SECTION XII. Transactions of Cortes and the Spaniards from their March against Mexico, to the Commencement of the Siege of that City
   We began our March from Tlascala on the 26th of December 1520, with the whole of our Spanish force, and accompanied by ten thousand of our Tlascalan allies40, and halted that night within the territories of the state of Tezcuco, the inhabitants of which place supplied us with provisions. We marched about three leagues on the 27th, when we halted at the foot of a ridge of mountains, finding the weather extremely cold. Early next day we began to ascend the mountains, the bad roads having been made more difficult by the enemy, by means of ditches and felled trees, which were removed by the exertions of our allies. We proceeded with the utmost order and precaution, having an advanced guard of musketeers and crossbow-men, and our allies cleared the way to enable our cavalry to advance. After passing the summit of the mountain, we enjoyed the glorious prospect of the vale of Mexico below, with the lakes, the capital rising out of the waters, and all its numerous towns and cultivated fields; and gave thanks to GOD, who had enabled us again to behold this astonishing scene of riches and population, after passing through so many dangers. We could distinctly perceive numerous signals made by smoke in all the towns towards Mexico; and a little farther on, we were resisted by a body of the enemy, who endeavoured to defend a bad pass at a deep water-run, where the wooden bridge had been broken down; but we soon drove them away, and passed over, as the enemy contented themselves with shooting their arrows from a considerable distance. Our allies pillaged the country as we went along, which was contrary to the inclination of our general, but he was unable to restrain them. From some prisoners whom we had taken at the broken bridge, we were informed that a large body of the enemy was posted on our line of march, intending to give us battle; but it appeared afterwards that they had separated in consequence of dissentions among the chiefs, and we soon learnt that a civil war actually existed between the Mexicans and the state of Tezcuco. The small-pox also raged at this time in the country, which had a great effect in our favour, by preventing the enemy from being able to assemble their forces.
   Next morning we proceeded on our march for Tezcuco, which was about two leagues from the place where we had halted for the night; but we had not proceeded far, when one of our patroles brought intelligence that several Indians were coming towards us bearing signals of peace, and indeed we found the whole country through which we marched this day in perfect tranquillity. On the arrival of the Indians, we found them to consist of seven chiefs from Tezcuco, sent as ambassadors by Coanacotzin, the prince of Tezcuco or Acolhuacan. A golden banner was carried before them on a long lance, which was lowered on approaching Cortes, to whom the ambassadors bowed themselves in token of respect. They then addressed our general in the name of their prince, inviting us to his city, and requesting to be received under our protection. They denied having taken any part in the attacks which we had experienced, earnestly entreating that no injury might be done to their city by our allies, and presented their golden banner to Cortes, in token of peace and submission. Three of these ambassadors were known to most of us, as they were relations of Montezuma, and had been captains of his guards, when we were formerly at Mexico. The ambassadors were assured by Cortes that he would use his utmost efforts to protect the country, although they must well know that above forty Spaniards and two hundred of our allies had been put to death in passing through their territories when we retreated from Mexico. Cortes added, that certainly no reparation could now be made for the loss of our men, but he expected they would restore the gold and other property which had been taken on that occasion. They asserted that the whole blame of that transaction was owing to Cuitlahuatzin, the successor of Montezuma, who had received the spoil and sacrificed the prisoners. Cortes found that very little satisfaction could be got from them for the past, yet wishing if possible to make them now our friends, he earnestly entreated the Tlascalan chiefs to prohibit their warriors from pillaging the country, and his wishes were strictly complied with, except in regard to provisions. After this conference was ended, we proceeded to a village named Guatinchan or Huexotla, at a small distance from Tezcuco, where we halted for the night.
   Next morning, being the 31st December 1520, we marched into Tezcuco, where neither women or children were to be seen, and even the men had a suspicious appearance, indicating that some mischief was intended against us. We took up our quarters in some buildings which consisted of large halls and inclosed courts, and orders were issued that none of the soldiers were to go out of their quarters, and that all were to be on the alert to guard against surprize. On the soldiers being dismissed to their respective quarters, the Captains Alvarado and De Oli, with some soldiers, among whom I was, went up to the top of a lofty temple, from which we had a commanding view, to observe what was going on in the neighbourhood. We could see all the people everywhere in motion, carrying off their children and effects to the woods and the reedy borders of the lake, and to great numbers of canoes. Cortes wished to have secured Coanacotzin, who had sent us the friendly embassy, which now appeared to have been merely a pretext to gain time; but it was found that he and many of the principal persons of Tezcuco had fled to Mexico. We posted strong guards, therefore, in every direction, and kept ourselves in constant readiness for action. Cortes soon learnt that factions existed in Tezcuco, and that many of the chiefs were adverse to their present prince, and remained in their houses, while those of the opposite faction had withdrawn. Cortes sent for those chiefs next morning, from whom he learnt, that they considered their present prince, Coanacotzin, as an usurper, he having murdered his elder brother, Cuicutzcatzin, who had been placed on the throne by Montezuma and Cortes, and that Coanacotzin owed his elevation to the favour of Guatimotzin, the present sovereign of Mexico. They pointed out a youth named Ixtlilxochitl as the rightful heir of Acolhuacan, who was brought immediately to Cortes, and installed without delay in the government. Cortes prevailed upon him to become a Christian, and had him baptised with great solemnity, standing godfather on the occasion, and giving him his own name, Don Hernando Cortes Ixtlilxochitl; and to retain him in the Spanish interest and in our holy faith, he appointed three Spaniards to attend upon him, Escobar, who was made captain or governor of Tezcuco, Anthonio de Villa Real, and Pedro Sanches Farfan. In the next place, Cortes required the new prince of Tezcuco to supply him with a number of labourers to open up the canals leading to the lake, on purpose to admit our vessels which were to be put together at Tezcuco. He also informed him of our intentions to besiege Mexico, for which operation the young prince engaged to give all the assistance in his power. The work on the canals was conducted with all expedition, as we never had less than seven or eight thousand Indians employed41. As Guatimotzin, the reigning monarch of Mexico, frequently sent out large bodies of troops in canoes on the lake, apparently with the hope of attacking us unprepared, Cortes used every military precaution to guard against any sudden attack, by assigning proper posts to our several captains, with orders to be always on the alert. The people in Huexotla, a town and district only a few miles from Tezcuco, who had been guilty of murdering some of our countrymen on a former occasion, petitioned Cortes for pardon, and were taken into favour on promise of future fidelity.
   Before his elevation to the throne of Mexico, Guatimotzin had been prince or cacique of Iztapalapa, the people of which place were determined enemies to us and our allies42. We had been now twelve days in Tezcuco, where the presence of so large a force occasioned some scarcity of provisions, and even our allies began to grow somewhat impatient of our inactivity. From all these considerations, Cortes determined upon an expedition to Iztapalapa, against which place he marched at the head of 13 cavalry 220 infantry, and the whole of our Tlascalan allies. The inhabitants had received a reinforcement of 8000 Mexican warriors, yet they fell back into the town on our approach, and even fled into their canoes and the houses which stood in the water, allowing us to occupy that part of the town which stood on the firm land. As it was now night, we took up our quarters for the night and posted our guards, unaware of a stratagem which had been planned for our destruction. On a sudden there came so great a body of water into the streets and houses, that we had been all infallibly drowned if our friends from Tezcuco had not given us instant notice of our danger. The enemy had cut the banks of the canals, and a causeway also, by which means the place was laid almost instantly under water. We escaped with some difficulty, two only of our allies being drowned; but all our powder was destroyed, and we passed a very uncomfortable night, without food, and all wet and very cold; and were very much provoked at the laughter and taunts of the Mexicans from the lake. At daybreak, large bodies of Indians crossed over from Mexico and attacked us with such violence, that they killed two of our soldiers and one horse, and wounded many of us, and were repelled with much difficulty. Our allies also suffered considerable loss on this occasion; but the enemy were at last repulsed, and we returned to Tezcuco very little satisfied with the fame or profit of this fruitless expedition. Two days after our retreat from Iztapalapa, the inhabitants of these neighbouring districts, Tepetezcuco, Obtumba or Otompan, and some others in that quarter, sent to solicit pardon for the hostilities they had formerly committed against us, alleging in excuse that they had acted by the orders of their sovereign Cuitlahuatzin, the immediate successor of Montezuma. Cortes, knowing that he was not in a situation to chastise them, granted them pardon on promise of future obedience. The inhabitants also of a place which we named Venezuela, or Little Venice, because built in the water, who had been always at variance with the Mexicans, now solicited our alliance, and engaged to bring over their neighbours to our party. This circumstance was of much importance to our views, from the situation of that place on the lake facilitating our future operations, especially those of our naval force.
   We soon afterwards received intelligence, that large bodies of Mexican troops had attacked the districts which were in alliance with us, by which the inhabitants were compelled to fly into the woods for shelter, or to take refuge in our quarters. Cortes went out with twenty of our cavalry and two hundred infantry, having Alvarado and De Oli along with him, to drive in the Mexicans. The real cause of contention on the present occasion was concerning the crop of maize growing on the borders of the lake, which was now fit to reap, and from which the natives had been in use to supply our wants, whereas it was claimed by the Mexicans, as belonging to the priests of their city. Cortes desired the natives to inform him when they proposed to cut down this corn, and sent upwards of a hundred of our men and a large body of our allies to protect the reapers. I was twice on that duty, and on one of these occasions, the Mexicans came over to attack us in above a thousand canoes, and endeavoured to drive us from the maize fields; but we and our allies drove them back to their boats, though they fought with great resolution, killed one of our soldiers and wounded a considerable number. In this skirmish, twenty of the enemy were left dead on the field, and we took live prisoners.
   Chalco and Tlalmanalco were two places of material importance to us at this time, as they lay in the direct road between Tlascala and our head-quarters at Tezcuco, but both of them were garrisoned by Mexican troops; and though Cortes was at this time solicited by several important districts to enable them to throw off the yoke of Mexico, he considered it as of the first necessity to dislodge the Mexicans from these two towns, on purpose to open a secure communication with our allies, and to cover the transport of our ship timber from Tlascala. He sent therefore a strong detachment of fifteen horse and two hundred infantry under Sandoval and De Lugo, with orders to drive the Mexicans from that part of the country, and to open a clear communication with Villa Rica. During the march, Sandoval placed ten of his men as a rear guard, to protect a considerable number of our allies who were returning home to Tlascala loaded with plunder. The Mexicans fell upon this weak rear-guard by surprise during the march, killing two of our men and wounding all the rest; and though Sandoval made all the haste he could to their rescue, the Mexicans escaped on board their canoes with very little loss. He now placed the Tlascalans in security, by escorting them beyond the Mexican garrisons, and sent forward the letter of our general to the commandant of Villa Rica, by which he was enjoined to send what reinforcements he could possibly spare to Tlascala, there to wait until they were quite certain that the road from thence to Tezcuco was clear. Sandoval, after seeing the Tlascalans safe upon their journey, returned towards Chalco, sending word secretly to the inhabitants, who were very impatient under the Mexican yoke, to be in readiness to join him. He was attacked on his march through a plain covered with maize and maguey, by a strong body of Mexican troops, who wounded several of his men; but they were soon repulsed and pursued to a considerable distance by the cavalry. Sandoval now prosecuted his march to Chalco, where he found the cacique of that place had recently died of the small-pox, having recommended his two sons on his deathbed to the protection of Cortes, as he was convinced we were the bearded men who, according to their ancient prophecy, were to come from the eastern countries to rule over this land, and had therefore commanded his sons to receive the investiture of their state from the hands of Cortes. Sandoval set out therefore for Tezcuco next day, talking along with him the two young lords of Chalco, and many of the nobles of that place, carrying a present of golden ornaments to our general worth about 200,000 crowns. Cortes accordingly received the young princes of Chalco with great distinction, and divided their fathers territories between them; giving the city of Chalco and the largest share of the district to the elder brother, and Tlalmanalco, Aytocinco, and Chimalhuacan to the younger.
   About this time, Cortes sent a message to Guatimotzin, the reigning sovereign of Mexico, by means of some prisoners whom he enlarged for this purpose, inviting him in the most conciliatory terms to enter into a treaty of peace and friendship; but Guatimotzin refused to listen to any terms of accommodation, and continued to carry on the most determined and unceasing hostility against us. Frequent and loud complaints were made by our allies of Huexotla and Coatlichan of the incursions made upon their territories in the neighbourhood of the lake by the enemy, on the old quarrel about the fields which had been appropriated for the priests who served in the temples of Mexico. In consequence of these hostilities so near our head-quarters, Cortes went with a strong detachment, with which he came up with the enemy about two leagues from Tezcuco, and gave them so complete a defeat, that they never ventured to shew themselves there any more. It was now resolved to bring the timber which had been prepared in Tlascala for constructing our naval force on the lake of Mexico; for which purpose Sandoval was sent with a force of 200 infantry, including 20 musketeers and crossbow-men, and 15 cavalry, to serve as an escort. He was likewise ordered to conduct the chiefs of Chalco to their own district; and before they set out, Cortes effected a reconciliation between the Tlascalans and the inhabitants of Chalco, who had been long at variance. He gave orders likewise to Sandoval, after leaving the chiefs of Chalco in their own city, to inflict exemplary punishment on the inhabitants of a place which we call Puebla Moresca, who had robbed and murdered forty of our men who were marching from Vera Cruz to Mexico, at the time when we went to relieve Alvarado. These people had not been more guilty than those of Tezcuco, who indeed were the leaders in that affair, but they could be more conveniently chastised. The place was given up to military execution, though not more than three or four were put to death, as Sandoval had compassion upon them. Some of the principal inhabitants were made prisoners; who assured Sandoval that the Spaniards were fallen upon by the troops of Mexico and Tezcuco in a narrow pass, where they could only march in single file, and that it was done in revenge for the death of Cacamatzin.
   In the temples at this place, our men found the walls and idols smeared with the blood of our countrymen, and the skins of two of their faces with their beards on were found hung upon the altars, having been dressed like leather. The skins also of four of our horses were found hung up as trophies; and they saw written on a piece of marble in the wall of one of the houses: "Here the unfortunate Juan Yuste and many of his companions were made prisoners." Yuste was one of the gentlemen who came over with Narvaez and had served in the cavalry. These melancholy remains filled Sandoval and his men with grief and rage; but there were no objects on which to wreak their vengeance, as all the men were fled, and none remained but women and children, who deprecated their anger in the most moving terms. Sandoval therefore granted them pardon, and sent them to bring back their husbands and fathers, with a promise of forgiveness on condition of submission and future obedience. On questioning them about the gold they had taken from our people, they assured him it had all been claimed by the Mexicans43.
   Sandoval continued his route towards Tlascala, near which he was met by a vast body of Indians commanded by Chichimecatl, accompanied by Martin Lopez, and employed in transporting the ship timber. Eight thousand men carried the timber all ready shaped for our thirteen vessels, with the sails, cordage, and all other materials. Eight thousand warriors attended in arms to protect the bearers of the timber; and two thousand carried provisions for the whole44. Several Spaniards joined us along with this escort, and two other principal chiefs of the Tlascalans, Ayotecatle and Teotlipil. During the march, only some small bodies of the enemy appeared, and these always at a distance; but it was deemed necessary to use the utmost vigilance, to avoid the danger of a surprise, considering the great length of the line of march45. Sandoval accordingly sent a strong detachment of Spanish troops as an advanced guard, and posted others on the flanks; while he remained with the rear guard which he assigned to the Tlascalans. This arrangement gave great offence to Chichimecatl; but he was reconciled to this post, on being told that the Mexicans would most probably attack the rear, which was therefore the post of honour, because of more danger. In two days more, the whole escort arrived in safety at Tezcuco; the allies being all dressed out in their gayest habits, with great plumes of feathers, and splendid banners, sounding their horns and trumpets, and beating their drums, as in triumph for the expected fall of Mexico. They continued marching into Tezcuco for half a day, amid continual shouts of "Castilla! Castilla! Tlascala! Tlascala! Long live the emperor Don Carlos!" Our timber was now laid down at the docks which had been prepared for this purpose; and, by the exertion of Martin Lopez, the hulls of our thirteen brigantines were very soon completed; but we were obliged to keep a very careful guard, as the Mexicans sent frequent parties to endeavour to set them on fire.
   The Tlascalan chiefs were very anxious to be employed on some enterprize against their ancient enemies the Mexicans, and Cortes resolved to indulge them by an expedition against Xaltocan, a town situated on an island of a lake to the northward of the great lake of Mexico or Tezcuco, which is now called the lake of St Christopher. Leaving therefore the charge of the important post of Tezcuco with Sandoval, who was enjoined to use the utmost vigilance, and giving orders to Martin Lopez to have the vessels all ready for launching in fifteen days, he set out on the expedition against Xaltocan with 250 Spanish infantry, 30 cavalry, the whole force of the Tlascalans, and a body of warriors belonging to Tezcuco46. On approaching Xaltocan, our army was met by some large bodies of Mexican troops, whom the cavalry soon dispersed and drove into the woods. The troops halted for the night in some villages in a very populous country, and were obliged to keep on the alert, as it was known that the enemy had a strong force in Xaltocan, to which place a strong body of Mexicans had been sent in large canoes, and were now concealed among the deep canals in that neighbourhood. Next morning, on resuming their march, our troops were exceedingly harassed by the enemy, and several of them wounded, as our cavalry had no opportunity to charge them, the ground being much intersected by canals. The only causeway which led from the land to the town had been laid under water, so that our troops could not approach, and our musquetry had little or no effect against the enemy in the canoes, as they were defended by strong screens of timber. Our people began to despair of success, when some of the natives of Tezcuco pointed out a ford with which they were acquainted, by which our people were enabled, under their guidance, to make their way to the causeway leading into the town leaving Cortes and the cavalry on the main land. Our infantry forced their way into the town, where they made a considerable slaughter of the Mexicans, driving the remainder of them and many of the inhabitants of the town to take shelter in their canoes. They then returned to Cortes, bringing with them a considerable booty in gold, slaves, and mantles, having only lost one soldier in this exploit. Next day, Cortes marched through a thickly peopled and well cultivated country against a large town named Quauhtitlan, which we found deserted, and in which we halted for the night. On the ensuing day, we marched to another large town called Tenayoecan, but which we named Villa de Serpe, or the Town of Serpents, on account of some enormous figures of these animals which were found in the temples, and which these people worshipped as gods. This place was likewise deserted by the inhabitants, who had withdrawn with their effects into places of safety. From thence we marched to Escapuzalco, or the town of the goldsmiths, which was also deserted, and thence to Tacuba or Tlacopan, to which our troops had to cut their way through considerable bodies of the enemy. Our troops halted here for the night, and were assailed next morning by several successive bodies of the enemy, who had formed a plan to draw us into an ambuscade, by pretending to take flight along the fatal causeway of Tacuba, where we had suffered so much on our retreat from Mexico. This partly succeeded, as Cortes and his troops pursued them along the causeway across one of the bridges, and were immediately surrounded by prodigious numbers of the enemy, some on the land and others in canoes on the water. Cortes soon perceived his mistake, and ordered a retreat, which was made with the utmost firmness and regularity, our men constantly keeping a-front to the enemy and giving ground inch by inch, continually fighting. In the confusion of this surprise, Juan Volante, who carried the colours, fell from the bridge into the lake, and the Mexicans were even dragging him away to their canoes; yet he escaped from them and brought away his colours. In this unfortunate affair, five of our soldiers were slain, and a great many wounded. Cortes halted for five days at Tacuba47, during which there were many skirmishes with the enemy, and then marched back to Tezcuco, the Mexicans continuing to harass him by frequent attacks; but having drawn them on one occasion into an ambuscade, in which they were defeated with considerable slaughter, they desisted from any farther attack. On arriving at our head-quarters in Tezcuco, the Tlascalans, who had enriched themselves with plunder during the expedition, solicited permission to go home that they might secure their acquisitions in their own country, which Cortes readily consented to.
   During four days after our return from this expedition, the Indians of several neighbouring districts came in with presents and offers of submission. Although Cortes was well aware that they had been concerned in the murder of our men after the retreat from Mexico, he received them all very graciously, and dismissed them with promises of protection. About this time likewise, several nations who had joined with us in alliance made strong representations of the outrages which had been committed upon them by the Mexicans, of which they produced paintings in their manner, and earnestly entreated succour. But Cortes could not grant them the required assistance, as our army, besides having suffered loss by several being killed and many wounded during the late hostilities, was now grown very unhealthy. He gave them, however, fair promises, but advised them to rely more upon their own exertions and the assistance of our other allies, for which purpose he issued orders to all the districts in our alliance to assemble in arms against the common enemy. They accordingly collected their forces, and came to action in the field with the Mexicans, and exerted themselves with so much vigour that they gained the victory. The province of Chalco was however an object of principal importance to us, as the possession of that country was essentially necessary to preserve our communication with Tlascala and Villa Rica, and being likewise a fertile corn country, contributed largely to the subsistence of our army. As it was much harassed by the enemy, Cortes sent Sandoval with a detachment of about 250 of our troops, cavalry and infantry, to clear it of the Mexicans, and accompanied by a body of warriors from Tezcuco and such of our Tlascalan allies as still remained with our army. Sandoval set out from Tezcuco on the 12th of March 1521, and arrived next morning at Tlalmanalco, where he learnt that the Mexican forces were posted at a large town called Guaztepeque or Huaxtepec. Being now joined by the warriors of Chalco, Sandoval halted for the night at the town of Chimalcan; and next morning gave orders to his musketeers and crossbow-men to attack the enemy, who were posted in strong ground; the troops who were armed with swords and targets, were formed into a compact body of reserve; and the cavalry, being formed in small bodies of three each, were directed to charge as soon as the firing had made an impression on the enemy. While advancing in this order, Sandoval perceived the Mexican forces drawn up in three large columns or dense battalions, and thought proper to change his original plan, and to endeavour to break through them by a cavalry charge. Placing himself, therefore, at the head of the cavalry, he immediately proceeded to the charge, exclaiming, "St Jago! fall on, comrades!" The main body of the enemy was partly broken by this charge, but immediately closed again and stood firm; and the nature of the ground was so much in favour of the Mexicans, that Sandoval found it necessary to endeavour to drive them from their post in the manner first proposed, into the open ground in the rear. For this purpose he made the musketeers and crossbow-men attack the enemy in front, and those armed with swords and targets to turn their flanks, ordering also the allies to come forward to the attack, and directed the cavalry to be ready to charge at an appointed signal. Our troops at length forced them to retreat, but they immediately occupied another strong position in their rear, so that Sandoval and the cavalry were unable to make any considerable impression upon them. In one of the charges in this difficult broken ground, the horse of Gonzalo Dominguez fell with him, and he was so much injured that he died in a few days afterwards: His loss was much regretted by the army, as he was esteemed as brave as either Sandoval or De Oli. Our army broke the enemy a second time, and pursued them to the town, where they were suddenly opposed by not less than 15,000 fresh warriors, who endeavoured to surround our troops: But Sandoval caused them to be attacked on both flanks, when they fled towards the town, endeavouring however to make a stand behind some recently constructed works; but our troops followed them up so vigorously that they had no time to rally, and were constrained to take shelter in the town. As his troops were much fatigued, and had got hold of a good supply of provisions, Sandoval thought proper to allow them some repose, and they began to prepare their victuals, in which they were soon interrupted by an alarm of the enemy approaching. They were ready for action in a moment, and advanced to meet the enemy, fortunately in an open place; where, after a smart action, the enemy were constrained to retreat behind their works; but Sandoval pushed on the advantage with so much impetuosity, that he soon drove them from their works, and compelled them to evacuate the town with the utmost precipitation.
