, and chapels, in Spain, as they had everywhere houses dedicated to idols, devils, and infernal figures. Besides which, every individual native had two altars, one beside the place where he or she slept, and another at the door of the house, with chests containing large or small idols and stone knives, and books made of the bark of trees containing the record of past times. Especially on the coast and other sultry parts of the country, they were addicted to the most abominable vices, where they had boys in female attire. They fed on human flesh, as we do on beef, having wooden cages in every town, in which men, women, and children, were kept and fed for that purpose, to which all the prisoners taken in war were destined. Incest was common among them, and they were extremely addicted to drunkenness. They had as many wives as they pleased. From these and many other abominations, it was the will of God that we should be the humble instruments to clear the land; substituting a good policy and the holy doctrine of Jesus Christ in their place. It is true that, two years afterwards, when the country was subjugated and civilized, certain worthy Franciscans of good example and holy doctrine came here, who were followed in three or four years by fathers of the order of St Dominic, who completed what others had begun. But the honour of having destroyed the abominations of the land, assuredly belongs to us the true conquerors, who opened the way for these holy fathers.
   By the will of God, and the sacred Christianity of the emperor Don Carlos of glorious memory, and our present most fortunate sovereign the invincible Don Philip, all the natives of this great country have been baptised to the salvation of their souls, formerly sunk and lost in the bottomless pit. We have many fathers of the different orders, who go about preaching and baptizing, by which means the knowledge of the holy Evangile is firmly planted in the hearts of the natives, who confess yearly, and those who have sufficient knowledge in the faith, participate in the holy eucharist. The churches and their altars are richly adorned with all requisites for holy worship; as crosses, candlesticks, wax-candles, chalices, cups, plates, and vessels for incense, all of silver. The ornaments of the altars and crosses are of velvet, and damask, and other rich materials, of various colours and splendid workmanship, adorned with embroidery of gold, silk and pearls. Each town has its bells according to its ability. The chapels have choirs of good voices which sing in concert, tenors, trebles, and counter-tenors. In some places there are organs; but most have lutes, sackbuts, dulcimers, and bass and treble trumpets. This one province of Guatimala has more than my native county, old Castille. It is edifying and wonderful to see the devotion of the natives at the holy mass, especially when performed by the fathers of the orders of St Francis and of Mercy, who have the cures of the parishes. All the natives, men, women, and children, are taught the holy prayers in their own tongue; and always on passing a cross, crucifix, or altar, they fall on their knees repeating a pater noster or an ave Maria. We, the conquerors, taught them to burn wax candles before the holy altars and crosses, and to behave respectfully to the reverend fathers, going out to meet them when they came to the towns, with lighted candles, ringing of bells, and providing them abundantly with provisions. On Lady Day and Corpus Christi, and other solemn fasts of the church, when we make processions, most of the natives of this city of Guatimala go likewise in procession, with crosses and lighted candles, bearing the images of their patron saints as richly dressed as they can afford, and singing litanies and other holy prayers to the sound of flutes and trumpets.
   The natives also of these countries have learnt all the trades used among us in Spain, having their shops, manufactories, and work-people. Their goldsmiths and silversmiths, both those who make cast work or who use the hammer, are excellent. Their lapidaries or engravers on precious stones, especially emeralds, execute the nicest representations of the holy acts and passion of our blessed Saviour, in such a manner as could not be believed from Indians. Three of our native Mexican artists, named Andres de Aquino, Juan de la Cruz, and El Crispillo, have in my humble judgment executed paintings which may vie with those of Apelles, Michael Angelo, and Berruguete. The sons of the chiefs used to be educated in grammar, and were learning very well, till this was prohibited by the holy synod, under an order of the most reverend the archbishop of Mexico. Many of the natives are manufacturers of silks and various other stuffs, and hatters, and soap-boilers. Two trades only could never be acquired by them, which is the art of glass blowing, and that of the apothecary; but this is not owing to any defect of natural genius, as there are among them surgeons, herbalists, jugglers, makers of puppets, and of violins. They cultivated the ground before our arrival; and now they rear stock, break in bullocks to the plough, sow, reap, manure, and make bread and biscuit. They have planted their lands with the various fruits of old Spain, such as quince, apple, and pear trees, which they hold in high estimation; but cut down the unwholesome peach trees and the overshading plantains. From us they have learnt laws and justice; and they every year elect their own alcaldes, regidors, notaries, alguazils, fiscals, and major-domos104. They have their cabildos, or common councils, and bailiffs, which meet twice a-week, judging, sentencing, and punishing for smaller offences; but for murder and higher crimes, they must have recourse to the Spanish governors in places where there are no courts of royal audience. In Tlascala, Tezcuco, Cholula, Guaxocinco, Tepeaca, and other large cities, gilt maces are borne before the native magistrates when they go to hold their cabildos, as is done before our viceroys; and they distribute justice with much zeal and impartiality, being anxious to acquire a thorough knowledge of our laws. All the caciques are rich, and ride on horses handsomely caparisoned, attended by pages. In some townships likewise, they exercise with the lance on horseback, running at the ring; and they have bull feasts, especially on the days of Corpus Christi, St John, St James, the Assumption, or the patron or patroness saint of the town. Many of them are excellent horsemen, and the natives especially of Chiapa de los Indios, will face the fiercest bull. The caciques breed horses, and use them and mules for conveying their various commodities for sale, such as maize, wood or lime; and many of the natives gain their living by following the occupation of carriers.
