SECTION VII. Events during the March of the Spaniards from Tlascala to Mexico
   After a stay of seventeen days, in Tlascala to refresh ourselves after our late severe fatigues, and for the recovery of our wounded companions, it was resolved to resume our march to the city of Mexico, though the rich settlers of Cuba still endeavoured to persuade Cortes to return to Villa Rica. This resolution also gave much uneasiness to our new Tlascalan allies, who used every argument to make us distrust the courteous manners of Montezuma and his subjects, whom they alleged to be extremely treacherous, and would either fall upon and destroy us on the first favourable opportunity, or would reduce us to slavery. In the event of hostilities between us and the Mexicans, they exhorted us to kill them all young and old. Cortes thanked them for their friendly counsel, and offered to negociate a treaty of peace and amity between them and the Mexicans; but they would by no means consent to this measure, saying that the Mexican government would employ peace only as a cover for treachery. On making inquiry as to the best road to Mexico, the ambassadors of Montezuma recommended that by Cholula, in which we should find good accommodation; but the Tlascalans earnestly entreated us to go by Huexotzinco which was in alliance with them, representing the Cholulans as a perfidious people. But Cortes determined to take the road of Cholula, intending to remain in that city till he could secure a safe and peaceable reception at Mexico; he sent therefore a message to the chiefs of Cholula, to inform them of his intentions, and to express his dissatisfaction at their conduct in not having been to wait upon him. While engaged in preparations for our departure, four of the principal nobles of Mexico arrived with a rich present, consisting of gold to the value of 10,000 crowns, and ten bales of mantles of the finest feather-work. After saluting Cortes with profound respect, they said that Montezuma was astonished at our long residence among so poor and base a people as the Tlascalans, and that he requested we would come without delay to his capital. Cortes assured them that he would very soon pay his respects to their sovereign, and requested they would remain along with him during the march. He also at this time appointed Pedro de Alvarado, and Vasquez de Tupia, to go as his ambassadors to Montezuma, with instructions to examine the city of Mexico. These gentlemen set out accordingly, along with the former Mexican ambassadors, but were soon recalled, in consequence of a remonstrance from the army. At this time I was confined by my wounds, and was ill of a fever, and consequently incapable of attending minutely to all that passed.
   In return to our message, the chiefs of Cholula sent a very dry and uncourteous answer by four men of low degree, and without any present. As this was obviously done in contempt, Cortes sent the messengers back to inform the chiefs, that he would consider them as rebels if they did not wait upon him personally in three days; but, if they complied with this requisition, he was willing to accept them as friends and brothers, and had much intelligence of great importance to communicate to them. They sent back, saying, that they durst not come into the country of their inveterate enemies the Tlascalans, who they were sure had grossly misrepresented both them and Montezuma to us, but engaged to give us an honourable reception in their city. When the Tlascalans found we were determined upon taking the road of Cholula, contrary to their advice, they proposed that we should take 10,000 of their best warriors along with us; but our general considered this number as too many for a visit of peace, and would only accept 3000, who were immediately made ready to attend us. Using every proper precaution for our safety, we began our march from Tlascala, and arrived that evening at a river about a league from Cholula, where there is now a stone bridge, and encamped here for the night. Some of the chiefs came to congratulate our arrival in their neighbourhood, and gave us a courteous invitation to visit their city. We continued our march next day, and were met near the city by the chiefs and priests, all dressed in cassocks of cotton cloth, resembling those used by the Zapotecans. After presenting incense to Cortes, the chiefs made an apology for not waiting upon him at Tlascala, and requested that so large a body of their enemies might not be permitted to enter their city. As this request appeared reasonable, Cortes sent Alvarado and De Oli, to desire our allies to hut themselves without the city, which they did accordingly, imitating the military discipline of the Spaniards, in the arrangement of their camp and the appointment of centinels. Before entering the city, Cortes explained the purpose of his mission in a long oration, in the same manner as he had already done at all the other places during the march. To all this they answered that they were ready to yield obedience to our sovereign in all things, but could not abandon the religion of their ancestors. We then marched on in our usual compact order, attended only by our allies from Chempoalla, and the Indians who drew our artillery, and conveyed our baggage, and entered the city, all the streets and terraces of which was filled with an immense concourse of people, through whom we were conducted to our appointed quarters, in some large apartments, which conveniently accommodated our army and all our attendants.