   Sandoval took up his quarters in a very extensive and magnificent garden, which contained a number of large handsome buildings, and many admirable conveniencies fit for the residence of a great prince; but our soldiers had not then time to examine all its beauties, as it was more than a quarter of a league in length. I was not in this expedition, being confined under cure of a bad wound in my throat, which I received by a lance in the affair at Iztapalapa, and of which I still carry the marks; but I saw this fine garden about twenty days afterwards, when I accompanied Cortes to this place. Not being on this expedition, I do not in my narrative say we and us on this occasion, but they and them; yet every thing I relate is perfectly true, as all the transactions of every enterprize were regularly reported at headquarters. Sandoval now summoned all the neighbouring districts to submit, but to little purpose, as the people of Acapistlan or Jacapichtla answered by a defiance. This gave much uneasiness to our allies of Chalco, as they were assured the Mexicans would immediately attack them again on the Spaniards returning to Tezcuco. Sandoval was rather averse from engaging in any new enterprize, as a great number of his men were wounded, and the soldiers of Narvaez disliked risks of every kind; but our allies of Chalco were anxious to reduce that place, and were strongly supported in this opinion by Luis Marin, a wise and valiant officer; and as the distance was only two leagues, Sandoval acquiesced. On his advance, the enemy assailed him with their missile weapons, and then retired to their strong post in the town. Our allies were not very much disposed to attack the works, in which the Spaniards shewed them the way, some even of the cavalry dismounting to fight on foot, and leaving the rest in the plain to protect the rear. Our people at length carried the place, but had a good many wounded in the assault, even Sandoval himself. Though our allies were rather tardy in the assault, they made up for it after the place was carried, saving the Spaniards the trouble of putting the enemy to death; and indeed we often blamed the ferocious cruelty of our allies, from whom we saved many of our Indian enemies. At this time indeed, our countrymen thought themselves better employed in searching for gold and taking good female prisoners, than in butchering a parcel of poor wretches who no longer attempted any defence.
   Sandoval returned to Tezcuco with many slaves and considerable plunder, and just as he arrived at head-quarters, even before he had time to make a report to Cortes of the success of his late expedition, an express arrived from Chalco with information that they were in a more perilous situation than before. Guatimotzin was enraged at the defection of the inhabitants of Chalco, and determined to inflict upon them the most exemplary chastisement. For this purpose, he sent a force of 20,000 Mexican warriors across the lake in 2000 canoes, with orders to lay waste the whole district with fire and sword. On the communication of this intelligence to Cortes, he was exceedingly enraged at Sandoval, believing that this had been occasioned by his negligence, and he gave him orders to return instantly to the defence of Chalco, refusing even to hear his relation of what he had already done. Sandoval was much hurt at this treatment, yet went back to Chalco with all possible expedition; but found the business over before his arrival, as the inhabitants of that province, having summoned their neighbours to their aid, had already repelled the Mexican invasion, and Sandoval had only to return to head-quarters with the prisoners.
   At this period a proclamation was issued, by which all the soldiers were ordered to bring in the Indian prisoners to be branded, and to pay for them the royal dues. I have already mentioned the treatment we formerly met with at Tepeaca on a similar occasion, but we were worse used now at Tezcuco if possible. In the first place a fifth was taken away for the king; then another fifth for Cortes; and, what was still worse, most of the good female slaves were abstracted during the night. We had been promised that all the slaves should be rated according to their value; but the officers of the crown valued them as they thought proper, and at a most exorbitant rate. In consequence of this, the poor soldiers for the future passed their slaves as servants, denying that they were prisoners of war, to avoid the heavy duty; and such as were in favour with Cortes, often got their slaves marked privately, paying him the composition. Many of the slaves who happened to fall to bad masters, or such as had a bad reputation, used to run away; but their owners always remained debtors for their estimated value in the royal books, so that many were more in debt on this account than all the value of their share in the prize gold could pay for. About this time likewise, a ship arrived at Villa Rica from Spain with arms and gunpowder, in which came Julian de Alderete, who was sent out as royal treasurer. In the same vessel came the elder Orduna, who brought out five daughters after the conquest, all of whom were honourably married. Fra Melgarejo de Urrea, also, a Franciscan friar, came in this vessel, bringing a number of papal bulls, to quiet our consciences from any guilt we might have incurred during our warfare: He made a fortune of these in a few months, and returned to Spain. Several other persons came by this vessel, among whom were, Antonio Caravajal, who still lives in Mexico, though now very old; Geronimo Ruyz de la Mora; one Briones who was hanged about four years afterwards for sedition at Guatimala; and Alonzo Diaz, who now resides in Valladolid. We learned by this ship, with infinite satisfaction, that the bishop of Burgos had been deprived of all power over the affairs of the West Indies, as his majesty had been much displeased with his conduct in regard to our expedition, after having received a true account of our eminent services.
   Scarcely were we apprised of the success of the inhabitants of Chalco and their confederates, when a new urgent message arrived from Chalco for assistance against a fresh invasion of the Mexicans. The brigantines intended for securing the command of the lake were now ready to launch, and we were all anxious to commence the siege of Mexico, yet Cortes was sensible of the importance of Chalco to the success of our ultimate operations, and determined to march in person to its support. Leaving the command in Tezcuco to Sandoval, Cortes marched for Chalco on Friday the 5th of April 1521, at the head of 300 infantry, including twenty crossbow-men, and fifteen musketeers, with thirty cavalry, and a large body of the auxiliaries of Tezcuco and Tlascala, meaning to clear the district of Chalco and the environs of the lake from the Mexicans. In this expedition, our general was accompanied by the treasurer Alderete, Melgarejo the Franciscan friar, with the captains Alvarado de Oli, and Tapia, and I also was on this expedition. We halted during the first night at Tlalmanalco, and reached Chalco next day, when Cortes convened all the chiefs of that state, to whom he communicated his intention of proceeding very soon to attack Mexico, in which they engaged to give him all the assistance in their power. We continued our march next day to Chimalhuecan or Chimalacoan, a town in the province of Chalco, where above twenty thousand warriors had assembled to join us, belonging to our allies of Chalco, Guaxocingo, Tlascala, Tezcuco, and other places, being the largest body of our allies that I had hitherto seen together. These were attracted by the hope of plunder, and by a voracious appetite for human flesh, just as the vultures and other birds of prey follow our armies in Italy, in order to feast on dead bodies after a battle.
   At this place we were informed that the Mexican forces, and their allies or subjects in that neighbourhood, were in the field to oppose us. Cortes therefore issued orders to the army to be always ready for action at a moments warning, and we proceeded on our march next morning early, after hearing mass, our route lying between two ridges of rocks, the summits of which were fortified and filled with large bodies of the enemy48, who endeavoured by outcries and reproaches to incite us to attack them. But we pursued our march to Guaztepeque or Huaxtepec, a large town on the southern declivity of the mountains, which we found abandoned. Beyond this place we came to a plain in which water was very scarce, on one side of which was a lofty rock having a fortress on the summit which was filled with troops, who saluted us on our approach with showers of arrows and stones, by which three of our soldiers were wounded at the first discharge. Cortes ordered us to halt, and sent a party of cavalry to reconnoitre the rock, who reported on their return that the side where we then were seemed the most accessible. We were then ordered to the attack, Corral preceding us with the colours, and Cortes remained on the plain with our cavalry to protect the rear. On ascending the mountain, the Indians threw down great fragments of rock, which rolled among us and rebounded over our heads in a most frightful manner, so that it was wonderful how any of us escaped. This was a most injudicious attack, and very unlike the usual prudence of our general. One soldier, named Martin Valenciano, though defended by a helmet, was killed at my side. As we continued to ascend, three more soldiers, Gaspar Sanches, one named Bravo, and Alonzo Rodriguez, were slain, and two others knocked down, most of the rest being wounded, yet we continued to ascend. I was then young and active, and followed close behind our ensign, taking advantage of any hollows in the rock for shelter. Corral was wounded in the head, having his face all covered with blood, and the colours he bore were all torn to rags. "Senor Diaz," said he to me, "let us remain under cover, for it is impossible to advance, and it is all I can do to keep my hold." On looking down, I noticed Pedro Barba the captain of our crossbows climbing up with two soldiers, and taking advantage as we had done of the concavities of the rock. I called to him not to advance, as it was impossible to climb much farther, and utterly out of our power to gain the summit. He replied in lofty terms, to keep silence and proceed; on which I exerted myself and got a good way higher, saying we should see what he would do. At this moment a shower of large fragments of rocks came tumbling down, by which one of the soldiers along with Barba was crushed to death, after which he did not stir a step higher. Corral now called out to those below, desiring them to report to the general that it was utterly impossible to advance, and that even retreat was infinitely dangerous. On learning this, and being informed that most of us were wounded and many killed, as he could not see us on account of the inequalities of the rock, Cortes recalled us by signal, and we came back in a very bloody and bruised condition, eight of our party having been slain. Three even of the cavalry were killed on the plain and seven wounded, by the masses of rock, which rebounded to a great distance after their descent from so great a height.
   Numerous bodies of Mexicans were lying in wait for us, intending to have attacked us while engaged in the ascent, and now advanced towards us in the plain; but we soon drove them before us, on which they took shelter among some other rocky ridges. We pursued them through some narrow passes among the rocks, and found they had taken shelter in another very strong fortress, similar to that from which we had been repulsed. We desisted for the present, and returned to our former post in search of water, our men and horses having been unable to procure any during the whole of this day. We found some appearance of springs at the foot of the rock, but they had been drawn dry by the great numbers of the enemy, and nothing remained but mud. Being under the necessity of endeavouring to procure water, we returned again to the second fortress, which was about a league and a half from the first, where we found a small village with a grove of mulberry trees, in which we discovered a very scanty spring. The people above discharged their missile weapons on our approach, seeming to be much more numerous than in the former place, and they were so situated that no shot from us could reach them. For some way up the rock, there were evident paths, but it seemed to present insurmountable difficulties against any attack. Fortunately for us there was another rock which commanded that on which the enemy were posted, and within shot, to which all our fire-arms and crossbows were detached, and the rest of our infantry proceeded to climb up the garrisoned rock slowly and with infinite difficulty. The enemy might easily have destroyed us by rolling down fragments of rocks on our heads, but their attention was called off from their main defence by our missiles, though rather at too great distance to produce much effect; yet having killed several of the enemy, they lost heart and offered to submit. On this, Cortes ordered five of their chiefs to come down, and offered to pardon them for their hostile resistance, on condition that they should induce those in the other fortress to surrender, which they accordingly engaged for. Cortes then sent the captains Xaramillo and de Ircio, with the ensign Corral and a party of men, among whom I was, to ascend the rock which had surrendered, giving us orders not to touch a grain of maize. I considered this as full permission to do ourselves all the good in our power. We found this fortress to consist of an extensive plain on the summit of a perpendicular rock, the entrance to which did not exceed twice the size of the mouth of an oven. The whole plain was full of men, women, and children, but they had not a drop of water. Twenty of their warriors had been slain by our shot, and a great many wounded. All their property was packed up in bales, among which there was a considerable quantity of tribute, which had been collected on purpose to be sent to Mexico. I had brought four of my Indian servants along with me, whom I began to load, and four of the natives whom I engaged in my service; but Captain De Ircio ordered me to desist, or he would report me to the general, putting me in mind that Cortes had forbidden us to touch a grain of maize. I answered that I had distinctly heard the orders about the maize, and for that reason I took the bales. But he would not allow me to carry any thing away, and reported me on our return to Cortes, expecting I should receive a reprimand; Cortes, however, observed that he was sorry I had not got the plunder, as the dogs would laugh at us and keep their property, after all the evil they had done us. De Ircio then proposed to return; but Cortes said it was not now time. The chiefs now returned from the other fortress, having induced its garrison to submit; and we returned to Huaxtepec that we might procure water. Our whole force was lodged for the night in the buildings belonging to the noble garden which I formerly mentioned, and I certainly never saw one of such beauty and magnificence. Our general and others who walked over all its extent, declared that it was most admirably disposed, and equalled the most magnificent they had ever seen in Spain.
   We marched next day towards the city of Cuernabaca or Quauhnahuac. The Mexicans who occupied that place came out to fight us, but were soon defeated and pursued to Teputztlan or Tepatlan, which we took by storm, and made a considerable booty of Indian women and other spoils. Cortes summoned the chiefs of this place to come in and submit; and on their refusal, and on-purpose to impress the inhabitants of other places with terror, he ordered about the half of this town to be set on fire. At this time, the chiefs of a town called Yauhtepec came to Cortes and made their submission. Next day, we returned to Cuernabaca, which is a large town in a very strong situation, being defended by a deep ravine with a small rivulet, which precludes all access except by two bridges, which the inhabitants had broken down on our approach. Cortes was informed of a ford about half a league above the town which was practicable for the cavalry, to which he marched, by which the main strength of the enemy was drawn off to oppose him. We of the infantry searched for means to pass the ravine, and at length discovered a very dangerous pass by means of some trees which hung over from both sides, by the help of which about thirty of us and a considerable number of our Tlascalan allies got across. Three fell into the ravine, one of whom broke his leg. It was a most terrifying passage, and at one time I was quite blind with giddiness. Having got over and formed, we fell unexpectedly on the flank and rear of the enemy, and being now joined by a party of the cavalry, we soon drove the enemy from the field into the neighbouring woods and rocks. We found considerable property in the town, and we were here all lodged in the buildings of a large garden belonging to the cacique of the district. A deputation of twenty of the chiefs of the Tlahuican nation now waited on Cortes, offering to submit their whole country to his authority, and threw all the blame of their hostilities on the Mexicans

   The object of our next march was against Xochimilco, a large city on the fresh water lake of Chalco, in which most of the houses are built. As it was late before we left Quauhnahuac, and the weather was exceedingly sultry, our troops suffered excessively for want of water, which was not to be procured on our route. Many of our allies fainted, and one of them, and also one of our soldiers died of thirst. Seeing the distress of the army, Cortes ordered a halt in a pine forest, and sent forwards a party in search of relief. As I saw my friend De Oli about to set off, I took three of my Indian servants and followed the party, who endeavoured to persuade me to return; but I was resolute, and De Oli at length consented, telling me I should have to fight my way. At the distance of about half a league our cavalry came to some villages on the side of a ridge of mountains, where they found water in the houses, and one of my servants brought me a large jar full of water. Having quenched my thirst, I now determined to return, as the natives had taken the alarm, and were gathering to attack us. I found Cortes just about to resume the march, and gave him and the officers, who were with him a hearty draught from my jar. The whole army now moved forward to the villages, where a scanty supply of water was procured. It was now near sunset, and the cavalry came in with a report that the whole country had risen against us, on which account we halted here for the night, which was very rainy with much wind, as I well remember, being on the night guard. Several of our soldiers were taken ill here with inflammation of their mouth and throat, owing to their having eaten a species of artichoke to quench their thirst.
   We resumed our march early next morning, and arrived about eight o'clock at Xochimilco49. I can give no idea of the prodigious force of the enemy which was collected at this place to oppose us. They had broken down the bridges, and fortified themselves with many parapets and pallisades, and many of their chiefs were armed with the swords which we lost during our flight from Mexico, which they had polished very nicely. The attack at the bridge lasted above half an hour, several of our people getting across by swimming, in which attempt some were drowned, and we were assailed at once in front and rear and on both flanks. At length our cavalry got on firm ground, after losing several men, and we drove the enemy before us; but just at this time a fresh reinforcement of at least 10,000 Mexicans arrived, and received the charge of the cavalry with great intrepidity, and wounded four of our men. At this moment the good chesnut horse on which Cortes rode fell under him among a crowd of the enemy, who knocked him down, and great numbers gathering around were carrying him off, when a body of our Tlascalan allies came up to his rescue, headed by the valiant De Oli, and remounted him, after he had been severely wounded in the head. De Oli also received three desperate sword wounds from the enemy. As all the streets of the town were full of Mexican warriors, we had to divide into a number of separate bodies in order to fight them; but we who were nearest the place in which our general was in such danger, being alarmed by the uncommon noise and outcry, hurried there, where they found him and about fifteen of the cavalry in a very embarrassing situation, amid parapets and canals where the horse had no freedom to act. We immediately attacked the enemy, whom we forced to give ground, and brought off Cortes and De Oli. On first passing at the bridge, Cortes had ordered the cavalry to act in two divisions on purpose to clear our flanks: They returned at this time all wounded, and reported that the enemy were so numerous and desperate, that all their efforts wore unavailing to drive them away. At the time the cavalry came in, we were in an enclosed court, dressing our wounds with rags and burnt oil; and the enemy sent in such showers of arrows among us that hardly any escaped being wounded. We all now sallied out upon the enemy, both cavalry and infantry, and made considerable havoc among them with our swords, so that we drove them away and they gave over their attempt to storm our post. Having now some relaxation, Cortes brought our whole force to the large enclosures in which the temples were situated; and on some of us ascending to the top of one of the temples, where we had a commanding view of Mexico and the lake, we perceived about two thousand canoes full of troops coming to attack us. A body of ten thousand men were likewise seen in full march by land for the same purpose, and the enemy had already fully that number in and about the town. We learned from five chiefs whom we had made prisoners, that this immense force was destined to assault our quarters that night; for which reason strong guards were posted at all the places where the enemy were expected to disembark; the cavalry were held in readiness to charge upon them on the roads and firm ground; and constant patroles were kept going about during the night. I was posted along with ten other soldiers to keep guard at a stone and lime wall which commanded one of the landing-places, and while there we heard a noise occasioned by the approach of a party of the enemy, whom we beat off, sending a report to Cortes by one of our number. The enemy made a second attempt, in which they knocked down two of our men; but being again repulsed, they made an attempt to land at a different place, where there was a small gate communicating with a deep canal. The night was extremely dark, and as the natives were not accustomed to fight in the night time, their troops fell into confusion; and instead of making their attack in two opposite places at the same time, they formed in one body of at least 15,000 men.
   When our report reached Cortes, he came to us attended by nine or ten of the cavalry, and as he did not answer my challenge, I and my comrade Gonzalo Sanchez, a Portuguese from Algarve, fired three or four shots at them; on which knowing our voices, Cortes observed to his escort, that this post did not require to be inspected, as it was in charge of two of his veterans. He then observed that our post was a dangerous one, and continued his rounds without saying any more. I was afterwards told that one of the soldiers of Narvaez was whipped this very night for negligence on his post. As our powder was all expended, we were ordered to prepare a good supply of arrows for the crossbows, and were employed all the rest of the night in heading and feathering these, under the direction of Pedro Barba, who was captain of the crossbow-men. At break of day the enemy made a fresh attack and killed one Spaniard, but we drove them back, killing several of their chiefs, and took a great many prisoners. Our cavalry had been ordered out to charge the Mexicans, but finding them in great force, they sent back for assistance. The whole of our army now sallied forth and completely defeated the enemy, from whom we took several prisoners. From these men, we learned that the Mexicans intended to weary us out by reiterated attacks, on which account it was resolved to evacuate the place next day. In the mean time, having information that the town contained much wealth, we got some of the prisoners to point out the houses in which it was contained, which stood in the water of the fresh water lake, and could only be approached by small bridges over the canals, leading from a causeway. A considerable number both of our men and of the allies went to these houses, from which they brought away a great deal of booty in cotton cloth and other valuable articles, and this example was followed by others. While thus employed, a body of Mexicans came upon them unexpectedly in canoes, and besides wounding many of our men, they seized four soldiers alive, whom they carried off in triumph to Mexico; and from these men Guatimotzin learnt the smallness of our number, and the great loss we had sustained in killed and wounded. After questioning them as much as he thought proper, Guatimotzin commanded their hands and feet to be cut off, and sent them in this mutilated condition through many of the surrounding districts, as an example of the treatment he intended for us all, and then ordered them to be put to death.
   On the ensuing morning we had to sustain a fresh attack, as had regularly been the case during the four days we remained in Xochimilco, but which we now determined to quit. Before commencing our march, Cortes drew up the army in an open place a little way out of the town, in which the markets were held, where he made us a speech, in which he expatiated on the dangers we had to encounter in our march, and the strong bodies of the enemy we might expect to oppose our retreat, and then warmly urged us to leave all our plunder and luggage, that we might not be exposed to danger in its defence. We remonstrated, however, that it would be a cowardly act to abandon what we had so hardly won, declaring that we felt confident of being able to defend our persons and property against all assailants. He gave way, therefore, to our wishes, and arranged the order of our march, placing the baggage in the centre, and dividing the cavalry and crossbows between the van and rear guards, as our musketry was now useless for want of powder. The enemy harassed us by continual assaults all the way from Xochimilco to Cuyocan, or Cojohuacan, a city on the borders of the lake, near one of the causeways leading to Mexico, which we found abandoned, and where we took up our quarters for two days, taking care of our wounds, and making arrows for our crossbows. The enemy which had especially obstructed us on this march, consisted of the inhabitants of Xochimilco, Cuyocan, Huitzilopochco, Iztapalapa, Mizquic, and five other towns, all of considerable size, and built on the edge of the lake, near one another, and not far from Mexico. On the third morning we marched for Tlacopan or Tacuba, harassed as usual by the enemy, but our cavalry soon forced them to retire to their canals and ditches. During this march, Cortes attempted to lay an ambush for the enemy, for which purpose he set out with ten horsemen and four servants, but had nearly fallen into a snare himself. Having encountered a party a Mexicans who fled before him, he pursued them too far, and was suddenly surrounded by a large body of warriors, who started out from an ambuscade, and wounded all the horses in the first attack, carrying off two of the attendants of Cortes to be sacrificed at Mexico, the rest of the party escaping with considerable difficulty. Our main body reached Tacuba in safety, with all the baggage; but as Cortes and his party did not appear, we began to entertain suspicions of some misfortune having befallen him. On this account, Alvarado, De Oli, Tapia, and I, with some others, went to look for him in the direction in which we had last seen him. We soon met two of his servants, who informed us of what had happened, and were shortly afterwards joined by Cortes, who appeared extremely sad, and even shed tears.