   By means of our illustrious services, our mother-country obtains gold, silver, precious stones, cochineal, wool, salsaparilla, hides, and various other commodities, to the great advantage of the royal revenue. Since the time of the great and wise Solomon, neither ancient nor modern history record the acquisition of such riches by any country, as have been derived from New Spain. I do not now include the millions in gold and silver derived from Peru, as that country was unknown when we conquered New Spain, and was not conquered till ten years afterwards: Besides all which, Peru has been involved in cruel civil wars, whereas we have ever remained submissive in our allegiance to his majesty, and ready to devote our lives and fortunes to his service. The numerous cities in New Spain are worthy of consideration, but would be too tedious to enumerate. Besides the archbishoprick of Mexico, we have ten bishopricks, with many cathedrals, and monastaries belonging to the Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustines, and the order of Mercy. Many hospitals, with extensive remissions and pardons attached to them; besides the Santa casa of our Lady of Guadeloupe, where many holy miracles are performed daily. In Mexico there is an university in which are taught grammar, theology, rhetoric, logic, philosophy, and other sciences; and in which the students take the several degrees of bachelor, licentiate, and doctor; having also a printing press for books in the Spanish and Latin languages. If all I have now said be insufficient, let the wise and learned read over this my true history with impartial care, and they must confess that there never were men who have gained more by their valorous achievements for their king than we the brave conquerors, among the most valiant of whom I was considered. And I say again, I myself, who am a true conqueror, am the most ancient of all. Of the 550 soldiers who left Cuba along with Cortes, five only are now living in the year 1568, while I am writing this history; all the rest having been slain in the wars, or sacrificed to the accursed idols, or have died in the course of nature. Of 1300 soldiers who came with Narvaez, exclusive of mariners, not more than ten or eleven now survive. Of those who came with Garay, including the three companies which landed at St Juan de Ulua previous to his own arrival, amounting to 1200 soldiers, most were sacrificed and devoured in the province of Panuco. We five companions of Cortes who yet survive, are all very old and bowed down with infirmities, and extremely poor; having heavy charges of sons to establish, daughters to marry off, and grand-children to maintain, with very small means to do all this. Whereas we ought to have had the best properties in the country allotted to us, in reward of our high prowess and transcendent services in that country which we conquered; not indeed to the same extent with the rewards granted to Cortes, but in just moderation in proportion to our merits. This indeed was ordered by his majesty, but interest and partiality gave away what we ought to have received to others, leaving little for the royal patrimony or to be bestowed on us. Immediately after the conquest, Cortes ought to have divided the whole country into five shares, assigning the richest and best to his majesty, out of which to reward those cavaliers who served him in his European wars; taking a share and a half to himself, and for the establishment of churches, monasteries, and municipalities; and dividing the remaining half in perpetual grants to us the true conquerors, by which we should have all been amply provided for.