   While we remained in this place, a plot was concerted by the Mexican ambassadors for the introduction of 20,000 warriors belonging to Montezuma, who were to attack us in conjunction with the people of Cholula; and several houses were actually filled with poles and leather collars, by means of which we were to have been bound and carried prisoners to Mexico. But God was pleased that we should discover and confound their machinations. During the first two days, we were perfectly well entertained; but on the third no provisions were sent us, and none of the chiefs or priests appeared at our quarters. Such few of the inhabitants as we happened to see, speedily withdrew with a malicious sneer; and on Cortes applying to the Mexican ambassadors to procure provisions for us as usual, some wood and water only were brought to us by a few old men, as if in derision, who said that no maize could be procured. This day, likewise, some ambassadors arrived from Montezuma, who desired in very disrespectful terms on no account to approach Mexico, and demanded an immediate answer. Cortes gave them a mild answer, expressing his astonishment at the alteration in the tone of their sovereign, but requested a short delay before giving his definitive answer to their message. He then summoned us together, and desired us to keep on the alert, as he suspected some great act of treachery was in agitation against us. As the chiefs of Cholula had refused to wait upon him, Cortes sent some soldiers to a great temple close to our quarters, with orders to bring two of the priests to him as quietly as possible. They succeeded in this without difficulty; and, having made a trifling present to the priests, he inquired as to the reason of the late extraordinary conduct of the Cholulan chiefs. One of these who was of high rank, having authority over all the temples and priests of the city, like one of our bishops, told Cortes that he would persuade some of the chiefs to attend him, if allowed to speak with them; and, being permitted to go away for that purpose, he soon brought several of the chiefs to our quarters. Cortes reproved them sharply for the change in their behaviour to us, and commanded them to send an immediate supply of provisions, and likewise to provide him next day with a competent number of people to convey our baggage and artillery, as he meant then to resume his march to Mexico. The chiefs appeared quite confounded and panic struck, yet promised to send in provisions immediately, alleging in excuse for their conduct, that they had been so ordered by Montezuma, who was unwilling that we should advance any farther into his dominions.
   At this time, three of our Chempoallan allies called Cortes aside, and told him that they had discovered several pitfals close to our quarters, covered over with wood and earth, and that on examining one of these they found its bottom provided with sharpened stakes. They informed him also that all the terraces of the houses near our quarters had been recently provided with parapets of sod, and great quantities of stones collected on them, and that a strong barricade of timber had been erected across one of the streets. Eight Tlascalans arrived also from their army on the outside of the town, who warned Cortes that an attack was intended against us, as the priests of Cholula had sacrificed eight victims on the preceding night to their god of war, five of whom were children; and that they had seen crowds of women and children withdrawing from the city with their valuable effects, all of which were sure signs of some impending commotion. Cortes thanked the Tlascalans for this instance of their fidelity, and sent them back to the camp with orders to their chiefs to hold themselves in readiness for any emergency. He then returned to the chiefs and priests, to whom he repeated his former orders, warning them not to deviate from their obedience, on pain of instant condign punishment, commanding them at the same time to prepare 2000 of their best warriors to accompany him next day on his march to Mexico. The chiefs readily promised to obey all his commands, thinking in this manner to facilitate their projected treachery, and took their leave. Cortes then employed Donna Marina to bring back the two priests who had been with him before, from whom he learnt, that Montezuma had been lately very unsettled in his intentions towards us, sometimes giving orders to receive us honourably, and at other times commanding that we should not be allowed to pass. That he had lately consulted his gods, who had revealed that we were all to be put to death, or made prisoners in Cholula, to facilitate which he had sent 20,000 of his troops to that place, half of whom were now in the city, and the rest concealed at the distance of a league. They added, that the plan of attack was all settled, and that twenty of our number were to be sacrificed in the temples of Cholula, and all the rest to be conveyed prisoners to Mexico. Cortes rewarded them liberally for their intelligence, and enjoined them to preserve the strictest secrecy on the subject, commanding them to bring all the chiefs to his quarters at an appointed time. He then convened a council of all the officers, and such soldiers as he most confided in, before whom he laid an account of the information which he had received, desiring their advice as to the best conduct to be pursued in the present alarming emergency. Some proposed to return immediately to Tlascala, and others proposed various measures, but it was the universal opinion that the treachery of the Cholulans required to be severely punished, as a warning to other places. It was accordingly resolved to inflict condign punishment on the Cholulans within the courts where we were quartered, which were surrounded by high walls, but in the meantime, to continue our preparations for resuming the march, in order to conceal our intentions. We then informed the Mexican ambassadors, that we had discovered the treacherous intentions of the Cholulans, who pretended that they acted by orders of Montezuma, which we were convinced was a false aspersion. They solemnly declared their ignorance of these transactions; but Cortes ordered them to have no farther intercourse with the inhabitants of the city, and sent them to his own quarters under a strong guard for the night, during the whole of which we lay upon our arms, ready to act at a moments warning.
   During this anxious night, the wife of one of the caciques, who had taken a great liking to Donna Marina, came secretly to visit that lady, informing her of the plot, invited her to take refuge in her house from the danger which was about to overwhelm us, and proposed to give her for a husband the brother of a boy who was along with her. Donna Marina, with her usual presence of mind, agreed to every thing proposed with a profusion of thanks, and said she only wanted some one to take charge of her effects before leaving the Spanish quarters. In course of this conversation, Marina acquired particular information of every part of this mysterious affair, which the old woman told her had been communicated to her three days before by her husband, who was chief of one of the divisions of the city, and was now with his warriors, giving directions for their co-operation with the Mexican troops, and who had lately received a gold drum from Mexico, as an ensign of command. Donna Marina desired the old woman and her son to remain in her apartment till she went in search of her valuables; but went immediately to Cortes, to whom she communicated all the information she had received, adding that her informer was still in her apartment. Cortes immediately sent for the old woman, who being confronted by Donna Marina, repeated every thing exactly as before, which agreed in all respects with the information he had already received from others.