   When we arrived at our quarters in Tacuba, which were in some large enclosed courts, it rained very heavily, and we were obliged to remain exposed for about two hours. On the weather clearing up, the general and his officers, with many of the men who were off duty, went up to the top of the great temple of Tacuba, whence we had a most delightful prospect of the lake, with all its numerous cities and towns, rising as it were out of the water. Innumerable canoes were seen in all directions, some employed in fishing, and others passing with provisions or merchandize of all kinds. We all gave praise to God, who had been pleased to render us the instruments for bringing the numerous inhabitants of so fine a country to the knowledge of his holy name; yet the bloody scenes which we had already experienced in Mexico, filled us with melancholy for the past, and even with some apprehension for the future. These recollections made Cortes exceedingly sad, regretting the many valiant soldiers he had already lost, and the brave men whom he might still expect to fall before he could be able to reduce the great, strong, and populous city of Mexico to submission50. Our reverend Father Olmedo, endeavoured to console him, and one of our soldiers observed, that such was the fortune of war, and that our general was in a very different situation from Nero, when he contemplated his capital on fire. Cortes replied, that he felt melancholy while reflecting on the fatigues and dangers we should still have to pass through; but that he should soon take effectual measures for bringing the great object in view to a speedy conclusion. Having no particular purpose to serve by remaining in Tacuba, some of our officers and soldiers proposed to take a view of the causeway where we had suffered so severely on the fatal night of our flight from Mexico; but this was considered dangerous and imprudent. We accordingly proceeded on our march by Escapozalco, which was abandoned by the enemy on our approach, to Terajoccan, which was also deserted, and thence to Coatitlan or Guatitlan, where we arrived excessively fatigued, as it never ceased raining during the whole of that day. We took up our quarters in that place for the night, which was excessively rainy; and, though the enemy gave us some alarms during the night, I can testify that no proper watch was kept, owing to the inclemency of the weather, as my post was not visited either by rounds or corporal. From Coatitlan, we continued our march by a deep miry road, through four or five other towns, all abandoned, and arrived in two days at Aculman or Oculman, in the territory of Tezcuco, where we received the pleasing intelligence that a reinforcement had arrived to us from Spain. Next day we proceeded to Tezcuco, where we arrived worn out with wounds and fatigue, and even diminished in our numbers.
   Soon after our return to Tezcuco, a conspiracy was formed for the assassination of our general, at the head of which was one Antonio de Villafana, an adherent of Velasquez, and some of the other soldiers who had come over with Narvaez, but whose names I do not choose to mention, and the conspirators had even communicated their plan to two principal officers, whom I will not name, one of whom was to have been appointed captain-general on the death of Cortes. They had even arranged matters for the appointment of alguazil-major, alcaldes, regidor, contador, treasurer, veedor, and others of that kind, and of captains and standard-bearer to the army, all from among the soldiers of Narvaez. All the principal adherents of Cortes were to have been put to death, and the conspirators were to have divided our properties, arms, and horses, among themselves. This business was revealed to Cortes, only two days after our return to Tezcuco, by the repentance of one of the conspirators, whom he amply rewarded. The general immediately communicated the intelligence to Alvarado, De Oli, Sandoval, Tapia, Luis Marin, and Pedro de Ircio, who were the two alcaldes for the time, also to me, and to all in whom he reposed confidence. We all accompanied Cortes, well armed, to the quarters of Villafana, where he found him and many others of the conspirators, and took him immediately into custody. The others endeavoured to escape, but were all detained and sent to prison. Cortes took a paper from the bosom of Villafana, having the signatures of all his accomplices; but which he afterwards pretended that Villafana had swallowed, to set the minds of the conspirators at rest, as they were too numerous to be all punished in the present weak state of our army. Villafana was immediately tried, and made a full confession; and his guilt being likewise clearly established by many witnesses, the judges, who were Cortes, the two alcaldes, and De Oli, condemned him to die. Having confessed himself to the reverend Juan Diaz, he was hanged from a window of the apartment. No more of the conspirators were proceeded against; but Cortes thought it prudent to appoint a body guard for his future security, selected from among those who had been with him from the first, of which Antonio de Quinones was made captain.
   At this period an order was issued for bringing in all our prisoners to be marked, being the third time since we came to the country. If that operation were unjustly conducted the first time, it was worse the second, and this time worse than ever; for besides the two fifths for the king and Cortes, no less than thirty draughts were made for the captains; besides which, all the handsome females we had given in to be marked, were stolen away, and concealed till it became convenient to produce them.
   As the brigantines were entirely finished, and the canal for their passage into the lake was now sufficiently wide and deep for that purpose, Cortes issued orders to all the districts in our alliance, near Tezcuco, to send him, in the course of ten days, 8000 arrow-shafts from each district, made of a particular wood, and as many copper heads. Within the appointed time, the whole number required was brought to head-quarters, all executed better than even the patterns. Captain Pedro Barba, who commanded the crossbows, ordered each of his soldiers to provide two cords and nuts, and to try the range of their bows. Cortes ordered all the cavalry to have their lances new-headed, and to exercise their horses daily. He sent likewise an express to the elder Xicotencatl at Tlascala, otherwise called Don Lorenzo de Vargas, to send 20,000 of the warriors of Tlascala, Huixotzinco and Cholula; and he sent similar orders to Chalco and Tlalmanalco; ordering all our allies to rendezvous at Tezcuco on the day after the festival of the Holy Ghost, 28th April 1521. And on that day, Don Hernandez Ixtlilxochitl of Tezcuco, was to join us with all his forces. Some considerable reinforcements of soldiers, horses, arms, and ammunition had arrived from Spain and other places, so that when mustered mustered on the before-mentioned day by Cortes, in the large enclosures of Tezcuco, our Spanish force amounted to the following number: 84 cavalry, 650 infantry, armed with sword and buckler, or pikes, and 194 musketeers and crossbow-men, in all 928 Spaniards. From this number he selected 12 musketeers or crossbow-men, and 12 of the other infantry, for rowers to each of the vessels, in all 312 men, appointing a captain to each vessel; and he distributed 20 cannoneers through the fleet, which he armed with such guns as we had that were fit for this service. Many of our men had been formerly sailors, yet all were extremely averse from acting as rowers on the present occasion; for which reason the general made inquiry as to those who were natives of sea-ports, or who had formerly been fishers or seafaring men, all of whom he ordered to the oars; and though some of them pled their gentility as an exemption, he would hear of no excuse. By these means he obtained 150 men for this service, who were in fact in a much better situation than we who bore the brunt and danger of the war on land, as will appear in the sequel. When all this was arranged, and the crews embarked along with their commanders, each brigantine hoisted a royal standard, and every one a distinguishing flag. Cortes likewise gave the captains written instructions for their guidance, dividing them into squadrons, each of which was to co-operate with a particular leader of the land forces.
   Cortes now issued the following general orders to the army: 1. No person to blaspheme the Lord Jesus, his Virgin Mother, the Holy Apostles, or any of the Saints, under heavy penalties. 2. No soldier to maltreat any of our allies in their persons or properties. 3. No soldier to be absent from quarters on any pretence. 4. Every soldier to keep his arms, both offensive and defensive, in the best order. 5. No soldier to stake his horse or arms in gaming. 6. No soldier to sleep out of his armour, or without his arms beside him, except when disabled by wounds or sickness. Lastly, the penalty of death was denounced for sleeping on guard, for a sentinel quitting his post, for absence from quarters without leave, for quitting the ranks in the field, or for flight in battle.
   At this time our allies of Tlascala arrived under the command of Xicotencatl the younger, who was accompanied by his two brothers. Some of the warriors of Huexotzinco and Cholula came along with the Tlascalans, but not in any great numbers51, yet the alacrity of our allies was such that they joined us a day previous to that which was appointed by Cortes. They marched in with great military parade, each of the chiefs carrying a standard with their national device, a white spread eagle, and they were all in high spirits, shouting out, Castilla! Castilla! Tlascala! Tlascala! From the arrival of their van, till the rear came in, took up three hours. Cortes received them with great courtesy, promising to make them all rich on their return to their native country, and dismissed them with many compliments to their respective quarters.
   Cortes made the following arrangement of our land army for the investment of Mexico, distributing our forces in three separate divisions, under the respective commands of Alvarado, De Oli, and Sandoval, reserving to himself to act where his presence might be most necessary, and taking in the mean time the command of the fleet. Pedro de Alvarado, under whom I served, had 150 infantry, 30 cavalry, 18 musketeers and crossbow-men, and 8000 Tlascalans, and was ordered to take post at Tacuba, having three captains under his command, his brother Jorge de Alvarado, Pedro Guttierrez, and Andres de Monjara, having each a company of 50 infantry, with a third of the musketeers and crossbow-men, the cavalry being commanded by Alvarado in person.-Christoval de Oli commanded the second division, having under him Andres de Tapia, Francisco Verdugo, and Francisco de Lugo, with 175 infantry, 30 cavalry, 20 musketeers and crossbows, and 8000 of our Indian allies. This division was ordered to take post at Cuyoacan or Cojohuacan.-The third division, under the command of Gonzalo de Sandoval, who had under him captains Luis Marin and Pedro de Ircio, consisted of 150 infantry, 24 cavalry, 14 musketeers and crossbows, and above 8000 Indian warriors, was to take post at Iztapalapa. The division of Alvarado and De Oli were ordered to march from Tezcuco by the right, going round the northern side of the lake, and the third, under Sandoval, by the left, to the south end of the lake; and his march being much shorter, he was ordered to remain in Tezcuco until Cortes should sail out with the fleet52.
   Before setting out on their march, Alvarado and De Oli directed our Indian allies to go on a day before us, that we might not be interrupted by their numbers, and ordered them to wait for us when they reached the Mexican territory. While on their march, Chichimecatl remarked that Xicotencatl, the commander in chief of the Tlascalans was absent; and it was found that he had secretly gone off from Tezcuco for Tlascala on the preceding night, in order to take possession of the territory and property of Chichimecatl, thinking this a good opportunity during the absence of that chief and his warriors, and being in no apprehension of any opposition, now that Maxicatzin was dead. Chichimecatl returned immediately to Tezcuco, to inform Cortes of what had taken place; and our general sent five chiefs of Tezcuco and two Tlascalan chiefs, to request Xicotencatl to return. He answered, that if his old father and Maxicatzin had listened to him, they would not have been now domineered over by Cortes and the Spaniards, and absolutely refused to go back. On this haughty answer being reported to Cortes, he immediately sent off an alguazil with four horsemen and five Tezcucan chiefs, ordering them to seize and hang Xicotencatl wherever they could find him. Alvarado interceded strongly for his pardon, but ineffectually; for though Cortes seemed to relent, the party who arrested Xicotencatl in a town subject to Tezcuco, hung him up by private orders from Cortes, and some reported that this was done with the approbation of the elder Xicotencatl, father to the Tlascalan general. This affair detained us a whole day, and on the next the two divisions of Alvarado and De Oli marched by the same route, halting for the night at Aculma or Alcolman, a town belonging to the state of Tezcuco, where a very ruinous quarrel was near taking place between our two commanders and their divisions. De Oli had sent some persons before to take quarters for his troops, and had appropriated every house in the place for his men, marking them by setting up green boughs on the terraces; so that when Alvarado arrived with his division, we had not a single house for us to lodge in. Our soldiers were much irritated at this circumstance, and stood immediately to their arms to fight with those of De Oli, and the two commanders even challenged each other; but several of the more prudent of the officers on both sides interposed, and a reconciliation was effected, yet Alvarado and De Oli were never afterwards good friends. An express was sent off immediately to apprize Cortes of this misunderstanding, who wrote to all the people of any influence in the two divisions, greatly condemning the circumstances of this disagreement, which might have produced fatal consequences to our whole army, and earnestly recommended a reconcilement. We continued our march for two days more, by several Mexican cities, which were abandoned by their inhabitants; and passing through Coatitlan, Tenajoccan and Itzcapuzalco, where our allies waited for us, we proceeded for Tacuba, otherwise called Tlacopan.

SECTION XIII. Narrative of Occurrences from the commencement of the Siege of Mexico to its Reduction, and the Capture of Guatimotzin
   Having thus, by the occupation of Tacuba, commenced the investment of the great and populous city of Mexico, we soon found the enemy around us in great numbers; and as the first operation, it was determined on the following day, that our divisions should march to Chapoltepec to destroy the aqueduct at that place, by which the city of Mexico was supplied with fresh water. We set out accordingly with our allies, and although the enemy attacked us on our march, we repelled them and succeeded in our object of cutting off the pipes, so that from that time the city of Mexico was deprived of fresh water. It was now determined to endeavour to penetrate to the city of Mexico by the causeway of Tacuba, or at least to attempt getting possession of the first bridge on that causeway; but on our arrival there, the prodigious number of boats which covered the water on both sides, and the multitude of Mexican troops which thronged the causeway to oppose us, was perfectly astonishing. By the first flight of arrows which they discharged against us, three of our men were slain and thirty wounded; yet we advanced to the bridge, the enemy retiring before us, as if by a concerted stratagem, so that we were exposed on both flanks, on a narrow road only twenty feet wide, as a butt for the innumerable arrows of the Mexicans in the canoes, and neither our musquetry nor crossbows were of any avail against the people in the canoes, as they were effectually protected by high wooden screens. The horses of our cavalry were all wounded, and when at any time they made a charge upon the enemy, they were almost immediately stopt by barriers and parapets which the enemy had drawn across the causeway for the purpose, and from whence they defended themselves with long lances. Likewise, when the infantry advanced along the causeway, instead of abiding our attack, the enemy threw themselves into the water and escaped by swimming or into their canoes, returning incessantly to the attack. We were thus engaged for more than an hour to no useful purpose, the enemy continually increasing in number, by reinforcements from every part of the lake; and our allies, instead of being serviceable, only encumbered the causeway and hindered our movements. Finding that we were unable any longer to resist the multitude of enemies who assailed us perpetually from the water, and almost with entire impunity, we determined to retreat to our quarters in Tacuba, having eight of our men slain and above fifty wounded, and were closely followed up and much harassed by the enemy during our retreat. De Oli laid the blame of the disaster of this day on the rashness of Alvarado.
   Next day53, though we were all extremely solicitous for the two captains to remain together, De Oli proceeded with his division to take possession of Cojohuacan, according to the orders he had received from Cortes; but this separation was assuredly extremely ill judged; as, if the enemy had known the smallness of our numbers at the two stations, they might have fallen upon and destroyed us separately, during the four or five days that we remained divided before the arrival of Cortes with the brigantines. In all that time we never ventured to make any more attempts against the Mexican causeways, but the enemy frequently sent bodies of their troops to the main land to make attacks on our quarters, on which occasions we always drove them away.
   Sandoval with his division did not leave Tezcuco until the fourth day after the feast of Corpus Christi54, when he marched through a friendly country by the south side of the lake, and arrived without interruption in front of Iztapalapa. Immediately on his arrival, he commenced an attack on the enemy, and burnt many of the houses in that part of the town which stood on the firm land; but fresh bodies of Mexican warriors came over in canoes and by the causeway of Iztapalapa to relieve their friends in the town, and made a determined resistance against Sandoval. While the engagement was going on, a smoke was observed to arise from a hill above the town, which was answered by similar signals at many other points around the lake, which were afterwards found to have been made to apprize the enemy of the appearance of our flotilla on the lake. On this, the efforts of the enemy against Sandoval were much relaxed, as their canoes and warriors were recalled to oppose our naval force; and Sandoval was thus enabled to take up his quarters in a part of the town of Iztapalapa; between which and Cojohuacan the only means of communication was by a causeway or mound dividing the lake of Chalco from that of Mexico or Tezcuco, which passage was at that time impracticable in the face of the enemy.
   "Before proceeding to the narrative of the siege of Mexico, it may be proper to give some account of the situation of the city of Mexico, and the mounds or causeways by which it communicated with the land at the several posts which were occupied by Cortes for its investment55. The city of Mexico was built partly on an island and partly in the water, at the west side of a considerable salt lake, named sometimes the lake of Tezcuco, and sometimes the lake of Mexico, and appears to have been about a mile from the firm land. It communicated with the land by three mounds or causeways; that of Tepejacac on the north, about three miles long, measuring from the great temple in centre of Mexico; that usually called of Iztapalapa on the south, nearly five miles in length; and that of Tacuba or Tlacopan on the west, about two miles long, likewise measuring from the temple; but at least a mile may be abstracted from each of these measurements, on account of the extent of the city from the great temple to the commencement of the causeways. About the middle of the southern causeway called that of Iztapalapa, another causeway branched off obliquely to the south-east, to the town of Cojohuacan; and at the place where these two causeways united stood the town of Xoloc, partly on the sides of the causeways, but chiefly in the water intersected by canals and ditches. Besides these three grand causeways for communicating with the land, there was a smaller mound about two miles south from the causeway of Tacuba, from a town named Chapoltepec, along which the aqueduct, or pipes, for supplying Mexico with fresh water was carried; but this appears to have been too narrow for allowing any passage, at least the Spaniards do not seem to have availed themselves of it, in their long and arduous endeavours to force their way into Mexico. Near the south-west angle of the salt lake of Mexico, it communicated by a narrow neck or strait with the fresh water lake of Chalco; and at their junction a mound or causeway had been constructed across, to prevent the admixture of the salt and fresh lakes, having a town called Mexicaltzinco at the eastern extremity of this mound. Iztapalapa stood in the western end of the peninsula, between the lakes of Mexico and Chalco, but on the borders and in the waters of the former. The whole fertile vale of Mexico or Anahuac, around these two lakes, and some others to the north of the great lake, was thickly planted with cities, towns, and villages, and highly cultivated, containing and giving subsistence to a prodigious population. The extent of this extraordinary valley, elevated nearly 8000 feet above the level of the sea, is about 50 miles from north to south, and forty miles from east to west; being surrounded on every side by ridges of lofty mountains, some of them perpetually covered with snow, and rising to about 10,000 feet in perpendicular elevation above the ocean."
   When Cortes brought out his fleet of brigantines upon the lake, he went in the first place to attack an insular rock close beside Mexico, on which a vast number of the inhabitants of that city and other places in the neighbourhood had taken shelter. Immediately on perceiving his intentions, their whole force collected from every part of the lake, and proceeded against him in not less than 4000 large canoes full of warriors. On perceiving this immense number of boats coming to attack him, Cortes withdrew with his brigantines into an open part of the lake, ordering his captains to wait patiently for a breeze of wind which then began to blow. As the enemy supposed that this movement proceeded from fear, they immediately closed up around the flotilla with shouts of triumph. The wind now sprung up, and the whole fleet made sail through the throng of canoes, plying their oars at the same time, and run down and overset great numbers of the Mexican canoes, compelling all the rest to fly for shelter to the recesses and shallows on the borders of the lake. After this, Cortes made sail to Cojohuacan56, where he was again attacked by the Mexicans, both by means of their canoes on the water, and from their temples on the land: But Cortes brought four guns to bear upon them, by which he did considerable execution. During this action his powder magazine blew up, owing to some mismanagement of the gunners, by which many of his people were wounded. This unfortunate accident obliged him to detach his smallest brigantine to Sandoval for a supply of ammunition. He remained at Cojohuacan for two days with the flotilla, repairing the injury his ship had sustained from the explosion.
   When we were assured that the flotilla was out upon the lake, Alvarado marched out with our division to the causeway of Tacuba, as far as the bridge, in which we were constantly engaged with the enemy to very little purpose, except that we repaired the passes in our rear as we advanced, and did not now suffer the cavalry to come upon the causeway, as we had found by experience that they were of very little service, and besides that their horses were exposed to much danger. Finding that he could not sufficiently annoy the enemy in his present post at Iztapalapa, where the Mexicans had possession of the houses which were built in the water, Sandoval advanced by a causeway to a more commanding situation57. When this was noticed from Mexico, a large detachment of warriors came over in canoes, with orders to cut the causeway in the rear of our troops. Cortes observed this, and immediately made sail with his vessels to the relief of Sandoval, giving orders at the same time to De Oli to march a body of troops by the causeway for the same purpose. Having relieved Sandoval by these means, Cortes ordered him to remove with his division from Iztapalapa to Tepeaquilla or Tepejacac, where the church of our Lady of Guadalupe now stands, in which many wonderful miracles have been performed.
   As it was impossible for our troops to advance on the causeways, unless their flanks were secured from attacks by water, the flotilla was appointed to this service in three divisions, one of which was attached to each of the three detachments of our land force: Four brigantines being allotted to Alvarado, six to De Oli, and two to Sandoval58; twelve in all, the thirteenth having been found too small for service, and was therefore laid up, and her crew distributed to the rest, as twenty men had been already severely wounded in the several vessels. Alvarado now led our division to attack the causeway of Tacuba, placing two brigantines on each flank for our protection. We drove the enemy before us from several of their bridges and barricades; but after fighting the whole day, we were obliged to retreat to our quarters at night, almost all of us wounded by the incessant showers of stones and arrows of the enemy. We were continually assailed on the causeway, by fresh troops of warriors, carrying different banners or devices; and our brigantines were excessively annoyed from the terraces of the houses which stood in the water; and as we could not leave a party to keep possession of what we had acquired during the day, the enemy repossessed themselves of the bridges at night, and repaired and strengthened their parapets and other defences. In some places they deepened the water, digging pits in the shallow places, and placing the canoes in ambush, which they secured against the approach of our brigantines by means of pallisades under water. Every day we were employed in the same manner, driving the enemy before us, and every night we returned to our quarters to bind up our wounds. The cavalry were of no service, on account of the barricades defended by long lances; and the soldiers even did not choose to risk their horses, as their price at this time was from eight hundred to a thousand crowns. One Juan, a soldier from Catalonia, used to heal our wounds by charms and prayers, which by the mercy of God recovered us very fast; and this being observed by our allies, all their wounded men applied to Juan, who had more business on his hands than he was able for. But whether whole or wounded, we were obliged to go out daily against the enemy, as otherwise our companies would have been reduced to less than half their strength. Our ensign was disabled almost every day, as he could not at the same time carry his colours and defend himself from the enemy. We were abundantly supplied with corn, but were much in want of refreshments for the wounded men; our chief resource being tunas or Indian figs, cherries while in season, and a plant called quilities by the natives. The situation of the other two attacks was precisely similar to ours. Every day, when we marched to the attack, a signal was made from the great temple of Tlaltelolco, the great division of Mexico nearest Tacuba, on which the enemy rushed out against us, and were continually relieved by fresh troops, marching out in succession. Finding that we gained nothing by these daily attacks, we changed our plan of operations. On our causeway there was a small open space, on which stood some buildings for religious worship, where we formed a lodgment, and established a post, leaving our cavalry and allies to secure our rear in Tacuba, whence we were supplied with provisions. Though very badly lodged in this place, as every shower of rain came in upon us, we maintained this post and advanced a little towards the city every day, filling up the trenches which intersected the causeway, and pulling down the houses on each side, and using their materials to strengthen our defences. We found it extremely difficult to set the houses on fire, nor could the flames communicate from house to house, as all the houses were separated by canals and ditches. During this operation we were subjected to great danger, as the enemy destroyed us from their terraces when we endeavoured to swim over from the causeway to these detached houses.