   Our emperor was so truly a Christian monarch, that he would willingly have granted us these favours, more especially as the conquest cost him nothing. But we knew not then where to apply for justice, except to Cortes himself, who did in all things as he thought fit, taking care of himself, and of his friends and relations newly come from old Spain. We remained therefore with the little which had been assigned to us, till we saw Don Francisco de Montejo, who had waited on his majesty in Europe, return with the appointment of adelantado and governor of Yucutan, estates in Mexico, and other rewards. Diego de Ordas also, who went to court, obtained a commandery of St Jago, and districts in New Spain. Don Pedro de Alvarado, who likewise went to represent his services, was made adelantado and governor of Guatimala and Chiapa, commander of the order of St Jago, and obtained extensive grants of land. When therefore, we the conquerors saw that those who did not reach his majesty, or had no one to speak for them, were neglected, we transmitted a petition, by which we prayed that such lands as fell vacant might be distributed among us in perpetuities, as had been done by the first court of royal audience, of which Nuno de Guzman was president; who had been directed to make the divisions more equal, deducting in due proportions from the immoderate grants of Cortes, and that the best districts and rents should be divided among us the true conquerors, leaving the cities and great towns for his majesty. His majesty likewise ordered the vassals of Cortes to be counted, leaving no more than were specified in his patents; but I do not remember what was to have been done with the surplus. Nuno de Guzman and the judges of his tribunal were misled by advisers from making their grants perpetual, under pretence that the conquerors would cease to depend upon and respect them if independent, and that it was better to keep them under the necessity of supplicating for subsistence, and likewise to preserve to themselves the power of dividing the conquered lands to the advantage of their own interest. Guzman and his oydors indeed, constantly assigned such districts as fell vacant among the conquerors and colonists to universal satisfaction; but were superseded in consequence of their disputes with Cortes.
   In 1550, when I was in Old Spain, a council was formed, consisting of Bartholomew de las Casas, bishop of Chiapa, Vasco de Quiroga, bishop of Mechoacan, and other cavaliers who had come as agents from New Spain and Peru, with some gentlemen who had come on business to court; to which council I also was called, as being the most ancient of the conquerors of New Spain. At this time certain of the Peruvian gentlemen petitioned his majesty to cause perpetual allotments of lands to be made in that kingdom, and a similar petition was presented by Gonzalo Lopez and Alonzo de Villanueva, who had come over as agents from Mexico. His majesty was pleased to order the rapartimiento or distribution of lands to be referred to the council of the Indies, consisting of the Marquis de Mondejar president, with the licentiates Gutierre Velasquez, Tello de Sandoval, Gregorio Lopes de Briviesca, and the Doctor Hernan Perez de la Fuente, oydors or judges of that court, together with the members of other royal councils. At this meeting, it was proposed to make a perpetual distribution of the lands of New Spain and Peru; I am uncertain if New Granada and Popayan were to have been included. Many excellent reasons were given for this measure being adopted, but it was strenuously opposed by the members of the royal council of the Indies, together with Bishop de las Casas, Fra Rodrigo his coadjutor, and the Bishop of las Charcas, who insisted that the matter should be postponed till the return of the emperor from Vienna, when every thing should be arranged to the satisfaction of the conquerors: And thus the affair was dropped for the present.
   After my return to New Spain, the conquerors then proposed to send agents to solicit his majesty for our interest exclusively, in consequence of which I was written to here in Guatimala, by Captain Andres de Tapia, Pedro Morena de Medrana, and Juan Limpias Caravajal, on the subject. I accordingly went round among the other conquerors who were settled in this city, to raise a sum by subscription for the purpose, but this project failed for want of money. At a subsequent period, our present invincible king Don Philip, was pleased to command that the conquerors and their posterity should be provided for, attending in the first instance to those who were married. But all has been of no avail.