   In this manner we gained some ground every day, which we secured by parapets and other defences, and preserved during the night. Every evening at sunset, the company which was first for duty, was entrusted with the advanced post, to which they sent forty men; the second company sent an equal number at midnight, and the relieved guard did not quit their post, but had to remain sleeping on the ground; the third company did the same the same two hours before day-break, and the second now lay down to sleep, so that we now had 120 men on guard. Sometimes our whole detachment had to remain under arms the whole night, especially on the following occasion: We learnt from some of our prisoners, that the Mexicans intended to force our post by a great effort, which would have frustrated the other two attacks. For this purpose, all the warriors of nine towns around the lake, including those of Tacuba, Izcapuzalco, and Tenajocan, were by a joint attack upon our rear to carry off our baggage and destroy our bakery in Tacuba, while the Mexicans were to assail us in front on the causeway. We immediately communicated this intelligence to our cavalry and allies at headquarters, warning them to keep on the alert. In pursuance of this plan, we were attacked both in front and rear for several successive nights, from midnight to day-break. Sometimes the enemy came on with a prodigious noise of shouting and military instruments, and at other times stole upon us in profound silence; but their night attacks were never made with so much resolution as those during the day. Yet we were harassed to death with continual watching, fatigue, and wounds, and constantly exposed to cold winds and almost incessant rain. Our post was reduced to a mere splash of mud and water, and our only food was maize and miserable herbs. When we complained, the only comfort given us by our officers, was that such is the fortune of war. Yet all our efforts, fatigues, and privations, were of little avail; as the parapets we destroyed and the ditches we filled up during the day, were uniformly replaced next night by the enemy.
   The destruction of the aqueduct of Chapoltepec, from which so much had been expected, by cutting off the water which supplied the city of Mexico, was unavailing, neither could we starve them into a surrender, as they were regularly supplied with every thing they wanted by means of their canoes from the towns around the lake. In order to prevent this, two of our brigantines were ordered to cruize every night on the lake, to intercept these supplies. This measure answered the purpose in some degree, but not effectually, as some of the canoes escaped into the city every night. At this time the Mexicans laid a plan to surprise our two cruizing brigantines. Having concealed thirty of their largest piraguas among some tall reeds on the borders of the lake, they sent several canoes, as if carrying provisions, to decoy our vessels into the snare, and even fixed a number of large wooden piles under water at the place to which our vessels were to be inveigled. On the appearance of the decoy-canoes, our two vessels made immediately towards them, the canoes rowing away towards the ambush followed by our brigantines. As soon as they arrived at the place, the thirty piraguas immediately surrounded them, and wounded every officer, soldier, and mariner on board, by their first flight of arrows. Our vessels could not move on account of the piles, and the enemy continued the assault with the utmost vigour. One of the captains, named Portilla, was slain, and Captain Pedro Barba, the commander of our crossbows, died of his wounds. This ambush completely succeeded, as the two brigantines fell into the hands of the enemy. They belonged to the principal division of our flotilla, which was commanded by Cortes in person, who was much exasperated by the loss; but he soon repayed the enemy in their own way. He constantly sent out some vessels every night to scour the lake, and on one occasion they brought in some prisoners of consequence, from whom he learnt that the enemy had formed another ambuscade of forty large piraguas and as many canoes. He now laid a plan to turn their schemes against themselves; for which purpose he sent six vessels one night with muffled oars, to conceal themselves in a water-cut at the edge of the lake, covered with bushes and tall reeds, about a quarter of a league from the ambushment of the enemy. A single brigantine was then sent out early in the morning, as if in search of the canoes which carried provisions to Mexico, and having the prisoners on board to point out the place where the enemies fleet lay concealed. The enemy sent as before some loaded canoes to decoy the brigantine towards the ambush, and our vessel pursued them until near the place, where it lay-to, as if fearful to approach. The Mexican fleet now sallied out upon them, and our brigantine rowed away towards the place where the six others were concealed, closely followed up by the enemy. When arrived near enough, the brigantine fired two shots as a signal, on which the other vessels pushed out against the enemy, running down many of their vessels, dispersing all the rest, and making a great number of prisoners. This sickened them at ambushments, and from henceforwards they did not attempt to cross the lake in their canoes so openly.
   Our three divisions of the land army continued to pursue their plan for gradually advancing along the causeways. Always as we gained ground, we pulled down the houses on each side, filling up the ditches or canals which intersected the causeways, and strengthening our posts; in which, and in all the operations of the war, we were excellently seconded by our brave Tlascalan allies. On our attack, the Mexicans broke down one of the bridges in the rear of their own barricades and parapets, leaving one narrow passage at a place where the water was very deep as a decoy, and even dug trenches and pitfalls where the water was more shallow, placing pallisades in the deep water to prevent the approach of our vessels, and constructing parapets on both sides of the breach. They had also a number of canoes in readiness to sally out upon us on a concerted signal. When all these preparations were in readiness, they made a combined attack upon us in three several directions. One body advanced towards our rear from the side of Tacuba, a second directly on our front along the causeway from the city, and the third by the ruins of the houses which we had destroyed. We repulsed the enemy on all sides; and one party of us, having forced them from the works at the broken bridge, crossed the water up to our necks at the place they had left open for us, and rashly pushed on to an open place where there were some large temples and towers. We were here assailed on all sides by fresh troops from the houses and terraces, and those whom we pursued faced about and fought us in front. We now found it necessary to retreat, which we did with the utmost order till we came to the pass at the broken bridge, which was occupied by the enemy in canoes; and as the others pressed upon our rear, we were forced to throw ourselves into the lake and to get over any way we could. Those who could not swim got entangled among the concealed ditches and pits in the shallow water, where the enemy closed in upon us, wounding the whole party, and even taking five of our soldiers alive. The vessels which came to our relief were unable to approach, on account of the pallisades, and they lost two of their soldiers on this occasion. It was wonderful we were not all destroyed at this dangerous pass. At one time I was laid hold of by a number of the enemy; but God gave me strength to disengage my arm, and with the assistance of my good sword, I extricated myself from their grasp. Though wounded, I escaped to the dry ground, where I fainted and remained for some time insensible, owing to my great exertions and the loss of blood. When the enemy had me in their clutches, I recommended myself to the aid of God and his blessed Mother, and they heard my prayer: Glory be to them for all their mercies! From the time that we had cleared the flanks of our post by the destruction of the houses, Alvarado had brought a part of his cavalry thither; and one of them, who had crossed along with us at the broken bridge, lost both his horse and his own life. Fortunately all the rest were then with Alvarado in Tacuba; for if they had been with us they must have all been destroyed from the tops of the houses and temples, as the action took place almost within the city of Mexico. The enemy was much elated by the success of this day, and continued to assail our posts day and night. Cortes was much displeased at the defeat we had sustained, which he attributed to our having neglected his orders; which were always to fill up the cuts in the causeway as we advanced, by means of timber and rubbish.
   In the space of four days, counting from our late defeat, we filled up the great aperture at the broken bridge, and established our advanced post at this place, but lost six of our soldiers in the course of this operation. The enemy established a post directly in front of us, which they secured by a ditch and parapet, so as to protect themselves from our shot. They made a large fire in front of their post, by which they were concealed from our view, except when they had occasion to renew the fire, which was sometimes extinguished by the frequent heavy rains which prevailed at this season. They kept profound silence on guard, except when interrupted by loud whistling, which they used as signals. Every morning we marched against the enemy, with whom we fought during the whole day, and retreated to our post towards evening, covered with wounds. Before retreating, we sent back our allies, whose numbers embarrassed us in the narrow causeway, and then fell back step by step, flanked by our armed brigantines, and firing on the enemy as they pressed upon us during the retreat

   About this time, the inhabitants of the cities on the lake grew weary of the long protracted warfare, and sent deputations to our general, offering to submit themselves to his authority, and declaring that they had been constrained by the Mexicans to persist hitherto in their hostilities against us. Cortes received them very graciously, and assured them of his protection, providing that they should conduct themselves properly for the future, and give him their assistance by supplying canoes and provisions to our army, and in the construction of barracks for the troops. They readily promised all this, but performed very badly. Cortes had huts built for his detachment59; but the rest of us remained exposed to the weather, which was exceedingly severe and distressing, as it rained almost incessantly during June, July, and August.
   Our detachment on the causeway of Tacuba continued our approach towards Mexico, filling up every ditch and canal as we advanced by means of the materials of the houses which we destroyed; and we every day gained possession of temples or houses, which stood apart from each other, and of the bridges by which they communicated. To avoid jealousy, our three companies took the duties of working and fighting alternately, our allies giving most important assistance in pulling down the houses and filling up the ditches and cross-cuts of the causeway. Every evening the whole of our men stood to their arms, and we sent off our allies before us, before retreating to our post for the night. During all this time, Sandoval, who carried on his approach from Tepejacac, was obliged to sustain continual attacks from the enemy; as likewise was Cortes, who now commanded at the third attack.
   On his side there was an out-post of the Mexicans, at a place where one of the apertures in the causeway was too deep to be forded, and which had been strongly fortified by the enemy. He made a successful attack on this place, where he commanded in person, although the enemy made a brave resistance both by land and water; but he was obliged to retire at night without filling up the ditch, and he lost four Spaniards killed, and had above thirty wounded, the pass being commanded from the terraces of several houses in the water, and his brigantines were unable to get forward to protect his flanks, owing to the piles which the enemy had fixed under water. Guatimotzin and his Mexicans defended themselves with amazing bravery and resolution, trusting to wear us out and destroy us by continual assaults. On the 21st of June, the anniversary of the day of our first entry into Mexico, the enemy assailed us at every point of all our three attacks, both by land and water, in front, flanks, and rear, about two hours before day. The number fit for duty at our post on the causeway of Tacuba was 120 men, and all the allies attached to our detachment, were as usual off the causeway during the night. It was with the utmost difficulty that we were able to resist and repulse the enemy, of whom a great number were killed and wounded, losing two of our own soldiers. The enemy repeated their assaults on all the posts for two other nights successively; and on the third morning, just at day-break, they concentrated their whole force and made a desperate attack on our post. If our allies had been with us we should have been all lost. On this occasion our cavalry saved our rear, and our brigantines did signal service by clearing our flanks. After a most severe and long doubtful contest, we beat off the enemy and made four of their chiefs prisoners, eight of our soldiers being slain in this tough affair. I fear my readers may be tired of this constant repetition of battles, which my duty of historian compels me to relate: But if I were to give an account of every action which took place during the ninety-three days in which we were engaged in the siege of this great, strong, and populous city, every day and night of which time brought a perpetual succession of battles and assaults, my work would be without end, and would more resemble Amadis de Gaul and other romances of chivalry than a true history, which it really is.
   Cortes became impatient of delay, and proposed in a council of war to make a general assault on the city, marching at once by all the three causeways, and uniting our whole force in the great square, whence we could command all the streets leading to that centre of Mexico. Some of the members of the council objected greatly to this plan, giving the preference to our present system of advancing gradually, filling up the ditches as we proceeded, and destroying the houses to make roads and defences of their materials. They alleged that if we were to succeed in forcing our way into the great square, we should in our turn be besieged in the heart of the city, exactly as we had been before our flight from Mexico, and be involved in much greater difficulties than now; as the enemy would be enabled to environ us with their whole force by land and water, and would cut off all possibility of our retreat, by cutting through the causeways. But Cortes, after hearing all these well founded reasons, still adhered to his own plan, and issued orders for the whole army, including the allies, to attack the city next day, and to use our utmost efforts to get possession of the great square. On the next morning therefore, having recommended ourselves to God in the solemn service of the mass, all our three detachments marched to attack the posts of the enemy on their several fronts. In our attack commanded by Alvarado, most of the Spaniards were wounded at the first ditch and parapet of the enemy; one Spaniard was slain, and above a thousand of our allies were killed or wounded. In the attack commanded by Cortes in person, he carried every thing before him at first, and having driven the enemy from a post where the water was very deep and the causeway very narrow, he imprudently pushed on after the enemy followed by the Indian allies. The enemy induced him by frequent halts and feigned resistance to continue the pursuit, having even narrowed the causeway on purpose, and Cortes negligently omitted to fill up the deep ditch which he had passed. When the enemy perceived that our general had fallen into the snare which they had laid for him, they attacked him with fresh troops in front, while numerous canoes filled with warriors issued out at an appointed signal and assailed him both on the flanks and rear, his brigantines being unable to approach for his defence by the pallisades under water. Retreat became now indispensably necessary, which was at first conducted with perfect regularity; but when they came to the narrow part of the causeway, which was all covered with mud and water, the retreat changed to an absolute flight, our people flying from the enemy with their utmost speed, without even attempting to defend themselves. Cortes used every effort to rally his men, but all in vain, and was wounded in the leg at the narrow pass by some of the enemy from the canoes. At this pass, six of our horses were killed, and seventy-two Spaniards were carried off alive. At this moment six Mexican chiefs seized Cortes, but by the will of God, Christoval de Olea, that valiant soldier, and another brave man named Lerma flew to the rescue of our general. De Olea killed four of the chiefs with his own hand, and gallantly lost his life in defence of Cortes, while Lerma narrowly escaped. Other brave soldiers arrived at this moment to his aid, among whom was Quinones the captain of his guards. By these men he was lifted out of the water and hurried off from among a crowd of the enemy. At this critical moment, Guzman his majordomo, brought up a horse on which our wounded general was mounted. The enemy followed up their success with increasing ardour, Cortes and the shattered remains of his troops, retreating to their quarters with the utmost difficulty, pursued to the last by the Mexicans.
   After our first attack, in which we defeated the enemy and drove them from their post, we were met by fresh bodies of the enemy, marching in great parade, bearing rich plumes of feathers and ornamented standards. On coming near, they threw down before us five bleeding heads, saying these were the heads of Cortes and his officers, and that we should soon meet the same fate. They then marched up, and fought us hand to hand with the utmost valour, insomuch that we were at length compelled to retreat. As usual, we gave orders to our allies to clear the way, by retreating before us; but the sight of the bloody heads had done this effectually, and not a man of them remained on the causeway to impede our flight. Our cavalry made several charges this day, but our great safety depended upon two guns which raked the whole causeway, and were admirably managed by Pedro Morena, an excellent officer, whose services this day were singularly useful, as the whole causeway was crowded by the enemy. Before we arrived at our quarters, and while pursued by the enemy, we heard the shrill timbals and mournful sound of the great drum from the summit of the temple of the god of war. The priests were then sacrificing the hearts of ten of our companions to their accursed idols, and the sound of their dismal drum, which might be heard at almost three leagues off, might be imagined to be the music of the infernal deities. Soon after this, the horn of Guatimotzin was heard, giving notice to the Mexican officers either to make prisoners of their enemies, or to die in the attempt. It is utterly impossible to describe the fury with which they assailed us on hearing this dreadful signal, though the remembrance is still as lively as if now passing before me: I can only say, that it was the good pleasure of God that we got back in safety to our post; praised be his mercy now and for ever. Amen! We were ignorant of the fate of our other detachments. Sandoval was more than half a league from us, and Cortes still farther. The melancholy sight of the heads of our countrymen, and the loss of one of our brigantines in which three of our soldiers were slain, filled us with melancholy, and we almost thought that we had reached the last hour of our lives. Our captured vessel was afterwards recovered by Captain Xaramillo. In the action of this day, Captain Caravajal, a most gallant officer, had the honour of being the first who broke through the enemies pallisades with his vessel: He now lives in La Puebla, and has been ever since entirely deaf, having lost his hearing this day by excessive exertion.
   Most of the soldiers in the detachment of Cortes were wounded, a good many slain, and a great number taken prisoners, so that on his arrival in his quarters, where he was immediately attacked, his men were little able to defend themselves. To add to their distress, the enemy threw into their post four bleeding heads, saying they were those of Alvarado, Sandoval, and two other officers, in order to impress the soldiers of Cortes with the belief that the two other detachments had been as roughly handled as their own. On beholding this horrid spectacle, Cortes was severely agitated, and his heart sunk within him; yet he kept up appearances, encouraging his men to stand to their arms and defend their post against the enemy. He now sent Tapia with three others on horseback to our quarters, to ascertain our situation. They were attacked on their way by several bodies of the enemy, who had been sent out by Guatimotzin to obstruct our communications; but they forced their way through, and found us engaged with the Mexicans.
   On his side, Sandoval went on victoriously till the defeat of Cortes, when the enemy sent a powerful reinforcement against him, by whom he was very vigorously assailed; and in the first assault they killed two of his men and wounded all the rest, Sandoval himself receiving three wounds, one of which was on the head. As they had done at the other posts, they threw down six bleeding heads, pretending they were the heads of Cortes and his principal officers, and threatening Sandoval and his men with a similar fate. Sandoval was not to be intimidated, and encouraged his men to behave themselves bravely; yet, seeing no chance of ultimate success, he brought his people back to their quarters, many of them being wounded, but having only two slain. After this, though severely wounded himself, he left the command of his quarters with Captain Luis Marin, and set out on horseback to have an interview with Cortes. Like Tapia, he was frequently attacked by the enemy on the road, yet made his way to Cortes, whom he addressed with condolence and astonishment, asking the occasion of his severe misfortune. Cortes laid the blame on Alderate, for neglecting to fill up the bad pass where the enemy threw his men into confusion; but the treasurer denied the charge, saying that Cortes had not given any such orders, but hurried on his men after the feigned retreat of the enemy. In fact Cortes was much blamed for his rashness, and for not sending the allies soon enough out of his way. About this time, Cortes was agreeably surprised by the arrival of two of his brigantines, which he had given over for lost. Cortes requested Sandoval to visit our quarters at Tacuba, being unable to go there himself, as he was apprehensive the brunt of the attack might now fall upon our post. Sandoval arrived about the hour of vespers, when he found us occupied in repelling the enemy, some of them having attacked us by the causeway, and others from the ruined houses. I and several other soldiers were at this time up to our middles in the water, engaging the enemy in defence of a brigantine which had run aground, and of which the enemy were endeavouring to gain possession. Just as Sandoval arrived, we got her afloat by a great exertion, after the enemy had slain two of her crew and badly wounded all the rest. The enemy continued their attack with the utmost violence, and Sandoval received a blow on the face with a stone. He called out to us to retreat; and as we did not fall back as fast as he wished, he repeated his orders, asking us if we wished to have all the cavalry destroyed. We then retreated to our post, and though the two guns under Moreno frequently swept the causeway, the execution they made did not prevent the enemy from pursuing us to our works.
   We remained for some time at our quarters comparatively at rest, recounting the events which had occurred at our post, and listening to a relation of what had taken place at the two others. On a sudden, we were struck by the horrifying sound of the great drum, accompanied by the timbals, horns, and trumpets of the temple of the god of war: And, shocking to tell! we could distinctly see our unfortunate companions who had been made prisoners, driven by blows to the summit of the diabolical temple. On their arrival at the platform, we could see the miserable victims decorated for sacrifice, with plumes of feathers on their heads, and fans in their hands, when they were forced to dance to the infernal music before the accursed idols. After this, we saw them stretched on their backs on the stone of sacrifice, where their hearts were cut out alive, and presented yet palpitating to the damnable gods of the enemy, and their bodies drawn by the feet down the steps. "O merciful GOD of Heaven," said we among ourselves, "suffer not that we too may be sacrificed by these wretches!" My readers may conceive how poignant were our reflexions at this horrible scene, more especially as we were utterly unable to afford the smallest aid to our poor friends, whom we saw thus butchered before our eyes. At this moment the enemy assailed our post in great force; but we maintained it with determined resolution, and drove them back with much loss. During this assault, they reviled us, saying that their gods had promised to deliver the whole of us into their hands, and they threw over some of the mangled remains of the horrible repast they had made on our countrymen, sending round other portions among the neighbouring towns, as a bloody memorial of their victory over us. Sandoval and Tapia, on their return to Cortes, reported the valiant manner in which we defended our post; and Sandoval mentioned me in particular with approbation, saying many handsome things of me, which it would be improper for me to repeat, though the facts were perfectly well known to all the army.
   Our new allies on the lake had suffered considerably from the resentment of the enemy, who had taken from them above half their canoes: Yet some continued firm in their alliance with us, out of hatred to the Mexicans; and others satisfied themselves with looking on, without attempting to molest us. In consequence of our recent losses, having lost near eighty men, killed and prisoners, and seven horses, and almost all the rest of us being wounded, Cortes issued orders to cease from our attacks for four days. But the enemy continued their attacks daily, and even gained ground, making new ramparts and ditches. We had a deep ditch and very defensible ramparts in front of our post; and during this cessation from offensive operations, the whole of our infantry kept guard on the causeway every night, flanked by our brigantines, one half of our cavalry patroling in Tacuba, and the other half on the causeway to protect our rear. Every morning we prepared ourselves to resist the attacks of the enemy, who continued every day to sacrifice some of our miserable companions. During their daily and incessant attacks, they reviled us, saying, that their gods had promised to permit them to destroy us all within eight days; yet that our flesh was too bitter to be eaten: And truly I believe that this was miraculously the case. The threats of the Mexicans, and their declaration that their gods had promised to deliver us into their hands in eight days, had such an effect upon our allies, combined with the bad appearance of our affairs, that they almost entirely deserted from us about this time. The only one who remained with Cortes, was Suchel, otherwise called Don Carlos, brother to our ally the prince of Tezcuco, with about forty followers. The chief of Huexotzinco remained in the camp of Sandoval with about fifty of his warriors; and the brave Chichimecatl, with the two sons of Don Lorenzo de Vargas of Tlascala, and about eighty Tlascalans, continued with us in the quarters of Alvarado. When they were asked the reason of the desertion of their countrymen, they said, that the Mexican gods had predicted our destruction, and the younger Xicotencatl had foretold from the first we should all be put to death; they saw that many of us were killed and all wounded, and they had already had above twelve hundred of their own number slain; And, considering us all devoted to inevitable ruin, they had fled to avoid sharing our fate. Though Cortes secretly thought there was too much reason in what they alleged, he yet assumed a cheerful appearance of perfect security as to the ultimate result of the enterprize, and used his utmost endeavours to reassure our remaining friends, turning the hopes and predictions of the Mexicans and the promises of their false gods into ridicule, and had the good fortune to persuade our few remaining friends to abide with us. The Indian Don Carlos, or Suchel of Tezcuco, who was a brave warrior and a wise man, strongly represented to our general that he had hitherto acted on a most erroneous plan, especially considering the relative situations of us and the enemy. "If you cut off their means of procuring water and provisions," he observed, "how is it possible that the many xiquipils60 of warriors can subsist? Their provisions must be at last expended: The water of their wells is salt and unwholesome, and their only resource is from the present rainy season. Combat them, therefore, by means of hunger and thirst, and do not throw away your own force by unnecessary violence." Cortes embraced Suchel, thanking him for his salutary advice; which indeed had already more than once occurred to ourselves, but we were too impatient to act with so much prudence. Our general began therefore to act upon this new system, so judiciously recommended by our friend of Tezcuco, and sent orders to all the detachments to confine themselves entirely to the defensive for the next three days. As the canoes of the enemy were numerous, our brigantines never ventured singly on the lake; and as they had now found out the way to break through the pallisades of the enemy, by using both sails and oars when favoured by the wind, we became absolute masters of the lake, and were able to command all the insulated houses at any distance from the city; and as the brigantines could now break through the pallisades of the enemy, they could always secure our flanks, while we were engaged in filling up the ditches in our front, which we did effectually in a very few days, Cortes even assisting in person to carry beams and earth for that purpose

   Every night of this period during which we remained on the defensive, the enemy continued their infernal ceremonies, sacrificing some of our unfortunate companions, which we could distinctly see as their temple was brightly illuminated; the accursed drum continually stunned our ears, and the shrieks and yells of the multitudes who surrounded the temple were at times perfectly diabolical. Christoval de Guzman was the last executed, who remained eighteen days in their hands. We learned every minute circumstance respecting these horrible sacrifices from our prisoners, who told us, that after each successive sacrifice, their war god renewed his promise of delivering us all into their power. Sometimes, even during this period, the enemy employed some of our own crossbows against us, obliging our unfortunate companions who were in their custody to shoot them off; but our post was protected by the excellent management of the two guns by Morena, and we every day advanced, gaining possession of a bridge or a parapet. Our brigantines also were of infinite service, as they were continually intercepting the canoes which carried water and provisions to the enemy, and those which were employed in procuring a certain nutritive substance from the bottom of the lake, which, when dry, resembles cheese. Twelve or thirteen days had now elapsed after the time when the Mexican priest had predicted we had only eight days to live. Our allies, therefore, recovered their courage when they saw the fallacy of the prediction, and at the requisition of our steady friend Suchel, two thousand warriors of Tezcuco returned to our quarters, with whom came Pedro Farfan and Antonio Villareal, who had been left by Cortes at that city. About the same time, many bodies of warriors returned to us from Tlascala and other places in our alliance. After their return, Cortes called the chiefs together, to whom he made a speech; partly reprimanding them for having abandoned us, and partly encouraging their future fidelity by confident hopes of victory, and promises of reward, and concluded by earnestly admonishing them not to put any of their Mexican prisoners to death, as he wished to negociate peace with Guatimotzin.
   Though the heavy rains which fell at this season were both incommodious and distressing to us, they operated in our favour, as the enemy always relaxed their efforts against us during their continuance. By slow but steady perseverance, we had now considerably advanced into the city at all the three attacks, and had even reached the wells of brackish water which the enemy had dug, and which we now destroyed. Our cavalry could now act freely through the whole space which we had gained, as we had carefully levelled the causeway behind us, destroying all the houses on each side from which we could be annoyed, and carefully fortified our several fronts. Cortes deemed the present conjuncture favourable for offering peace to the Mexicans, and proposed to three of our principal prisoners to carry a message to Guatimotzin to that effect; but they declined the commission, alleging that he would put them to death. They were at length prevailed upon to comply, and were instructed to represent to Guatimotzin in the name of Cortes: "That from respect to the family of the great Montezuma, and that he might prevent the destruction of the capital and the loss of so many lives, he was willing to enter into a treaty of peace and amity; desiring Guatimotzin to reflect that he and his people were now cut off from all supplies of water and provisions; and that all the nations who had formerly been the vassals of Mexico, were now in alliance with the Spaniards." A great deal more was added, to the same effect, all of which was perfectly understood by the messengers. Before they went into the city, they required a letter from Cortes, to serve them as a token of credence; with which they waited on their sovereign, weeping and lamenting themselves bitterly, as they knew the danger to which they were exposed. At first, Guatimotzin and his principal chiefs were filled with rage and indignation at the proposal; but he at last consented to call a council of all the princes, chiefs, and principal priests of the city, before whom he laid the message of Cortes, and even expressed his own inclination to come into terms of peace, considering the inefficacy of their resistance, the desertion of their allies, and the miseries to which the people were reduced. The priests obstinately opposed every idea of peace. They represented the hostile conduct of the Spaniards to their nation ever since they first came into the country; their profanation of the temples and idols of their gods; their injurious treatment of the great Montezuma, and of all the other princes who had fallen under their power; the death of the two sons of Montezuma, the seizure of the royal treasures, and the destruction of the city. They reminded Guatimotzin of his own martial fame, which would be sullied and disgraced by submission; insisting, that all the offers of Cortes were only insidiously meant to enslave and circumvent; and concluded by repeating the assurances of victory which they had received from their gods. Guatimotzin yielded to these arguments, and declared his resolution to fight to the last: He gave orders, therefore, to husband their provisions with the utmost frugality, to use their utmost endeavours to procure supplies under night, and to sink new wells in various parts of the city. Our army had remained two days quietly in their posts, waiting an answer to our pacific message. On the third, we were furiously assailed on all points by large bodies of the enemy, who rushed upon us like lions, closing up as if utterly regardless of their lives, and using their utmost efforts to make us prisoners; all the while, the horn of Guatimotzin being continually sounded, to inspire them with fury. For seven days we were thus continually assailed: After watching all night, we had to go into action every morning at day-break; and having fought the whole day, we retired in the evening to a miserable regale of maize calces, with tunas or Indian figs, herbs, and agi or pepper. Our recent pacific offer was employed as a subject of contempt, for which they reproached us as cowards; saying that peace belonged only to women, arms and war to brave men.
   It has been already mentioned, that the horrible fragments of our wretched companions had been sent round the provinces of the Mexican empire, to encourage them to rise in support of the sovereign and his capital. In consequence of this, a great force assembled from Matlatzinco, Malinalco, and other places about eight leagues from Mexico, which was intended for an attack on our rear, while the Mexicans should attack us in front. On the assemblage of this force, they committed horrible ravages on the country in our rear, seizing numbers of children in order to sacrifice them to their idols. To disperse this hostile assemblage, Andres de Tapia was detached with twenty cavalry and an hundred infantry, and effectually executed his commission, driving the enemy back to their own country with great loss. Soon after his return, Cortes sent Sandoval with a detachment to the assistance of the country around Quauhnahuac, or Cuernabaca. Much might be said of this expedition, were I to enter into a detail: but it may suffice, that it was more like a peaceable triumph than a warlike expedition, yet proved of most excellent service to us, as Sandoval returned accompanied by two chiefs of the nation against which he was sent61. Cortes, after these successes, sent a second message to Guatimotzin, reminding him of the distresses to which his people were reduced, and expressing great anxiety to save the city of Mexico from destruction, which could only be done by immediate submission; and to convince him that all hopes of assistance from his former allies were now at an end, he sent this message by the two chiefs who had accompanied Sandoval. Guatimotzin refused any answer, but sent back the chiefs unhurt. The enemy continued their daily assaults upon the advanced works of our several attacks, increasing even in their fury if possible, and exultingly exclaiming, Tenitotz re de Castila? Tenitotz axa a! "What says the king of Castile? What does he now?"
   We still continued to advance towards the centre of Mexico, regularly destroying the houses on both sides of us, and carefully fortifying our advanced post; and we now perceived a considerable relaxation in the efforts of the enemy, who were not so eager as formerly to open up the ditches; yet they continued to attack us with the utmost fury, as if courting death. But we too had now serious cause of alarm, as our gunpowder was almost entirely expended. At this critical moment, and most fortunately for us, a vessel arrived at Villa Rica with soldiers and ordnance stores, all of which, together with the men, were immediately sent to Cortes by Rangel, who commanded at Villa Rica. This vessel belonged to an armament which had been fitted out by Lucas Vasquez de Aillon, and which had been destroyed or dispersed near Florida. On the arrival of this reinforcement, Cortes and all the army determined to make a grand push for the great square in that part of the city called Tlaltelolco, as it would become an excellent place of arms, on account of some principal temples and other strong buildings which were there situated. For this purpose, each of our divisions continued their daily efforts to advance in our usual cautious manner. Cortes got possession of a small square in which were some temples, on the beams of which many of the heads of our sacrificed companions were placed, their hair and beards being much grown. I could not have believed this, if I had not myself seen them three days afterwards, when our party had worked their way to the same place, after having filled up three canals. In twelve days afterwards, they were all reverently buried by us in that place where the Church of the Martyrs is now built.
   Our detachment under Alvarado continued to advance, and at last forced the enemy from the barricades they had thrown up to defend the great square, which cost us two hours hard fighting. Our cavalry was now of most essential service in the large space which was now laid open, and drove the enemy before them into the temple of the god of war, which stood in the middle of the great square. Alvarado determined to gain possession of the temple; for which purpose he divided his forces into three bodies, one of which, commanded by Guttierrez de Badajoz, he ordered to gain possession of the temple, while with the other two he occupied the attention of the enemy below. A large force of the enemy, headed by the priests, occupied the platform of the temple, with all its idol sanctuaries and galleries, and repulsed the troops of Guttierrez, driving them down the steps. The body to which I belonged was now ordered by Alvarado to their support. We advanced boldly to the assault, and having ascended to the platform, we drove the enemy from the post, of which we took possession, setting fire to their abominable idols, and planting our standard in triumph on the summit of the temple. The view of this signal of victory greatly rejoiced Cortes, who would fain have joined us; but he was still a quarter of a league from the place, and had many ditches to fill as he advanced. In four days more, both he and Sandoval had worked their way up to the great square of Tlaltelolco, where they joined us, and thus communications from all our three attacks were opened up to the centre of Mexico.
   Our attack on the temple was truly perilous, considering the number of the enemy, the height and difficulty of the ascent, and the fury with which they continued to fight against us, even after we had attained the platform and set their idols on fire, and it was night before we could compel them to abandon the summit. The royal palaces were now levelled with the ground, and Guatimotzin had retired with his troops to a more distant quarter of the city towards the lake62. Still, however, the enemy attacked us every day, and at night pursued us into our quarters; and though apparently reduced to the last extremity, they made no offer towards peace. Cortes now laid a plan for drawing the enemy into an ambush: For this purpose, he one night placed 30 of our cavalry, with 100 of our best foot soldiers, and 1000 Tlascalans, in some large houses which had belonged to a principal nobleman of Mexico. Next morning he went in person with the rest of our army to attack a post at a bridge, which was defended by a large force of the Mexicans. After continuing the assault for some time, Cortes slowly retreated with his men, drawing the enemy after him by the buildings in which the ambush lay concealed. When he had led them to a sufficient distance, he gave the concerted signal, by firing two guns in quick succession. We immediately sallied out, and having thus enclosed the enemy between us, we made a terrible havoc among them, and from that time they never ventured to annoy us on our nightly retreat. Another trap was laid for the enemy by Alvarado, which had not the same success; but as I was now doing duty with the division which Cortes commanded in person, I was not present, and cannot, therefore recount the particulars. Hitherto we had continued to retreat every night to the posts we had established on the causeways, which were at least half a league from the great temple; but we now quitted these posts, and formed a lodgment for the whole army in the great square of Tlaltelolco, where we remained for three days without doing any thing worth notice, as Cortes wished to abstain from destroying any more of the city, in hopes of prevailing on Guatimotzin to accept of peace. He sent, therefore, a message, requesting him to surrender, giving him the strongest assurances that he should continue to enjoy the sovereignty, and should be treated with every honourable distinction; and he accompanied this message with a considerable present of provisions, such as fowls, game, bread, and fruit. Guatimotzin pretended to be inclined towards a pacification, and even sent four of his principal nobles to propose an interview between him and our general. But this, was a mere stratagem to gain time for strengthening his fortifications, and making preparations to attack us; as from the example of what had befallen his uncle Montezuma, and the suggestions of his advisers, he was afraid to trust himself in our hands. The mask was soon thrown off, and the enemy attacked us with such extreme violence, and having taken us in some measure by surprise, that they had some success at first, killing one of our soldiers and two horses; but in the end we drove them back with considerable loss.
   Cortes now ordered us to proceed on our former system, of advancing daily against that part of the city which was occupied by Guatimotzin, filling up the ditches and destroying the houses as we proceeded; and we accordingly gained ground as formerly. Guatimotzin, on seeing this, made another offer of an interview with our general, proposing the conference might take place across a large canal. To this Cortes readily assented, and went accordingly to the appointed place, but Guatimotzin never appeared; instead of which he sent some of his principal nobles, who said the king was apprehensive of being shot during the conference. Cortes engaged by the most solemn oaths that no injury should be offered, but all to no purpose. At this time two of these nobles played a most ridiculous farce: They took out from a sack a fowl, some bread, and a quantity of cherries, which they began to eat deliberately, as if to impress us with the belief that they had abundance of provisions. When Cortes found that the proposed conference was only a pretext to gain time, he sent a message of defiance to Guatimotzin and retired. For four days after this, we were not attacked by the enemy; but numbers of famished Mexicans used to surround our quarters every night. Cortes pitied their wretched situation, and ordered us to refrain from hostilities, always hoping that the enemy would offer terms of accommodation. One of our soldiers, named Sotela, who had served in Italy, was always boasting of the great battles he had seen, and of the wonderful military engines which he was able to construct, and particularly that he could make a machine for throwing stones, by which he would destroy the whole of that part of the city which Guatimotzin occupied, in a very few days. Cortes was at last induced to listen to him, and all kinds of materials were brought for him to construct his engine. Stone and lime was procured; the carpenters were set to work to prepare timber; two strong cables were made; and a number of large stones were brought, which the machine was to project. When all was ready, a stone was placed in the engine, and it was played off against the quarters of Guatimotzin. But instead of taking that direction, the stone flew up vertically into the air, and returned exactly to the place whence it was launched. Cortes was angry and ashamed at the result, and ordered the machine to be destroyed, reproaching the soldier for his ignorant presumption.
   Sandoval was now sent with the command of the flotilla, to act against that division of the city in which Guatimotzin still held out. He was ordered to spare the Mexicans as much as possible, but to destroy all the houses and advanced works which the enemy possessed in the lake. On this occasion, Cortes ascended to the high platform of the great temple, attended by many of his officers and soldiers, to observe the movements of the fleet. Guatimotzin, on observing the approach of Sandoval, became very apprehensive of being made prisoner, and determined to attempt making his escape. For this purpose he had already fifty large piraguas in readiness, on board of which he embarked with his family, principal officers and courtiers, and all their most valuable effects, and endeavoured to escape by the lake to the main land; all the piraguas taking different directions, in order to distract the pursuit of the brigantines. At this time Sandoval was occupied in tearing down some houses, that he might clear his way towards the quarters of Guatimotzin, of whose flight he got immediate notice. He set out therefore immediately in pursuit, giving strict orders to all the captains of his brigantines to offer no injury or insult to the royal fugitive; but to keep a watchful eye on that vessel in which Guatimotzin was supposed to have embarked, using every effort to take it, and paying no attention to the rest. In particular, he directed Garcia Holguin, who commanded the swiftest sailing vessel of the fleet, to make for that part of the shore to which it was supposed Guatimotzin was most likely to go. Holguin accordingly fell in with several piraguas, one of which, from the superior appearance of its structure and awning, he supposed to be that which carried the king. He called out to the people on board to bring to, but without effect, and then ordered his musketeers and cross-bows to present. On seeing this, Guatimotzin called out to them not to shoot, acknowledging who he was, and declared his readiness to submit, requesting to be taken immediately to the general, and entreating that his queen, children, and attendants might not be ill treated. Holguin received him and his queen with the utmost respect, placing them and twenty of the nobles who attended them on the poop of his vessel, setting such refreshments before them as he had in his power, and ordered the piraguas which carried the royal effects to follow untouched. At this time, perceiving that Holguin had made Guatimotzin prisoner, and was carrying him to Cortes, Sandoval made a signal for all the brigantines to close up with him, and ordered his rowers to exert every effort to bring him up with Holguin. On getting alongside, Sandoval demanded Guatimotzin to be delivered up to him, as commander of the naval force, but Holguin refused, and many high words passed between them. One of the vessels was sent to inform Cortes of the great event which had taken place, and by the same means he learnt the dispute which had occurred between Sandoval and Holguin. He immediately sent the Captains Marin and De Lugo with orders to bring the whole party to his quarters on the summit of the great temple, ordering them to treat Guatimotzin and his queen with the highest respect. In the meantime, he ordered a state canopy to be arranged as well as he could, with cloths and mantles, to receive his prisoners, and a table to be spread with such refreshments as could be procured.
   On the approach of the prisoners, Cortes went forward to meet the king, whom he embraced with much respect, and shewed all possible attention to his followers. The unfortunate monarch sinking under his affliction, addressed Cortes as follows, with his eyes full of tears: "Malinatzin! I have done every thing in my power to defend my kingdom and people, but all my efforts have been in vain, and I am now your prisoner; I request of you, therefore, to draw your dagger and stab me to the heart." Cortes used his best endeavours to console him, assuring him of his high esteem for the valour and firmness he had exerted, that he should continue to reign as formerly, and that he had only required his submission when all reasonable hope of defence was gone, in order to avoid the utter destruction of his capital and people. Cortes then inquired after the queen, and was told that she and her female attendants remained in the piragua till their fate was decided. He then ordered them to be sent for, and treated them with all respect. As the evening drew on, and it threatened to rain, the whole royal family was sent to Cojohuacan, under the care of Sandoval, and a sufficient escort. Guatimotzin was about twenty-three or twenty-four years of age, of a noble appearance, both in person and countenance, having large and cheerful features, with lively eyes, and his complexion was very fair for an Indian. His queen, who was the niece63 of Montezuma, was young and very handsome.
   The whole army was now ordered to withdraw from the great temple of Tlaltelolco, and to return to their original head-quarters. Cortes proceeded to Cojohuacan, where he took the command in person, sending Sandoval to resume his station at Tepejacac, and our division, under Alvarado, retired to Tacuba. Thus was the important seige of Mexico brought to a successful conclusion, by the capture of Guatimotzin and his family at the hour of vespers, on the day of St Hypolitus, 13th of August 1521. Glorified be our Lord Jesus Christ, and his Holy Virgin Mother, Amen!
   In the night after the capture of Guatimotzin, about midnight, there was the greatest tempest of thunder, lightning, and rain I ever witnessed. But all the soldiers were as deaf as if they had been an hour in a belfrey, and all the bells ringing about their ears. This proceeded from the continual noise they had been accustomed to from the enemy during the ninety-three days64 of this memorable siege: Some bringing on their troops to attack us on the causeways, with loud shouts, and shrill whistling; others in canoes assailing our flanks; some at work on the pallisades, water courses, and stone parapets, or preparing their magazines of arms, and the shrieks and yells of the women, who supplied the warriors with stones, darts, and arrows; the infernal noise of their timbals, horns, and trumpets, and the dismal drum, and other shocking noises, perpetually sounding in our ears: All of which immediately ceased on the capture of Guatimotzin. In consequence of the dispute between Sandoval and Holguin threatening unpleasant consequences, Cortes related to them from the Roman history the dispute between Marius and Sylla, about the capture of Iugurtha, which was ultimately productive of very fatal civil wars. He assured them that the whole affair should be represented to the emperor Don Carlos, by whose arbitration it should be decided. But in two years after, the emperor authorised Cortes to bear in his arms the seven kings whom he had subdued, Montezuma, Guatimotzin, and the princes of Tezcuco, Cojohuacan, Iztapalapa, Tacuba, and Matlatzinco.
   It is absolutely truth, to which I swear amen ! that all the lake, the houses, and the courts were filled with dead bodies, so that I know not how to describe the miserable spectacle. All the streets, squares, courts, and houses of Tlaltelolco, were so covered by them, that we could not take a single step without treading on or between the bodies of dead Indians. The lake and the canals were full of them, and the stench was intolerable. It was for this reason that our troops retired from the city immediately after the capture of Guatimotzin: Cortes was himself ill for some time, owing to the dreadful effluvia arising from the putrifying bodies. I have read the history of the destruction of Jerusalem, but I cannot conceive that the mortality even there exceeded what I was witness to in Mexico; as all the warriors from the most distant provinces of that populous empire were concentrated there, and almost the whole garrison was cut off in their almost perpetual encounters with us, or perished of famine.

  Our vessels were now in the best situation for service; as those on board had ready access to the houses in the water, which were beyond our reach, whence they carried away all the best of the plunder. Their crews also discovered a great many valuable articles which the Mexicans had concealed among the tall reeds on the borders of the lake, and they intercepted a great deal that the inhabitants of the city endeavoured to carry away in their canoes; all of which was beyond our reach: Indeed the wealth which our mariners procured at this time was quite incalculable, as Guatimotzin and all his chiefs declared that far the greater part of the public treasure fell into their hands.
   Soon after the capture of Guatimotzin, it was ordered on his suggestion, that all the remaining inhabitants of Mexico should remove to the neighbouring towns, in order to have the the city cleared of the dead bodies, to restore its salubrity. In consequence of this order, all the causeways were full for three days and nights, of weak, sickly, and squalid wretches, men, women, and children, covered with filth, worn out by famine and disease, so that the sight was shocking in the extreme. When all were gone who had been able to get away, we went to examine the situation of the city, which was as I have already described, in a most miserable state. All the streets, courts, and houses were covered with dead bodies, among whom some miserable wretches were crawling about in the different stages of the most offensive diseases, occasioned by famine, the most unnatural food, and the pestilential smell of the corrupting carcases. Even the trees were stripped of their bark, and the ground had been everywhere dug up in search of any kind of roots it might be able to afford. Not a drop of water could be any where procured; and though it was the constant practice of all these nations to feast on the prisoners they took in war, not one instance occurred, in the midst of their extreme distress, of their having preyed on each other: and certainly there never existed in the history of this world any instance of a people who suffered so severely from hunger, thirst, and warfare. I must here observe, that in all our combats, the Mexicans seemed much more anxious to carry our soldiers away alive, that they might be sacrificed to their gods, than to kill them.