   Two learned licentiates, to whom I communicated the MS. of this history, observed that I had praised myself greatly in the battles of which I have given an account, whereas I ought to have left that to be done by others. But how is any one who was not in the wars with us to praise us as we deserve? To compare myself, a poor soldier, with the great emperor and warrior Julius Cesar, we are told by historians, that he used to write down with his own hand an account of his own heroic deeds, not chusing to entrust that office to others, although he had many historians in his empire. It is not therefore extraordinary if I relate the battles in which I fought, that it may be known in future ages, thus did Bernal Diaz del Castillo; that my sons and grandsons may enjoy the fame of their ancestor, as many cavaliers and lords of vassals do the deeds and blazons of their predecessors. I shall therefore enumerate the various battles and other warlike affairs in which I have been present. At Cape Cotoche, under Cordova; at Pontonchan in a battle where half our number was slain; and in Florida where we landed to procure water. Under Juan de Grijalva, I was present in the second battle of Pontonchan. During my third voyage, under Cortes, two pitched battles at Tabasco. On our arrival in New Spain, the battle of Cingapacinga or Teoatzinco. Shortly afterwards three pitched battles with the Tlascalans. The affair of Cholula. On our entry into Mexico, I was at the seizure of Montezuma, which I do not enumerate as a warlike exploit, but on account of its great boldness. Four months afterwards, when with 276 men, Cortes defeated Narvaez who had 1300. The relief of Alvarado, when the Mexicans made incessant attacks upon us during eight days and nights, during which I reckon eight several battles, at all of which I was present, and in the course of which we lost 870 men. The battle of Obtumba or Otompan. A battle at Tepeaca. A battle at Tezcuco. Two battles, in one of which I was wounded in the throat by a lance. Two actions about the maize fields near Chalco. The rash attack on the fortresses called the Rocks of the Marquis in our expedition round the lake. The battle of Cuernavaca. Three battles at Xochimilco. During the siege of Mexico, which lasted ninety-three days, I find by my account that I was engaged in upwards of eighty battles and skirmishes. After the conquest, I was sent out on various expeditions to reduce Coatzacualco, Chiapa, and the Zapotecans, in which we had several engagements. In Chamula and Cuitlan, two engagements. In Teapa and Chematlan two others, in one of which I was badly wounded in the throat. I forgot to mention, that we were pursued for nine days in our flight from Mexico, and had to fight four battles before the great one at Otompan. Several actions in our expedition to Higueras and Honduras, during which in a battle at Culacotu I had a horse killed under me which cost 600 crowns. After my return to Mexico, I went upon an expedition into the mountains against the Zapotecas and Mixtecas. I have on the whole been present in one hundred and nineteen battles, engagements, and skirmishes; so that it is not wonderful if I praise myself for the many and notable services which I have rendered to God, his majesty and all Christendom: And I give thanks and praise to the Lord Jesus Christ, who hath preserved me in so many dangers.
   THE END OF BERNAL DIAZ.

CHAPTER VI.
HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF PERU, BY FRANCISCO PIZARRO, WRITTEN BY AUGUSTINO ZARATE, TREASURER OF THAT KINGDOM, A FEW YEARS AFTER THE CONQUEST



INTRODUCTION
   The present chapter, like that immediately preceding from the pen of Bernal Diaz, although in strict language neither a journey nor a voyage, records in every step of the conquerors a new discovery of coasts, islands, rivers, districts, and tribes, that had never been visited before. In conformity with our uniform desire to have recourse upon all occasions to the most authentic original authorities for every article admitted into this collection, so far as in our power, the work of Zarate has been chosen as the record of the discovery and conquest of Peru, in preference to any modern compilation on the same subject. As we learn from himself, Zarate was a person of rank and education, who went into Peru in 1543, only eighteen years after the first movements of Pizarro and Almagro towards the discovery of that extensive country, and only eleven years after its actual invasion by Pizarro in 1532. From the illustrious historian of America, Dr William Robertson, the work which we now offer to the public for the first time in the English language, has the following high character: "The history of Zarate, whether we attend to its matter or composition, is a book of considerable merit, and great credit is due to his testimony." Besides this general eulogy; in his enumeration of six original authors whom he had consulted in the composition of that portion of his History of America which refers to Peru, he clearly shews that Zarate alone can be considered as at the same time perfectly authentic and sufficiently copious for the purpose we have at present in view. The substance of his account of all the six is as follows.
   "Two of the more early writers on the subject of the discovery and conquest of Peru, Francisco de Xeres, the secretary of Pizarro, and Pedro Sanchez, an officer who served under the conqueror, break off almost in the introduction to the narrative, going no farther into the history of the conquest than the death of Atahualpa in 1533, only one year after the invasion of Peru. The third in point of time, Pedro Cioca de Leon, only two years earlier in his publication than Zarate, gives nothing more than a description of the country, and an account of the institutions and customs of the natives. Zarate is the fourth. The fifth, Don Diego Fernandez, solely relates to the dissentions and civil wars among the Spanish conquerors. The sixth and last of these original authors, Garcilasso de la Vega Inca, the son of a Spanish officer of distinction by a Coya, or Peruvian female of the royal race, gives little more than a commentary on the before mentioned writers, and was not published till 1609, seventy five years after the invasion of Peru by Pizarro105."
   In the Bibliotheque des Voyages, VI. 319. mention is made of a Description of Peru as published in French in 1480, and said to be a very rare work: Rare, indeed, if the imprint be not an error, fifty-two years before the actual invasion and discovery. In the same useful work, the performance of Zarate is thus characterized. "The author has not confined his views to the history and conquest of Peru, but has given us a statement of the natural features of the country, an account of the manners of the inhabitants, and a curious picture of the religious opinions and institutions of the Peruvians."
   Four of the six original authors respecting Peru which are noticed by Robertson, we have not seen; having confined our views to that of Zarate, which is not only the best according to the opinion of that excellent judge, but the only one which could answer the purpose of our present collection. In preparing this original work for publication, it is proper to acknowledge that we have been satisfied with translating from the French edition of Paris, 1742; but, besides every attention to fidelity of translation, it has been carefully collated throughout with the Royal Commentary of the Inca Garcilasso de la Vega, as published in English by Sir Paul Rycaut, knight, in 1688; and with the excellent work of Dr Robertson. It may be proper to mention, however, that the following translation, though faithful, has been made with some freedom of retrenching a superfluity of useless language; though nothing has been omitted in point of fact, and nothing altered.
   Having mentioned the work of Garcilasso de la Vega, which we have employed as an auxiliary on the present occasion, it may be worth while to give a short account of it in this place: For there never was, perhaps, a literary composition so strangely mixed up of unconnected and discordant sense and nonsense, and so totally devoid of any thing like order or arrangement, in the whole chronology of authorship, or rather of book-making, as has been produced by this scion of the Incas. No consideration short of our duty to the public, could have induced us to wade through such a labyrinth of absurdity in quest of information. It is astonishing how the honest knight could have patience to translate 1019 closely printed folio pages of such a farrago; and on closing the work of the Inca for ever, we heartily joined in the concluding pious thanksgiving of the translator, Praised be God. This enormous literary production of the Inca Garcilasso, is most regularly divided and subdivided into parts, books, and chapters; which contain here a little history, then digressions on manners, customs, opinions, ceremonies, laws, policy, arts, animals, vegetables, agriculture, buildings, &c. &c. &c. intermixed with bits and scraps of history, in an endless jumble; so that for every individual circumstance on any one of these topics, the pains-taking reader must turn over the whole work with the most anxious attention. We quote an example, taken absolutely at random, the titles of the Chapters of Part I. Book ix.
   Chap. I. Huayna Capac makes a gold chain as big as a cable, and why. II. Reduces ten vallies of the coast. III. Punishes some murderers. IV.-VII. Incidents of his reign, confusedly related. VIII. Gods and customs of the Mantas. IX. Of giants formerly in Peru. X. Philosophical sentiments of the Inca concerning the sun. XI. and XII. Some incidents of his reign. XIII. Construction of two extensive roads. XIV. Intelligence of the Spaniards being on the coast. XV. Testament and death of Huayna Capac. XVI. How horses and mares were first bred in Peru. XVII. Of cows and oxen. XVIII.-XXIII. Of various animals, all introduced after the conquest. XXIV.-XXXI. Of various productions, some indigenous, and others introduced by the Spaniards. XXXII. Huascar claims homage from Atahualpa. XXXIII.-XL. Historical incidents, confusedly arranged, all without dates.
   The whole work is equally confused at best, and often much more so; often consisting of extracts from other writers, with commentaries, argumentations, ridiculous speeches, miracles, and tales recited by old Incas and Coyas, uncles aunts and cousins of the author. To add to the difficulty of consultation, Sir Paul, having exhausted his industry in the translation, gives no table of contents whatever, and a most miserable Index which hardly contains an hundredth part of the substance of the work. Yet the author of the Bibliotheque des Voyages, says "that this work is very precious, as it contains the only remaining notices of the government, laws, manners, and customs of the Peruvians."-Ed.