   After a solemn service of thanks to God for our victory, Cortes determined upon giving a feast in Cojohuacan to celebrate our triumph, as a vessel had arrived at Villa Rica with abundance of hogs, and a cargo of wine. He invited all his officers, and all the soldiers of particular estimation to this entertainment, and we all accordingly waited upon him at the time appointed. When we came to sit down to dinner, there were not tables and covers prepared for more than half of us, so that the company fell into sad confusion. The wine occasioned many to commit follies and other worse things. Some leapt over the tables, who were afterwards unable to get out at the doors, and many rolled down the steps, who could not walk home to their quarters. The private soldiers, in high expectations of immense plunder, declared they would buy horses with gold trappings, and the crossbow-men swore they would henceforth use only golden arrows. When the tables were removed, the soldiers danced in their armour, with the few ladies who were present; but the disproportion was very great, and the scene became truly ludicrous. Father Olmedo became quite scandalized at the conduct of the visitors at the feast, and was so disgusted at what was going on during the dances, that he complained to Sandoval, who reported to Cortes that the good Father was grumbling and scolding out of all measure. Our general, always prudent in his proceedings, came up to Olmedo, affecting to disapprove of the indecent conduct of his guests, and requested of him to order a solemn mass and thanksgiving, and to give the soldiers a sermon on their religious and moral duties. The good father was quite delighted at this proposal; and accordingly the crucifixes and the image of the blessed Virgin were carried in solemn procession, amid our drums and military ensigns; Olmedo chanted the litany and administered the sacrament, and we all gave thanks to God for our victory.
   Cortes now dismissed the Tlascalan chiefs and our other allies, who had rendered most important services during our long protracted warfare, making them many compliments and great promises, that he would make them all rich and great lords, with extensive territories and numerous vassals, so that they all departed in high spirits: But they had secured something more substantial than empty promises, as they were all well laden with the plunder of Mexico. Neither were they behind our enemies in their cannibal feasts, of which they had reserved some portions to give to their friends on their return.
   Now that I have concluded the narrative of so many furious and bloody engagements, through which the Almighty has been pleased to protect me, I must confess, that the sight of so many of my companions sacrificed alive to the war-god of the Mexicans, inspired me with fear. This may appear to some as an indication of want of courage, yet in that time I considered myself, and was looked upon by all as a valiant soldier, and was never exceeded by any in bold achievements. But when I saw the palpitating hearts of my companions taken out alive, and their legs and arms cut off to be served up in the barbarous feasts of our cannibal enemies, I feared it might one day be my own lot; and in fact the enemy had me twice in their hands, but by the blessing of God I escaped from their savage grasp. Yet I ever afterwards remembered the dreadful scene which I had witnessed, and on going to battle was much depressed and uneasy, fearing to be doomed to that cruel death. Yet I always recommended myself to God and his blessed Mother, and the moment I was engaged with the enemy all fear left me. Let those valiant cavaliers who have been in desperate battles and mortal dangers decide on the cause of my fears, for I declare I never knew what fear was till I saw the savage immolation of my seventy-two companions: In my own opinion it was from excessive courage, as I was fully aware of the extent of danger which I was voluntarily about to encounter. I have related many engagements in this history, at which I was not present; for even if my body had been of iron I could not have been present at all, and I was much oftener wounded than whole.

SECTION XIV. Occurrences in New Spain immediately subsequent to the reduction of Mexico
   As soon as Cortes had leisure to think of objects of internal regulation, he gave orders to have the aqueduct restored by which the city of Mexico was supplied with water, and to have the city cleared of the dead bodies and repaired, so that it might be again habitable within two months. The palaces and houses were ordered to be rebuilt, and a certain portion of the city was allotted for the natives, while another part was reserved for the residence of the Spaniards. Guatimotzin made application to our general, in the name of many of his principal nobles, requesting that all their women of rank who had been taken by our soldiers, might be restored to their husbands and fathers. This was a matter of considerable difficulty; yet the general allowed a search to be made, with an assurance that all should be delivered up who were inclined to return. Every house was accordingly searched; and though many were found, three only of the whole number were inclined to return to their families; all the rest expressed their abhorrence at the idolatry of their countrymen, besides which, many of them declared that they were pregnant, and refused to quit the soldiers to whom they were attached.
   One of the first public works undertaken in Mexico was an arsenal for the reception of our flotilla which had been of such signal service during the siege. To the best of my remembrance, Alvarado was appointed alcalde, or chief magistrate, till the arrival of Salazar de la Pedrada. It was currently reported that Guatimotzin had thrown great quantities of gold, silver, and jewels, into the lake four days before his capture, and it was well known that our allies had got large plunder as well as our own men who served in the brigantines, and many of us suspected that Cortes was well pleased that Guatimotzin had concealed much treasure, as he expected to procure the whole for himself. It was then proposed in the army, that Guatimotzin and the prince of Tacuba, his most confidential counsellor, should be put to the torture, to extort confession of where the treasure was secreted; this horrid act was certainly greatly against the inclination of Cortes, yet he was forced to leave the unfortunate king and the lord of Tacuba at the disposal of those avaricious wretches, who alleged that our general objected to this infernal measure that he might secure the gold for himself. In answer to all interrogatories on the subject of the treasure, the royal Mexican officers uniformly protested that no more existed than what had been produced; which, when melted, did not exceed the value of 380,000 crowns; so that, when the royal fifth and that for Cortes were deducted, those of the conquerors who were not friends to Cortes were exceedingly dissatisfied. All that could be extorted by the inhuman procedure of torture from the king and prince was, that they had thrown some treasure into the lake, together with the muskets and other arms captured during our flight from Mexico in the preceding year, four days before the surrender. The place indicated was repeatedly searched to no purpose by our best divers; but a sun of solid gold, similar to one we got from Montezuma, with many ornaments of small value, were found in a deep pond near his residence. The prince of Tacuba declared under the torture that he had buried some gold at a place about four leagues from Tacuba; but when Alvarado and six soldiers accompanied him there, of whom I was one, he declared he had no gold, and had only said so in hope of dying on the road. In fact the treasury was reduced very low before the accession of Guatimotzin. I and several other good divers searched that part of the lake which had been indicated by Guatimotzin, but we found only some small pieces of gold, which were immediately claimed by Cortes and Alederete the treasurer; who likewise sent down other persons in their own presence, but all they got did not reach the value of ninety crowns. We were all miserably disappointed to find our shares so small; insomuch that Olmedo and all the captains proposed to Cortes to divide the whole which belonged to the army among the wounded, the lame, the blind, and the sick, all who were sound renouncing their claims. We were all curious to know what our shares amounted to, and it at length appeared that the share of a horseman was only an hundred crowns. I forget how much belonged to a foot soldier; but it was so small that none of us would accept the paltry sum, more especially the soldiers of Narvaez, who never liked Cortes.
   Many of our soldiers had incurred heavy debts. A crossbow cost fifty crowns, a musket a hundred, a horse eight hundred or a thousand, and every thing else in proportion. Our surgeon, master Juan, and Doctor Murcia our apothecary and barber, charged very high, and there were various other sources of debt, all to be satisfied from our miserable dividends. These required to be regulated; and accordingly Cortes appointed two respectable persons, Santa Clara and Lerena, to arbitrate all claims, which were ordered to be cleared off within two years according to their award. The value also of the gold was debased, to serve us in our dealings with the merchants from Spain and Cuba; but it had the opposite effect, as they charged more than double the difference on their goods. On these abuses being known at court, our emperor was pleased to prohibit the farther currency of this base metal, ordering it to be all received in payment of certain duties, and no more of it to be made; and as two goldsmiths were detected for putting off base metal with the legal mark of good, they were hanged for the fraud.
   As the best way to rid himself of troublesome demands, Cortes resolved to send off colonies to make settlements at convenient situations. Sandoval was sent for this purpose to occupy Coatzacualco and Tzapotecapan, the south-eastern provinces of the Mexican empire. Juan Velasquez to Colima, and Villa Fuerte to Zacatollan, the most westerly provinces on the south sea. Christoval de Oli to take possession of the kingdom of Michuacan, and Francisca de Orozco to Guaxaca or Oaxaco. The native chiefs of the distant provinces could hardly be brought to believe that Mexico was destroyed, and sent deputations to ascertain the truth of the report, bearing large presents of gold to Cortes, and submitting themselves as vassals to our emperor. Many came in person to Mexico, and even brought their children to see the fallen condition of that great power which they had once held in such awe and terror, expressing themselves in their own language, as who should say, Here stood Troy. My readers may be curious to know how we, the conquerors of Mexico, after encountering so many fatigues and dangers to gain possession of that city, should now so readily abandon it in search of new settlements. To this I answer: The books containing the record of the Mexican revenues were examined to find whence Montezmna had obtained the valuable articles of tribute, such as gold, cocoa, and cotton, and we all wished to remove to these productive districts. Some especially were led by the example of Sandoval, who was known to be the particular friend of Cortes, and who would not, as they thought, be sent upon an unprofitable errand. We all knew that the vicinity of Mexico had neither mines, plantations, nor manufactures, being entirely occupied in the cultivation of maize and maguey, which did not afford sufficient prospects of advantage, and we anxiously removed therefore to other places, where we were miserably disappointed. I among others, went to Cortes and asked permission to accompany Sandoval to his government: "Brother Diaz," said he, "you had better stay with me: If you are resolved to accompany your friend Sandoval, you may certainly go; but on my conscience you will repent." All the gold got into the hands of the royal officers, as the slaves were purchased by the soldiers at a public sale. The various detachments were sent out at different periods to occupy the provinces, but all within two months after the reduction of Mexico.
   At this time, Christoval de Tapia, veedor of Hispaniola, arrived at Villa Rica with a commission to assume the government of New Spain, by order of the emperor and under the direction of the bishop of Burgos. He likewise brought letters from the bishop to Cortes and many persons in the army, recommending him to be received with honour as governor, promising great rewards to all who should assist him in assuming the government, with severe threats of punishing all who opposed him: besides these sealed letters, he had many others which he was authorised to address as he saw occasion. Tapia in the first place presented his commission to Alvarado, who now commanded at Villa Rica, who received it with the highest respect, saying that it did not belong to him to decide on so important a subject, and it would be proper, therefore, to assemble the alcaldes and regidors of the settlement, that the commission might be verified in their presence, and that it might be certainly known it came regularly from his majesty. This did not exactly suit the views of Tapia, who was advised to proceed to Mexico, and to produce his commission to the general; he therefore forwarded to Cortes the letter of the bishop, and wrote to him on the subject of his mission to New Spain, using smooth and persuasive terms, and Cortes was by no means behind hand in the civility of his reply. Cortes, however, sent off expresses to some of his most confidential officers whom he had previously detached to settle colonies, ordering them to go to meet Tapia, who had already begun his journey to Mexico, and was met with on the road by Alvarado, Sandoval, Valdenegro, Andres de Tapia, and Father Olmedo, all persons in the confidence of Cortes, by whom Christoval de Tapia was persuaded to go back to Chempoalla, and to produce his commission to them. Having examined it and finding it genuine, they placed it on their heads in token of respect and submission to the will of the emperor, yet hesitated as to acknowledging Tapia for governor, alleging that it was necessary in the first place to be assured of his majestys pleasure in the present state of New Spain, which had been concealed from his knowledge by the bishop of Burgos, to serve his own private views and to favour Tapia and Velasquez, one of whom it was alleged was to marry his niece. Tapia saw evidently that it would be no easy matter to enter upon his office of governor, and fell sick with vexation. The before-mentioned deputies informed Cortes by letter of all that had passed, and advised him to try the all-powerful influence of gold on the would-be governor. Cortes complied with this advice, and transmitted a good quantity of golden ingots by return of the express, by means of which his friends gratified the avarice of Tapia, under pretence of purchasing one of his ships, with some horses and negroes; and Tapia set sail in his other vessel for Hispaniola, where he was very ill received by the royal audience and the Jeronymite brotherhood, as he had undertaken this business contrary to their express orders.
   I have formerly mentioned some particulars of an unsuccessful expedition set on foot by Garray, the governor of Jamaica, for the establishment of a colony on the river of Panuco; and as Cortes was informed that Garray intended to resume that project, he resolved to anticipate him, considering the country on that river as included in New Spain. Having likewise been informed that Narvaez, who still continued a prisoner at Villa Rica, had held some confidential intercourse with Tapia, in which he advised him to quit the country as soon as possible, and to lay a statement of the whole before his patron the bishop of Burgos; Cortes sent orders to Rangel, now commandant at Villa Rica, to send up Narvaez to Cojohuacan, where Cortes resided until the palace he meant to inhabit at Mexico was completed. On appearing before Cortes, Narvaez fell on his knees and endeavoured to kiss his hand; but Cortes raised and embraced him, and treated him with the utmost kindness. His residence in Mexico being ready for his reception, Cortes went to live there in great splendour, marking out a plan for the restoration of the city, in which ample allotments were made for churches, monasteries, and public buildings, with squares and markets, all the rest of the ground being set apart for the private inhabitants; and both so speedily and splendidly was this capital restored, that all who have seen it allow there is not in Christendom a larger, better built, or more populous city. While thus employed, intelligence was brought to Cortes that the province of Panuco was in arms, and had killed many of the soldiers whom he had sent to make a settlement at that place. He resolved, therefore, to proceed to Panuco in person, as all his most confidential officers were now absent on different duties.
   By this time our strength had been considerably augmented, both by means of those formerly mentioned who had been on the expedition to Florida under Aillon, and by several who had come over along with Tapia, and by the arrival of many adventurers from the islands of Hispaniola, Cuba, and Jamaica. De Oli, likewise, had now returned from Mechoacan, which he had reduced to submission, bringing with him the principal cacique of that country and several other chiefs, with a considerable quantity of gold. Cortes therefore left a respectable garrison in Mexico, under Diego de Soto, and set out on his march for Panuco65 with 130 cavalry, 250 infantry, and 10,000 Mexican warriors. As this expedition was very expensive, Cortes, wished the charge to be defrayed from the royal funds, but the officers of the treasury refused, under the pretext that it had been undertaken from motives of private interest, to prevent Garray from establishing a colony in that place, and not for the public service. The Panuchese, otherwise called the Guastecas and Naguaticas, were numerous and warlike, and had collected a force of above 70,000 warriors, with which they fought two battles against Cortes in the course of a few days, in which three Spaniards, four horses, and above a hundred Mexicans were slain; but we obtained the victory in both actions, with such slaughter of the rebels, as deprived them of all inclination to renew the war for the present. By means of Father Olmedo and some prisoners, the Panuchese were now induced to submit. Cortes in the next place proceeded with half his army across the river Chila, to reduce the natives who had murdered the messengers whom he sent to require their submission. On crossing the river, the enemy fell upon our troops with great fury, but were soon defeated, and our people advanced to a town in which they found abundance of provisions. Some of our soldiers, on going into a temple next morning, found the remains of some of our men, and even recognized their features, a melancholy sight to us all; but we carefully collected and buried their remains. From this place our detachment marched to another, where the enemy concealed some of their troops among houses, intending to fall upon our men when the cavalry had dismounted; but as their plan was discovered it failed of success, yet they fought valiantly for half an hour, even rallying three times, contrary to the usual custom of the Indians, and three of our soldiers were so badly wounded that they afterwards died. On the ensuing day, our soldiers scoured the country, and in some deserted towns they found a number of earthen vessels filled with a species of wine in underground cellars. After having marched for five days through the country in various directions, the detachment returned to the river Chila, and Cortes again summoned the the country to submission. They promised to send a deputation for that purpose in four days, for which Cortes waited, but to no purpose; he therefore sent a large body of Mexicans, during a dark rainy night, across a lake to attack one of their largest towns, which was entirely destroyed; after which most of the country submitted, and Cortes established a town of 130 houses about a league from the river of Chila, which he named Estevan del Puerto, leaving 63 Spanish soldiers to keep the country under subjection, and giving the command of all the neighbouring country to Pedro Valego. Before leaving this country, Cortes was informed of three districts, which had now submitted, the inhabitants of which had been very active in the murder of the Spaniards at Panuco on the former occasion, and who had entered into a resolution to fall upon the new settlement as soon as he quitted the country. He marched therefore against them, and destroyed their towns, which they re-established soon after his departure. In consequence of the loss of a vessel which Cortes had ordered to bring provisions from Villa Rica, this new settlement was reduced to much distress. The inhabitants of this province of Panuco were the most barbarous of all the tribes in New Spain, being cruel to excess, exceedingly addicted to human sacrifices, drunken, filthy, and wicked beyond belief. They frequently rebelled, and were as often punished in a most exemplary manner; but all would not reduce them under good government: But when Nunez de Guzman became governor of New Spain, he reduced the whole nation to slavery, and sold them among the different Islands of the West Indies.
   On his return towards Mexico, Cortes received complaints of various depredations having been committed by the inhabitants of the neighbouring mountains on the peaceable districts of New Spain66, He determined therefore to chastise these lawless tribes while on his way; but they anticipated him, by assaulting his rear in a difficult pass of the mountains, where they got possession of a considerable portion of the baggage. But our Mexican allies severely revenged this insult, and made prisoners of two of the principal hostile chiefs who were both hanged. After this victory, Cortes suspended hostilities, and having summoned the people to appear before him, they came in and submitted, on which Cortes appointed the brother of the cacique who had been put to death to the vacant government. About this time Alonza de Avila, who was formerly mentioned, returned with full powers from the royal audience and the Jeronymite brotherhood, to continue our conquests, to make settlements of land and colonies according to the established rules in Hispaniola and Cuba, and to brand slaves: And he brought notice that these tribunals had transmitted a report of the steps they had now taken to the government in Spain, whence it was transmitted to the emperor, then in Flanders. If Avila had been in New Spain at the arrival of Tapia, he might have proved troublesome, as he was entirely devoted to the Bishop of Burgos, having been bred up in his house. On this account, and by the advice of Olmedo, Cortes gave him the command of the district of Guatitlan, one of the most profitable in New Spain, and also made him a considerable present of gold, and many flattering words and promises by which he gained him over entirely to his interest, insomuch that he sent him soon afterwards into Spain as his agent, carrying a large quantity of gold, pearls, and jewels to the emperor, together with several gigantic human bones that were found in a temple at Cojohuacan, similar to those which had been formerly sent from Tlascala, as already mentioned67. Besides these things, he carried over three Mexican tigers, and many other curious things which I do not now remember. One part of the business of this agency, was to carry a memorial from the cabildo of Mexico, and from us the conquerors of New Spain, soliciting to be supplied with bishops and clergy of holy life and exemplary manners, and requesting that all offices of honour and emolument might be conferred on us who had conquered this vast empire for our sovereign, and that the supreme government might be confided to our general Cortes. We requested that his majesty might be pleased to prohibit any lawyers from coming among us, who would throw us into confusion with their learned quibbles; and we farther represented the insufficient commission of Christoval de Tapia, who had been sent out by the Bishop of Burgos, merely for the purpose of effectuating a marriage between him and the bishops niece. We deprecated the interference of the bishop in the affairs of New Spain, which had already obstructed our efforts of conquest in the service of his majesty, and had manifested great enmity against us by prohibiting the Casa de Contratation of Seville from sending us any supplies. We concluded by declaring ourselves ready to receive his majesties commands with the most perfect submission and obedience, but that we had deemed it our bounden duty to lay all these particulars before his majesty, which had hitherto been artfully kept from his knowledge. On his part, Cortes sent a memorial to the king of twenty-one pages long, in which he left no argument unemployed to serve his own and our interest. He even requested permission to go over to the island of Cuba, and to send the governor Velasquez a prisoner to Spain, that he might be tried and punished for the injuries he had done to the public service, and especially for having sent an order to put Cortes to death.
   Our agents sailed from Vera Cruz on the 20th December 1522, and no particular occurrence happened on the voyage to the Terceras or Aзores, except that one of the tigers broke loose and wounded some of the sailors, who were likewise obliged to kill the other on account of its ferocity. At the island of Tercera, Captain Quinones lost his life in a duel, occasioned by a quarrel about a lady, by which means our business was left in the hands of Alonzo de Avila. In continuing his voyage to Europe, he was taken by a French privateer, commanded by one Jean Florin, who took another ship from Hispaniola with a valuable cargo of sugar and hides, and 20,000 crowns in gold, and many pearls; so that with this and our treasure he returned very rich to France, where he made magnificent presents to the king and admiral of France, astonishing every body at the magnificence of the presents which we had transmitted for our emperor. The king of France observed on this occasion, that the wealth which we supplied from New Spain was alone sufficient to enable our sovereign to wage war against him, although Peru was not then discovered. It was also reported that the king of France sent a message to our emperor, saying, That as he and the king of Portugal had divided the world between them, he desired to see the will of our father Adam, to know if he had made them exclusively his heirs. In his next expedition, Florin was made prisoner by a strong squadron belonging to Biscay, and was hanged in the island of Teneriffe.
   Avila was made a close prisoner in France, but by gaining the friendship of the officer to whose custody he had been confided, he was enabled to correspond with his friends in Spain, to whom he transmitted all the documents with which he had been entrusted, which were all laid before the emperor Don Carlos by Martin Cortes, our generals father, and Diego de Ordas, by means of the licentiate Nunez, relator of the royal council, who was cousin to Cortes. The emperor was pleased, on due consideration of these documents, to order that all favour should be shewn to our general, and that the proceedings respecting the government of New Spain should be suspended until his majesty returned into Spain.
   We were much disappointed on receiving intelligence of the loss of our treasure, and the detention of our agent in France; yet Cortes honourably reserved the district of Guatitlan for Avila, notwithstanding his captivity, and gave it three years afterwards to a brother of Alonzo de Avila, who was then promoted to be contador of Yucutan.

SECTION XV. Expeditions of Gonzalo de Sandoval, Pedro de Alvarado, and others, for reducing the Mexican Provinces
   After the settlement with Christoval de Tapia, the Captains Sandoval and Alvarado resumed the expeditions with which they had been before entrusted, and on this occasion I went along with Sandoval. On our arrival at Tustepeque68, I took my lodgings on the summit of a very high tower of a temple, for the sake of fresh air, and to avoid the musquitoes, which were very troublesome below. At this place, seventy-two of the soldiers who came with Narvaez and six Spanish women were put to death. The whole province submitted immediately to Sandoval, except the Mexican chief who had been the principal instrument of the destruction of our soldiers, who was soon afterwards made prisoner and burnt alive. Many others had been equally guilty, but this example of severity was deemed sufficient.
   Sandoval, in the next place, sent a message to the Tzapotecas, who inhabit a mountainous district about ten leagues from Tustepeque or Tututepec, ordering them to submit to his authority; and on their refusal, an expedition was sent against them under Captain Briones, who according to his own account had served with reputation in the wars of Italy. His detachment consisted of 100 Spanish infantry, and about an equal number of Indian allies; but the enemy were prepared for him, and so completely surprised him in a difficult pass of the mountains, that they drove him and his men over the rocks, rolling them down to the bottom, by which above a third of them were wounded, of whom one afterwards died. The district inhabited by the Tzapotecas is of very difficult access among rocky mountains, where the troops can only pass in single file, and the climate is very moist and rainy. The inhabitants are armed with long lances, having stone heads about an ell long, which have two edges as sharp as razors, and they are defended by pliable shields which cover their whole bodies. They are extremely nimble, and give signals to each other by loud whistlings, which echo among the rocks with inconceivable shrillness. Their province is named Tiltepeque69; which, after its submission, was confided to the charge of a soldier named Ojeda. On his return to quarters, Sandoval ridiculed Briones on the bad success of his expedition, asking him if he had ever seen the like in Italy; for Briones was always boasting of his exploits there, as how he had severed men in two, and the like. Briones was sore displeased with these sarcasms, and swore he would rather fight against the Turks or Moors than the Tzapotecas. There was another district of the Tzapotecas called Xaltepec, which was then at war with a neighbouring tribe, and who immediately, on being summoned by Sandoval, sent a deputation of their chiefs to wait upon him with handsome presents; among which was a considerable quantity of gold, partly made into toys, and partly in ten little tubes. Their chiefs were dressed in long cotton robes, richly embroidered, and reaching to their feet, like the upper garments worn by the Moors. They requested to be assisted by some of our soldiers against their enemies, whom they named the Minxes. The state of our force at this time did not permit him to comply with this request, but he promised to transmit their request to our general at Mexico, with an application for an auxiliary force to be sent them, and said he could only now send a small number of his men along with them, to observe the nature of the passes, but his real object was to examine their mines. With this answer he dismissed them all except three, sending eight of us along with them to explore the country and its mines.
   There was another soldier of the same name with myself in this party, for indeed there were three of us in the army named Castillo. At that time I prided myself on my dress, and was called Castillo the beau. My namesake who went on the present expedition was named Castillo the thoughtful, as he was of slow speech, never replying to a question for a long while, and then answering by some absurdity. The third was called Castillo the prompt, as he was always very ready and smart in all his words. On our arrival at the district of Xaltepec, the Indians turned over the soil in three different rivers, in each of which they found gold, and soon filled three tubes with it as large as a mans middle finger, with which we returned to Sandoval, who now thought that all our fortunes would be made. He took a district to himself, from which he very soon procured gold to the value of 15,000 crowns. He gave the district of Xaltepec, whence we had obtained the gold, to Captain Luis Marin, but it turned out very indifferently. He gave me a very profitable district, which I wish to God I had kept; it consisted of three places, named Matalan, Oztoequipa, and Oriaca, where the ingenio of the viceroy is now situated; but I thought it more consistent with my character as a soldier to accompany Sandoval in his military expeditions. Sandoval called his town Medellin, after the birth-place of Cortes; and the Rio de las Vanderas, from which he procured the 15,000 crowns, was for some time the port where the merchandise from Spain was discharged, until Vera Cruz became the emporium.
   We now marched into the province of Coatzacualco, through the district of Citla70, which is about twelve leagues in length and breadth, and is very populous, having a fine climate and abounding in provisions. The chiefs immediately submitted. On our arrival at the river of Coatzacualco, which is the governing district of all the neighbouring tribes, the chiefs did not make their appearance on being summoned, which we considered as an indication of hostility, which was in fact their first intention; but after five days, they came in and made their submissions, presenting some trinkets of fine gold to Sandoval. By his orders, they collected a hundred canoes, in which we crossed the river, sending four soldiers in advance to examine and report the state of the country. A town was founded in this place, which we named Villa del Espiritu Santo, because on that day we defeated Narvaez, using that expression as our watchword, and because we crossed this river on the same day. In this place the flower of our army was established, which at this time mustered eighty cavalry, a greater number in proportion than five hundred is now, horses being then very scarce and dear. Having examined the surrounding districts, Sandoval divided them among the different settlements. To the settlement of Coatzacualco, he allotted Cuetzpaltepec, Tepeca, Chinantla, the Tzapotecas, Copilco, Cimatan, Tabasco, Cachula, the Zoques, Techeapa, Cinacatan, the Quilenes, and Papanahausta. We had a long litigation afterwards with the district of Vera Cruz about three of these, Cuetzpaltepec, Chinantla, and Tepeca; with Tabasco about Cimatan and Copilco; with Chiapa or Guatimala, concerning the Quilenes and Zoques; and likewise with the town of St Ildefonso about the Tzapotecas. I regretted having fixed myself in this place, as the lands were very poor, and every thing turned out to my disadvantage. We might indeed have done well enough if we had been left in our original situation; but as new settlements were successively formed, ours were curtailed to accommodate them, so that our colony fell into decay; and from being the best, and containing the greatest number of the true conquerors of Mexico, it has now very few inhabitants.
   About this time Sandoval received intelligence of the arrival of Donna Catalina, the lady of our general, in the river of Aguayalco71, accompanied by her brother. La Zembrana also with her family came along with her, and Donna Elvira Lopez the tall, who married Juan de Palma, who was afterwards hanged. We all went to pay our respects to the ladies, the roads being almost impassable owing to constant heavy rain. Having escorted Donna Catalina and the rest to our town of Coatzacualco, or Espiritu Santo, intelligence was sent to Cortes of their arrival, and they set out soon afterwards for Mexico. Cortes was sorry for their coming, but he received them with great pomp, and we heard about three months afterwards that Donna Catalina had died of an asthma.
   Villafuerte had been sent to Zacatula, and Juan Alvarez Chico to Colima, two provinces on the south sea to the west of Mexico, but were unsuccessful; on which Cortes sent Christoval de Oli to reduce these provinces to submission. The natives attacked him on his march, killing two of his soldiers; yet he reached the station of Villafuerte, who was afraid to stir out, and had four even of his soldiers killed by the enemy in the town where he resided. I do not know what became of Captain Juan Alvarez, but I believe he lost his life about this time in some action with the natives. De Oli reduced both provinces to submission and returned to Mexico, where he was hardly arrived when intelligence was brought that they had again rebelled; on which Cortes sent Sandoval with a small party of veterans to take the charge of them. He punished the ringleaders of the rebellion, and regulated them in so effectual a manner, that they continued ever afterwards submissive.
   On the departure of Sandoval with the ladies, several of the districts subjected to Coatzacualco rebelled, killing the soldiers who were appointed to collect the tribute; among which were the Tzapotecas of Xaltepec, Cimatan and Copilco, the first being difficult of access on account of its rugged mountains, and the two others because of lakes and marshes, so that they were not reduced to subjection without great difficulty. While Captain Luis Marin was engaged in reducing these districts, Juan Buono arrived at our settlement in a small vessel. He immediately called us all together, and endeavoured to persuade us to submit to Christoval de Tapia as governor of New Spain, being ignorant of the return of that person to Hispaniola. Buono had a number of unaddressed letters from the bishop of Burgos, making large offers to such as would further his views of superseding Cortes, and which Buono had a discretionary power of directing to any persons that he supposed might support the cause in which he was engaged, and which he accordingly transmitted to those who held offices in the settlement. Among the rest, I was offered the appointment of regidor. When Buono learnt that Tapia had left the country, he seemed much disappointed. We referred him to Cortes at Mexico, to which place he went. I know not what passed between him and Cortes, but I believe the general sent him back to Spain with some money in his pocket.
   Among the tribes that courted our alliance after the conquest of Mexico, was a people of the Tzapotecan nation, named the Tutepecs, who earnestly requested our assistance against a hostile tribe, who bore the same name with themselves, and whom they represented as possessing a very rich country. Accordingly, in the year 1522, Alvarado marched from Mexico with a detachment of 180 soldiers, cavalry and infantry, with orders to take twenty more on his march through the district of Oaxaco, and also to visit and reduce during his march certain mountainous districts which were said to be in rebellion. Alvarado was forty days on his march between Mexico and Tutepec, and was very hospitably received on his arrival, being lodged in the most populous part of the city, where the houses stood close together, and were thatched with straw, it not being the custom of that part of the country to have terraced roofs, on account of their climate being very sultry. By the advice of Father Olmedo, Alvarado removed his quarters to a more open part of the town; as in case of any treachery being intended, the natives might easily have set fire to the first quarters. In this place, Alvarado was plentifully supplied with provisions, and the principal chief made him every day some rich present of gold; and among other things gave him a pair of golden stirrups, made according to a pattern. Yet, only a few days after, the cacique was made a prisoner, on the information, as was said, of the Indians of Tecuantepec, that he meant to burn the Spaniards in the quarters which had been assigned them in the temples. Some of the Spaniards alleged that Alvarado made him a prisoner in order to extort gold for his ransom. However this may have been, he died in prison of vexation, after Alvarado had got from him to the value of 30,000 crowns. His son was permitted to succeed him in the government, from whom Alvarado obtained more gold than he had done from the father. Alvarado now established a colony, which was called Segura, because most of the colonists came from Tepeaca, named by us Segura de la Frontera.
   Alvarado set out soon afterwards on his return to Mexico with all his wealth, as Cortes had written to him to bring all the treasure he possibly could, which he intended to send into Spain. The soldiers were much dissatisfied at being thus excluded from any share, and several of them entered into a conspiracy to assassinate Alvarado and his brothers. One of the conspirators, named Tribejo, gave information of the plot to Father Olmedo, only a few hours before it was intended to have been executed; and the reverend Father informed Alvarado, just as he was riding out along with some of the conspirators. He continued his intended excursion for a short way; then turning suddenly, he complained of a pain in his side, saying he must go back for a surgeon to bleed him. On his arrival at quarters, he immediately sent for his two brothers, together with the alcaldes and alguazils of the settlement, whom he ordered to arrest the conspirators, two of whom were hanged. Alvarado returned to Mexico with his gold; but the colonists finding all the gold taken away, and that the place was hot and unhealthy, infested with musqutioes, bugs, and other vermin, and themselve and slaves fast dying, they abandoned the settlement, some going to Mexico, and others to different places. Cortes was much displeased at this abandonment, and finding on inquiry that it had been done by a resolution of the alcaldes and regidors in full cabildo, he condemned them to suffer death; but their punishment, at the intercession of Olmedo, was mitigated to banishment. Thus the settlement of Segura fell to the ground, which had been established in a very fertile country, but exceedingly unhealthy. By the cruelty and extortion of Alvarado, the minds of the natives were alienated, and they threw off their allegiance; but he reduced them again to submission, and they continued afterwards to behave themselves peaceably.

SECTION XVI. Some Account of the Expedition of Francisco de Garay for the Colonization of Panuco
   Having formerly mentioned the expedition fitted out by Francisco de Garay, the governor of Jamaica, it seems proper to give a more particular account of that affair in this place. Hearing of the great riches which Diego Velasquez was likely to acquire from New Spain, and of the fertile countries which had been discovered on the continent of the West Indies, and encouraged by the means he now possessed of prosecuting discoveries and conquests, he determined to try his own fortune in that career. For this purpose he sent for and discoursed with Alaminos, who had been our chief pilot, from whom he received so favourable an account of these countries, that he sent Juan de Torralva, a person in whom he could confide, to solicit the bishop of Burgos to grant him a commission for settling the country on the river of Panuco; and having succeeded in this preliminary step, he fitted out an armament of three ships, with 240 soldiers, under the command of Alonzo Alvarez Pineda, who was defeated by the Panuchese, one ship only escaping, which joined us at Villa Rica, as already related. Receiving no intelligence of the fate of his first armament, Garay sent a second, which also arrived at our port. Having now expended a great deal of money to no purpose, and having learnt the good fortune of Cortes, he became more than ever desirous to secure the advantages he expected to derive from his commission. With this view he fitted out thirteen ships, in which he embarked 136 cavalry, and 840 foot soldiers, mostly musqueteers and crossbow-men, of which he took the command in person. He sailed with this great armament from Jamaica, on the 24th June 1523, and arrived safe at the port of Xagua in the island of Cuba, where he received information that Cortes had reduced the province of Panuco to subjection, and had sent a petition to the emperor to get a commission for governing his new acquisition. He was here informed of the heroic deeds of Cortes and his companions, and in particular of our having defeated the large force of Narvaez, while we had only 270 soldiers.
   Struck with awe at the power and abilities of our general, he solicited the licentiate Zuazco to mediate between him and Cortes, that he might be permitted to take possession of the government of Panuco, in pursuance of his commission from the bishop of Burgos.
   Garay shortly afterwards set out with his armament, and being driven by a storm into the river Palmas72, he disembarked there, intending to march by land to Panuco, having first exacted an oath of fidelity from his troops; and he even nominated the various officers of his colony, which he intended to name Garayana. Having marched for two days along the sea-shore, through a marshy uninhabited country, he arrived at some villages, where the inhabitants entertained him hospitably, but many of his soldiers straggled about robbing and maltreating the people. Garay at length arrived at Panuco, where his soldiers expected all their difficulties would end, but it was almost a desert, as it had been much wasted in the war with Cortes, and the natives concealed what remained, so that they found nothing but bare walls, where they were tormented with mosquitos and every kind of vermin. Garay could get no intelligence of his fleet, and learnt from a Spaniard who had fled from punishment and lived among the Indians, that the province of Panuco was poor and unhealthy; and as this man gave a very favourable account of Mexico, many of Garays soldiers deserted from him, and went off for Mexico, plundering the natives on their way. Garay found himself in a bad plight, and sent one of his officers, named Diego de Ocampo, to sound the disposition of Vallejo, who was governor of St Estevan del Puerto for Cortes, and to notify the appointment of Garay to the government of this country. Vallejo gave a favourable answer, requesting the soldiers might be restrained from maltreating the inhabitants; but sent off an express to Cortes, soliciting a strong reinforcement or the immediate presence of the general. On receiving this intelligence, Cortes immediately sent off Alvarado, Sandoval, Father Olmedo, and Gonzalo de Ocampo, brother to Diego de Ocampo, who was with Garay, giving them a copy of the royal instructions, by which all his conquests were left under his command till the dispute between him and Velasquez were judicially settled.
   On the arrival of Garay in the neighbourhood of St Estevan, Vallejo learnt from five deserters that the troops were scattered negligently in a large town called Nacoplan, on which he concerted a plan for coming on them by surprise, and made forty of them prisoners, alleging that they had invaded the country without a commission, and had plundered the inhabitants who lived under his government. Garay threatened Vallejo with the vengeance of the court of Spain for this outrage, and demanded the immediate release of his soldiers; on which Vallejo requested to see his commission, which, if from his majesty, he would obey in all humility. Just at this time arrived the deputies from Cortes, and Diego de Ocampo, being then first alcalde of Mexico, made a formal remonstrance against the entrance of Garay with an armed force into the government of another person. Several days were spent in remonstrances and replies on both sides, during which time many of Garays troops deserted from him.
   Two of the ships belonging to Garay were lost in a tempest, and the remainder took shelter in the mouth of the river, when Vallejo secretly negotiated with their officers to join the party of Cortes. He at length contrived to inviegle the whole of the fleet up the river to the port of St Estevan, where he made all their officers and men prisoners in the name of Cortes; but Father Olmedo persuaded him to set them at liberty. The unfortunate Garay entreated the officers of Cortes to restore his ships and to compel his troops to return to their duty, promising to give up his intended settlement at Panuco, and to retire to the river Palmas. They agreed to this, and used every measure to induce the deserters to return, but with little effect; as they alleged they had already discharged their engagement in coming to Panuco, and they despised Garay. In this hopeless state, Garay was persuaded to write to Cortes, stating his situation, and requesting his protection and assistance, in consideration of their former friendship. Cortes engaged to do what he desired, and invited him to come to Mexico, where he was honourably received, and promised every redress, referring him to Olmedo, Sandoval, and Alvarado, to agree with him on the terms. At the suggestion of Olmedo, a marriage was proposed between Donna Catalina Cortes y Pizarro, the daughter of Cortes, and the eldest son of Garay, who had a command in the fleet. Cortes agreed to this, giving his daughter a liberal fortune, and agreed that Garay should establish a colony on the river Palmas, in which he engaged to give him every assistance in his power. Garay now interceded with Cortes to allow Narvaez to return to Cuba, for which favour Narvaez was extremely thankful, and took leave of Cortes with many professions of gratitude. Soon afterwards, Garay was seized with a pleurisy, of which he died in four days, leaving Cortes and Father Olmedo his executors. As his armament was left without a head, a competition arose among his officers for the vacant command; but young Garay was ultimately made general. This gave great offence to the soldiers, in consequence of which they dispersed about the country in small bodies of fifteen or twenty men, pillaging the natives as if they had been among Moors. This enraged the Indians, who laid a plot to cut off the Spaniards, which they executed so effectually that in a very short time they sacrificed and eat above five hundred of the soldiers of Garay, in some of the towns upwards of a hundred of them being destroyed at one time. In other places they fell upon the stragglers, whom they massacred almost without resistance; and, encouraged by this success, they even rose against the settlement of Estevan in such numbers, that they could hardly be resisted by Vallejo and seven or eight of the veterans of Cortes, who induced many of Garays soldiers to abide by them in the open field, where three battles were fought, in one of which Vallejo was slain, and a great number of Spaniards wounded. The Indians became at length so bold and desperate, that they one night killed and burned forty Spaniards, among whom were several belonging to Cortes, and destroyed fifteen horses. When Cortes heard of these proceedings he was much enraged, and would have gone in person to suppress the rebellion, but was then confined by a broken arm; wherefore he sent Gonzalo de Sandoval, with 100 infantry, 50 cavalry, 15 musqueteers, and two field-pieces, accompanied by 8000 Mexican and Tlascalan warriors, giving orders to reduce the country so completely under subjection that they might not have power to give any farther disturbance.
   Sandoval was a person of much vigilance when he had any important business in hand, and made no delay in marching against the enemy, who had concentrated their forces in two narrow defiles. Sandoval divided his forces into two bodies, but was so obstinately resisted, that he drew off his forces, feigning to retreat to Mexico, followed by the Indians, whom he completely deceived, making an unexpected countermarch at midnight, by which he gained possession of the passes; yet not till he had lost three horses, and had a great many of his men wounded. On passing the defiles, he found himself opposed in front by an immense body of Indians, who had collected on receiving notice of his countermarch. He concentrated his whole force into one solid column; and as his cavalry were inexperienced in the service, he gave them full instructions never to halt making thrusts, as the Indians always seized the lances when wounded, and often wrested them from the hands of our men; but ordered them to clap spurs to their horses on such occasions, firmly grasping their lances, and thus force them from the enemy by the strength of their horses. Having placed guards and patroles, and ordered the horses of the cavalry to remain all night saddled and bridled, he made the troops repose under arms on the banks of a river, placing the Mexican and Tlascalan warriors at a short distance from the Spanish troops, knowing by experience that the allies were of more harm than benefit in a night attack. At day-break next morning, Sandoval put his troops in motion, and was soon fronted by three large bodies of the enemy, who endeavoured to surround him. Forming his cavalry in two squadrons, he attacked the enemy with such spirit that they were soon broken and dispersed, with the loss of two soldiers and three horses on his side. The allies made terrible havock after this victory, burning and plundering all before them, till the arrival of the army at St Estevan. The remains of this colony were found in a miserable condition, and the soldiers of Garay assured him that its preservation was entirely owing to the bravery and conduct of our few veterans who were there. Sandoval divided his army into several bodies, which he entrusted to the command of the veterans, and sent them to overrun the neighbouring districts, with orders to send in all the provisions they could collect, being unable to go out himself, as he was badly wounded. In the course of three days, his parties sent in many prisoners of the ordinary class, and five chiefs; but Sandoval released the common people, and ordered his troops to make no more prisoners, except of such chiefs as had been concerned in or present at the murder of the Spaniards. In a few days Sandoval was able to take the field, and by skilful measures he made prisoners of twenty caciques, who had commanded where no less than six hundred Spaniards were slain. He then summoned all the neighbouring towns to send their chiefs to him to treat of peace and submission: Some obeyed, but others neglected to attend, and he thought it best to dissimulate with the latter for the present, till he had informed Cortes what had been already done, and had received his orders as to the disposal of the prisoners and his future procedure. Cortes, who now conferred the vacant command of St Estevan on Sandoval, ordered all who had been any way concerned in the murder of the Spaniards to be punished with death, as an example to deter others from being guilty of the like offence, directing Diego de Ocampo, as alcalde-major, to take the necessary steps against them, with orders to execute all who should be found guilty. He gave orders likewise to conciliate the natives by all possible means, and to prevent the soldiers of Garay from committing any future outrages. Two days after the receipt of these orders, the accused caciques were brought to trial; and many of them being found guilty by evidence, or by their own confession, were publickly executed, some being burnt and others hanged. Many also were pardoned; and all the districts which had belonged to the caciques who suffered on this occasion, were restored to their children or other heirs. Ocampo now proceeded against all those Spaniards who had been guilty of outrages, going about the country in bands, plundering and murdering the natives, or who had invited other soldiers to desert to them; and having collected them together, he shipped them off for Cuba. To Juan de Grijalva, who had been commodore of the fleet under Garay, Cortes offered the alternative of a present of 2000 crowns, and a passage to Cuba, or an honourable reception at Mexico. But Grijalva and all the other officers belonging to Garay preferred going to Cuba. When Sandoval and Ocampo had thus reduced the settlement to order, and cleared it of these troublesome inmates, they returned to Mexico, leaving the command at St Estevan to an officer named Vallecillo; and on their arrival at the capital, they were received by Cortes and others with the distinction which their services richly merited73.

SECTION XVII. Narrative of various Expeditions for the Reduction of different Provinces in New Spain
   As the views of Cortes were always lofty, so was he always well supported by the talents and bravery of his officers and soldiers. After his power was thoroughly established in the great city of Mexico and its more immediate dependencies, and in the districts or provinces of Guaxaca, Zacatula, Colima, Vera Cruz, Panuco, Coatzacualco, and others, as already related, he was informed that there were populous nations and rich mines in the province of Guatimala; and he resolved to send a military force under Alvarado, to conquer and colonize that country. Alvarado, therefore, was dispatched to that province, with 300 infantry, 135 cavalry, 200 Tlascalans and Cholulans, and 100 Mexicans74, and four field-pieces. Alvarado was instructed to bring those nations to submission by peaceful means, if possible; and Father Olmedo accompanied him, on purpose to preach the doctrines of our holy religion to the natives; and at all events, to insist upon all the prisons and cages that were used for human victims being destroyed, the prisoners set free, and the utter abolition of human sacrifices and cannibal feasts. This expedition left Mexico on the 13th of December 1523; and Alvarado during his march, received the submission of the district known by the name of the Rocks of Guelama, where he received many rich contributions in gold. Having passed the districts belonging to the Tzapotecas of Tecuantepec, and by Soconusco, a town containing above 15,000 houses, Alvarado came to the neighbourhood of a place named Zapotitlan, where, at a bridge over a river, he was opposed by a very numerous body of warriors who disputed the passage with so much bravery, that many of the soldiers were wounded and one horse killed; and it required three very hard fought battles before the Spaniards were able to break through and disperse the enemy.
   From this place, continuing his march, Alvarado was continually harassed by the Indians of Quetzaltenango, and came at length to a defile in a high mountain, where the ascent was about a league and a half. On arriving at the summit, a remarkably fat woman was found in the act of sacrificing a dog, which is an infallible token of intended hostilities; and immediately afterwards, great numbers of armed Indians were seen advancing on all sides, in a difficult broken ground, where the cavalry of Alvarado were unable to act. In this rough and impracticable place, above 6000 of the warriors of Utatlan, a district adjoining to Quetzaltenango, made an attack upon our troops; and being soon put to flight, they rallied shortly after, reinforced by great numbers of fresh troops, who waited the advance of our forces, and fought them bravely hand to hand. On this occasion, three or four of the enemy uniting their efforts, used to seize a horse before and behind, endeavouring to pull him to the ground, and it required the most strenuous exhortations both of Alvarado and Father Olmedo to animate the exertions of our troops, who at length succeeded in defeating and dispersing the Indians. Our army halted in the field of battle for three days, unmolested by the enemy, and then marched to Quetzaltenango, where Alvarado hoped to have given his troops some repose; but he found two xiquipils of warriors, or 16,000 men assembled to oppose him in a plain, where he gave them so complete a defeat, with so heavy a loss of warriors, that they remained for a long time under complete awe of the Spaniards. The chiefs of these Indians sent a deputation to Alvarado, offering peace and submission, under which they had concealed a plan for destroying his army in the following manner. At a short distance there was a place called Utatlan, in a very difficult rugged country, and surrounded by defiles, to which they invited him to march, intending to fall upon him there with all their forces, as in that place the cavalry could not act.
   Alvarado accordingly marched to Utatlan, a town of considerable strength, which had only two gates, the ascent to one of which was by a stair of about twenty-five steps, and the other opened to a very bad broken causeway, the streets likewise being very narrow, and the houses very close together. Observing the bad situation of this place, and that the women and children had disappeared, Alvarado began to suspect that some mischief was in contemplation; and he was informed by some Indians of the place he had last quitted, that a number of warriors were concealed all round the place, to which they meant to set fire in the night, and then assault him with all their forces. Alvarado immediately called his troops to arms, and marched out into the open country, telling the chiefs that he did so for the purpose of procuring grass for his horses. They did not seem pleased with this change; and as soon as Alvarado was completely clear of the town, he seized the principal cacique, whom he reproached for his treachery, and ordered to be burnt alive. Father Olmedo obtained a respite of this sentence, with permission to endeavour to convert the condemned cacique to the holy faith, in which he exerted himself a whole day, and at length succeeded: and, as an indulgence, his punishment was commuted to hanging, and his territory given to his son. After this, Alvarado attacked and dispersed the native warriors who were in the neighbourhood of the town. When this success became known in Guatimala, which was engaged in hostility with the people of Utatlan, they sent an embassy to treat with Alvarado before his arrival on their frontiers, bringing a present of gold, declaring their submission to the government of our emperor, and offering to serve as allies in all our wars. Alvarado accepted their submission and offer of service, and desired them to send him 2000 of their warriors, with which they immediately complied; and as the people of Utatlan had again rebelled, he remained eight days in their country, collecting considerable spoil and making many slaves; after which he marched to the city of Guatimala, where he was hospitably received.
   As the utmost harmony subsisted between Alvarado and the natives of Guatimala, the chiefs of that nation represented to him that a nation in their neighbourhood, called the Altitlans, who occupied several strong fortresses on the side of a lake, had refused to make submission to him, and that they were a barbarous and malicious people. Alvarado sent a message commanding these people to submit, but they abused his messengers; on which he marched against them with 140 Spanish soldiers and 2000 warriors of the Guatimalans, and was resisted by a strong force of the Altitlans, whom he soon defeated with considerable loss, and pursued to their fortresses on the lake. Having driven them from these fortresses, they took shelter in an island of the lake, to which he sent several of their chiefs whom he had taken prisoners, to persuade them into peace and submission, in which he at length succeeded, partly by threats and partly by promises, and returned to Guatimala. Father Olmedo exerted himself so effectually in his mission, that he prevailed upon the people to imitate our example, in adoring the holy Virgin, for which purpose he erected an altar and image of our lady, and explained the mysteries of the Christian faith to the natives. A people named the Pipiles, who came from a considerable distance towards the south, to enter into submission to Alvarado, informed him that a nation in their way, called the Izcuintepecs, were of a malignant disposition, and maltreated all travellers through their country. He sent, therefore, a message to invite them to come in and submit, which they refused to comply with; for which reason he marched into their country with his whole force, united to a strong body of his allies of Guatimala, and made great havock among them. Not having been present in this expedition, as I did not go into the province of Guatimala until my return from Higueras, I have only given a short summary of the conquest of Guatimala and its dependencies, which may be found related at full length in a book written by Gonzalo de Alvarado.
   About this time Cortes was informed that the provinces of Higueras and Honduras contained rich mines, and some sailors reported that the native fishers of these countries used weights to their nets made of gold mixed with copper; they alleged also, that a strait or passage would probably be found in that direction into the Pacific Ocean. On these accounts he determined to send some troops to that country under Christoval de Oli, to inquire after the mines, and to search for this reported strait, by which a communication might be opened with the Spice Islands; and as the way by land was long and difficult, it was determined to send this expedition by sea. Accordingly, de Oli embarked in six ships, with a force of 370 soldiers, 100 of whom were musqueteers and crossbow-men, and 22 cavalry. Five of the veteran conquerors of Mexico went along with this expedition; among whom was one Briones, a seditious fellow and a bitter enemy of Cortes; besides whom, many of the soldiers on this expedition were greatly dissatisfied at the unequal distribution of lands which had been made in New Spain. De Oli was ordered to go first to the Havanna, to procure a supply of provisions and necessaries, and then to pursue his voyage to the Higueras to make the necessary inquiries for the reported mines and straits; after which he was to build a town in some commodious situation. To advance the interests of our holy religion, he was provided with two friars, one of whom understood the Mexican language. At the Havanna, de Oli took on board five of the followers of Garay, who had been expelled from Panuco for seditious conduct, who ingratiated themselves into his confidence, and advised him to renounce his obedience to Cortes, in which they were aided by Briones; so that he at length went over to the party of Velasquez, who engaged to make such representations at court that the command of this intended settlement might be given to de Oli independent of Cortes. De Oli was a brave man, and endowed with many good qualities, yet unfit for his present employment, having been brought up in the house of Velasquez, so that he was the more readily influenced by bad advisers to desert the interest of Cortes to whom he lay under great obligations. On the third of May, de Oli arrived at his station, which he named El Triumpho de la Cruz, where he appointed to the civil administration of the new colony, such alcaldes and regidors as had been recommended by Cortes, and even took possession of the country for his majesty in the name of Cortes, as he wished to conceal his secession from our general till he saw whether the country was sufficiently rich to be worth while to set up an independent government; as, if it turned out otherwise, he could return to his possessions in Mexico, and gloss over his negociations with Velasquez, under pretence of having done so in order to procure the necessary supplies. In this manner was the new colony of El Triumpho established, from whence Cortes had no intelligence for more than eight months.
   There were a considerable number of veterans and Spaniards of rank, established in the town of Coatzacuaclo, otherwise called Del Espiritu Santo, who were entrusted with the government of that province, together with the districts of Citla, Tabasco, Cimatan, Choutalpa, Cachula, Zoque, the Quilenes, Cinacatan, Chamuela, Chiapa, Papanahausta, Pinula, Xaltepec, Huaxaltepec, Chinantla, Tepeque, and others; but through all New Spain, the demand for tribute was the signal of insurrection, and all who attempted to levy it were killed, as were all Spaniards who fell into the hands of the natives; so that we were continually obliged to go from one town to another with a company of soldiers to preserve peace. As the district of Cimatan was particularly refractory, and Captain Luis Marin could not conveniently send a body of troops to that place, I and three other Spaniards were sent there to endeavour to prevail on the people to submit. On approaching the principal town, we were attacked by a large body of Indians, who killed two of my companions, and wounded me desperately in the throat. My surviving companion made off to some canoes on the banks of the river Macapa, leaving me alone and in great jeopardy; but I crept under cover of some bushes where I lay some time almost exhausted, and recovering my strength after some time, I forced my way through the natives, and escaped to where my companion was in the canoes, with four Indians whom we had brought with us to carry our baggage, which they had thrown away, and for the sake of which the natives quitted us, so that we got across the river, which is broad and deep and full of alligators. To avoid the Indians, we concealed ourselves for eight days in the woods, so that we were concluded to be lost, and our property in lands and Indians was divided among the other Spaniards, such being then the custom in New Spain. We returned to the town, however, at the end of twenty-three days, to the great joy of our friends, and the disappointment of those who had succeeded to our property.
   Our captain, Luis Marin, thought proper to wait upon Cortes, to represent the necessity of a reinforcement; and accordingly got thirty soldiers, commanded by Alonzo de Grado, with orders for all the Spaniards at Coatzacualco to march for the province of Chiapa, which was then in a state of rebellion, and directions to build a town there to keep the natives in order. In the first place, we had to make roads through the woods, and the country being very marshy, we were under the necessity of constructing causeways in many places to enable the horses to pass. The first place we came to was Tezputzlan, and thence to Cachula, beyond which there had been no passage before our expedition, all the other natives being in great fear of the inhabitants of Chiapa, who were then the bravest warriors in all America, and had never been subdued by the Mexicans; but they were extremely barbarous, being in use to rob all passengers, and to carry away the natives of other districts to till their ground. The present expedition was during Lent, and as well as I can now remember, in the year 1524, our little army consisting of 27 cavalry, 23 musqueteers, 72 foot soldiers armed with sword and target, and one field-piece under the direction of a cowardly fellow of a gunner, who pretended to have served in Italy. Besides these, we had 50 Mexican warriors, and the cacique of Cachula with some of his principal people, who were all terribly afraid. On approaching Chiapa, an advanced guard of four of our most active soldiers, of whom I was one, always preceded the army to reconnoitre, and as the ground was not fit for a horse, I left mine behind. We were usually about half a league in front of the army, but on our approach to Estapa, their first settlement, some of the hunters of Chiapa perceived us at a distance, and gave the alarm by means of smoke. The road was now wide and convenient, between well cultivated fields of corn and other vegetables; and on coming to Estapa we found it abandoned by the inhabitants, on which we posted our guards and patroles, and took up our quarters for the night. We were soon disturbed by information from our out-guards, that the natives were collecting on every side to attack us; and, going out of town to meet them we had a severe action, in which they killed two of our soldiers and four horses, wounding our reverend father Fra Juan, and thirteen soldiers, including our captain Luis Marin, who was wounded in two places; besides which many of our allies were slain. This action lasted till dark night, when the enemy were forced to retire, leaving fifteen slain and many wounded in the field. From two of the wounded, who seemed chiefs, we learnt that a general attack was intended against us next day. These people were clothed in good defensive armour of quilted cotton, using darts hardened in the fire, war clubs, and lances longer than ours, and they fought with unusual bravery; insomuch that, when one of our horsemen halted to make a thrust, the Indians seized the horse, and either wrested the lance from the horseman or pulled him to the ground.
   Next day we pursued our march to Chiapa, a place with very regular streets, and containing not less than four thousand families, besides the dependent towns and villages around. We had not proceeded above a quarter of a league from Estapa, where we had passed the night, when we found the whole warriors of the district drawn up to oppose us, well armed, dressed up in plumes of feathers, and making the hills resound with their warlike shouts. They attacked us with the utmost fury, and our black gunner was so stupified with fear, that he stood long trembling before he durst put the match to the gun, and when he fired the piece all the good he did was wounding three of our own men. After a severe conflict, we at length forced them to fly; but they rallied in some broken ground, reinforced by some fresh bodies of Indians, and attacked us again by surprize, while we were giving God thanks for our victory. In these new troops, many were provided with long thongs to twist round our horses, and some carried the nets they used in hunting for the same purpose. In this second battle the enemy were so desperate that they killed two of our soldiers and five horses, and scarce one of us escaped without a wound. They had along with them a very fat aged woman, whom they esteemed a wizard, who had promised them the victory. Her body was all covered over with paint mixed with cotton wool; and she advanced fearlessly amid our allies, who were regularly formed by companies, by whom she was cut to pieces. At length, by a violent effort, we forced the enemy to fly, some taking to the rocks and others to the river, and being excellent swimmers they made their escape. We then halted and sang the Salve regina: After which we took possession of a town on the river, where we halted for the night, taking care of our wounded, and carefully concealing our dead.
   About midnight, ten chiefs of neighbouring districts came down the river in five canoes, and were brought to our captain, whom they informed that they belonged to the nation of the Xaltepecs, who were at war with the people of Chiapa, and came to offer their assistance to us against them, on condition that we should afterwards support the independence of their nation against the people of Chiapa. This was very satisfactory to us, as we could not have passed the river, which was both broad and deep, without their assistance; the chiefs were therefore dismissed with a promise on our part of protection, and on theirs to bring us canoes and auxiliaries. During the remainder of the night we had to keep strict guard, as the drums and horns of the enemy were heard on the opposite banks of the river, where their warriors were collecting from all sides to attack us. As soon as it was light, our new friends joined us with the promised canoes, and shewed us a very dangerous ford, which they urged us to pass without delay, that we might endeavour to save the lives of some of their people who had been recently made prisoners by the enemy. We accordingly passed the river in a solid column at the ford, which reached our armpits, and where we lost one of our cavalry. On gaining the opposite bank, we were so hotly assailed by the enemy with darts and arrows, that every one of us had two or three wounds before we got out of the water. But as we were now joined by large bodies of those Indians who had offered their assistance, we soon compelled the enemy to fly for shelter to their city, against which we immediately advanced in good order, accompanied by our new allies. On arriving there, it seemed too closely built to be occupied with safety, and we encamped therefore in the open field, sending messengers to invite them to peace, with which they complied, by sending a deputation of their chiefs, who submitted to become subject to our sovereign, and requiring that the neighbouring tribes might be prevented from destroying their houses and plantations. All these things being settled to our mutual satisfaction, we went into the town, where we found many prisoners confined in wooden cages, who had been seized by the Chiapese while travelling from place to place, all of whom we set free. In the temples of this place we found several idols of horrible figures, and many remains of men and boys, who had been recently sacrificed. Our reverend father Fra Juan, broke all the idols to pieces, and preached so successfully that many were baptized. Many of the chiefs of the neighbouring tribes came in and made their submission: Among these were the chiefs of Cinacatan, Papanahaustla, Pinola, Guehuistlan, Chamula, the Quilenes, and others who spoke the Zoque language, and many other tribes, the names of which I do not now remember. These people were much surprised when they perceived the smallness of the force with which we had ventured to attack a nation so warlike as the Chiapese, whom the Mexicans were never able to subdue.
   While our captain was thus occupied in arranging matters with the chiefs of the surrounding districts, one of our soldiers went accompanied by eight Mexicans, to a town called Chamula, where he demanded a contribution of gold in the name of our captain, though entirely without authority. A quantity was accordingly offered him; but not being satisfied with the amount, he attempted to seize the cacique, by which violent proceeding he occasioned an insurrection of that town, and another in the neighbourhood called Quiahuitlan, or Guehuistlan. When this improper transaction came to the ears of our captain, he sent the soldier a prisoner to Mexico, and immediately marched to Chamula to quell the insurrection, being assisted on this occasion by the inhabitants of Cinacatan, a polished tribe which was addicted to merchandize. On our arrival at Chamula, we found the place strongly fortified by art and nature, and the people well armed, having a peculiar species of large shield which covered the whole body, and could be rolled up into a small compass when not in use. Our cavalry were ordered to keep guard in the plain in our rear, to watch the motions of the insurgents in the neighbouring districts; while the infantry endeavoured to force their way into the town; but our musketeers made very little impression, as the enemy were covered by their walls, while their missiles injured us materially, being exposed without any defence. We continued the attack during the whole day to very little purpose, being unable to force the ramparts, which were guarded by above 2000 men armed with lances. We therefore drew off for the time, and procured some timber from a depopulated town in the neighbourhood, with which we constructed certain machines named mantas or burros, under cover of which twenty men or more could approach the walls in safety, to work a passage through them. On our first attempt to do this, the enemy threw down upon our machines, heavy stones, fire, and scalding water, so that we were constrained to remove our machines to repair the injury they had sustained. We again brought forward our machines to the walls, and at length succeeded in making several breaches. While employed in this manner, four of their principal chiefs and priests addressed us from the top of the ramparts, saying, since we wanted gold they had brought us some, and then threw over seven crowns of fine gold, with many gold trinkets, some of which were cast in the shape of various birds, shells, and the like; immediately after which they assailed us with repeated vollies of darts, arrows, and stones. By the time that it was dark, we had made two considerable breaches; but as a heavy rain came on, we drew off for the night, keeping a vigilant guard round our post, and having our cavalry on the alert in the plain, ready saddled and bridled. During the whole night, the enemy kept continually sounding their warlike instruments, making horrid yells, and threatening us with destruction next day, which they said was promised by their gods. We brought forward our machines again at day-break to enlarge the breaches we had made on the preceding day; but the enemy defended themselves with great obstinacy, wounding five of our people, and myself among the rest by the thrust of a lance, which had gone through me, had it not been for the strength of my quilted cotton armour. Towards evening it came on again to rain hard, and we were called off from the attack; but as the enemy ceased to shout and make their usual noises, I suspected they were about leaving the town, and perceived also that their lances were mostly rested against the walls and parapets, except about two hundred which still appeared in the hands of a part of the enemy. On this, I and one of my comrades crept in at a small breach in the wall, and were immediately attacked by above two hundred of these lancemen, who would soon have dispatched us, if some of our Indian allies had not noticed our perilous situation, and called the rest of our soldiers to our aid, who crowded in at the breach and soon enabled us to put the enemy to flight. These were only the rear guard of the garrison, all the rest of the inhabitants, men, women, and children, having evacuated the town by the opposite gate. We immediately pursued, and made many prisoners.
   Leaving this place, we marched for Cinacatan, and halted for the night at the place where Chiapa de los Йspanoles is now built; from whence our captain dismissed six of our prisoners, with a message to their countrymen, offering to restore all the rest of the prisoners, if they would submit. They immediately complied with this, and submitted themselves as subjects to the Spanish monarchy. In this neighbourhood dwelt a nation called the Guehuistlans75, who possessed three fortified towns, and were in rebellion against us. Leaving our baggage and wounded men in Cinacatan, we proceeded to reduce these people to submission. They had barricaded all the approaches to their towns by means of felled trees, which were cleared away by the aid of our Indian allies, and we got up to one of their fortresses, which threatened to give us infinite trouble, as it was full of warriors, well armed both for offence and defence. But they all fled when we mounted to the assault, leaving the place to us without resistance. By means of two prisoners who were taken by our allies, offers of peace and good treatment were sent to them, on condition of submission; with which they complied, bringing with them some trifling presents of gold and quetzal feathers.
   Having thus effected our business in this place, by reducing all the surrounding tribes to submission, we proceeded, according to the orders of Cortes, to establish a colony, though some who had already plantations and Indians in Coatzacualco objected to this place as unfit for cavalry, and that our force was too small for keeping so populous a district under subjection, especially as the natives had many strong fortresses in the fastnesses of their mountains. Even our captain, Luis Marin, and the royal notary Diego de Godoy, were adverse to the plan. Alonzo de Grado, also, a very troublesome fellow, was possessed of a patent from Cortes, by which he was entitled to an encomienda in the province of Chiapa, when reduced to obedience; and in virtue of this, he demanded that all the gold which had been received from the Indians of Chiapa, and also, that which had been found in the temples, amounting to about 1500 crowns, should be delivered up to him. This was refused by Marin, who alleged that it ought to be applied for replacing the horses which were killed during the expedition. These disputes ran so high, that our captain ordered both Godoy and De Grado into irons, intending to send them to Mexico. Godoy obtained his liberty by concessions; and in return for this lenity entered into cabals with De Grado for misrepresenting the conduct of Marin to Cortes. On this occasion I was solicited to write to Cortes in exculpation of De Grado, as they said that Cortes would believe my statements. I wrote accordingly a true state of the case, but in no respect charging Marin with any thing amiss. De Grado was sent off to Mexico, under an oath to appear before Cortes in eighty days, as the distance he had to travel exceeded 190 leagues. On his arrival, Cortes was so much displeased by his conduct, that he ordered De Grado to take 3000 crowns and retire to Cuba, that he might give no farther trouble in his government; but De Grado made such ample apologies, that he was restored to favour. As it was finally resolved to establish a colony in this place, and as I had an order to that effect from Cortes, our captain, who was likewise my particular friend, appointed me to the command of the encomienda at Cinacatan, which I enjoyed for eight years. As soon as possible after my appointment, I procured a reverend father to preach to the Indians, whom I was anxious to convert to our holy faith. He accordingly erected an altar and crucifix, and preached with so much success, that fifteen of the Indians offered themselves for baptism on the first day of his mission; which gave me infinite satisfaction, as I felt the warmest interest in the welfare of these people, whom I looked upon as my own children.
   When all things were properly settled at this place, we resolved to chastise the people of Cimatan who had slain two of the party with which I had been deputed to them, as formerly mentioned near the beginning of this section. In our way to that place, we had to march through a district named Tapelola, which was so very rugged that our horses were unable to proceed until the roads were cleared for them, which was immediately done on application to the caciques. We continued our march by the districts of Silo, Suchiapa, and Coyumelapa, to those of Tecomayatacal and Ateapan; the chief town of which was extensive, closely built, and very populous. This place belonged to my encomienda. Near this town there was a large and deep river which it was necessary for us to pass, where we were opposed by the people of the vicinity with so much vigour that we had six soldiers wounded and three of our horses killed; but we put them to flight, and they withdrew into the woods and mountains, after setting fire to their town. We remained here five days, taking care of our wounded men; and as we had taken many of the women of this district, some of them were sent out to invite the natives to return and submit, with which they complied. Godoy was averse from the lenity shewn on this occasion, and insisted that these people ought to be punished for their revolt, or at least made to pay for the horses which they had slain. I happened to be of a different opinion; and as I spoke freely, Godoy became enraged and used very angry words, which I retorted. At length we proceeded to blows and drew our swords; and if we had not been parted one or other of us must have been killed, we were both so much enraged. Even as it was, several cuts were given and received on both sides, before we were separated. Marin was a good man and of a mild disposition, so that he restored every thing to these deluded people and left them in peace.
   We continued our march through the other districts of Cimatlan and Talatiopan, where we were attacked by a numerous body of archers, by whom above twenty of our soldiers were wounded and two horses killed; but we very soon defeated them. These people were the most powerful archers I had yet seen, as they were able to drive their arrows through two suits of well quilted cotton armour; and their country is mostly composed of a marsh which quakes under foot. It was in vain therefore to think of pursuing the natives in such an impracticable country; and as they treated all our offers of peace with contempt, we judged it best to return to our colony of Coatzacualco; which we did through the districts of Guimango, Nacaxa, Xuica, Teotitlan, Copilco, and some others which I do not remember the names of, to Ulapa, and thence across the rivers Agaqualulco and Tonala to Coatzacualco, where the slain horses were paid for at the rate of a penny the pound.