   When day appeared, the hurry of the chiefs, priests and people in coming to our quarters as appointed, and their apparent satisfaction, was as great as if we had been already secured in their cages. They brought a much greater number of warriors to attend us than had been required, insomuch that the large courts in which we were quartered were unable to contain them. We were all prepared for the event, having a strong guard of soldiers posted at the gate of the great court, to prevent any one from escaping. Cortes mounted on horseback, attended by a strong guard; and as he saw the people crowding in at the gate, he said to us, "See how anxious these traitors are to feast on our flesh! But GOD will disappoint their hopes." He ordered the two priests who had given him the information to retire to their houses that they might escape the intended slaughter. Every one being arrived in the great court, he commanded the chiefs and priests to draw near, to whom he made a calm remonstrance on the treachery of their conduct towards us, which was explained by Donna Marina. He asked them why they had plotted to destroy us, and what we had done to deserve their enmity, except exhorting them to abandon their barbarous and abominable customs, and endeavouring to instruct them in our holy religion? Their evil intentions, he said, had been obvious, by withdrawing their women and children from the city, and by insultingly sending us only wood and water, when we required provisions. He said he was perfectly acquainted with the ambush which was placed in the road by which we meant to march, and with all the other contrivances they had made for our destruction; and that in recompence of our proffered friendship, and of all the holy services we intended them, he knew that they meant to kill and eat us, and that the pots were already on the fire, prepared with salt, pepper, and tomatas, in which our dissevered limbs were to be boiled. He knew that they had doomed twenty of us to be sacrificed to their idols, to whom they had already immolated seven of their own brethren. "Since you were determined to attack us," said he in conclusion, "it had been more manly to have done so openly like the Tlascalans, and not to have resorted to mean and cowardly treachery. But be assured that the victory which your false gods have promised is beyond their power, and the punishment of your treason is now ready to burst on your guilty heads."
   The astonished chiefs confessed every thing which was laid to their charge, but endeavoured to excuse themselves, by laying the whole blame on the orders they had received from Montezuma. "Wretches," said Cortes, "this falsehood is an aggravation of your offence, and such complicated crimes can never be permitted to pass unpunished." He then ordered a musket to be fired, as a signal to commence the slaughter, for which we all stood prepared. We immediately fell furiously on the multitudes who were inclosed within the walls of our quarters, and executed their merited punishment in such a manner as will be long remembered by the remaining natives of Cholula. A vast number of them were put to death on the spot, and many of them were afterwards burned alive. In less than two hours, our Tlascalan allies arrived in the city, having been previously instructed in our plan, and made a terrible slaughter in the streets of the city; and when the Cholulans ceased to make resistance, they ravaged the city, plundering it of every thing valuable they could lay hold of, and making slaves of all the inhabitants who fell in their way. On the day following, when intelligence reached Tlascala of the transactions at Cholula, great numbers crowded to the devoted city, which they plundered without mercy. It now became necessary to restrain the fury of the Tlascalans, and Cortes gave orders to their chiefs to withdraw their troops from the city, with which they immediately complied.
   Quiet being in some measure restored, some chiefs and priests who presided over a distant quarter of the city, which they pretended had not been engaged in the conspiracy, waited in an humble manner on Cortes, and prayed a remission of the punishment which had already fallen so heavily on their townsmen. The two before mentioned priests, and the old woman from whom Donna Marina had procured such material information, came forward likewise, and joined in the same petition, and Cortes determined to shew clemency to the rest of the city, yet seemed still in great rage. He called the Mexican ambassadors into his presence, in whose presence he declared that the whole inhabitants of the city and dependancy of Cholula had richly merited to be utterly extirpated for their treachery; but that out of respect to the great Montezuma, whose vassals they were, he consented to pardon them. He then ordered the Tlascalans to liberate their prisoners, which they in some measure complied with, setting free many of those they intended to have reduced to slavery, yet retained a prodigious booty in gold, mantles, cotton, and salt. Having proclaimed an amnesty to the Cholulans, he reconciled them and the Tlascalans who had anciently been confederates; and being desired to appoint a new chief cacique of Cholula, in place of the former who had been put to death, Cortes inquired to whom that dignity belonged of right, and being informed that the brother of the late head cacique ought to succeed according to their laws, he nominated him to the office. As soon as the inhabitants had returned to their houses, and order was restored in the city, Cortes summoned all the chiefs and priests to a conference, in which he explained to them the principles of our holy religion, earnestly exhorting them to renounce their idolatry, and the odious practices connected with it; and, as an instance of the uselessness of their idols, he reminded them how much they had been lately deceived by the false responses imposed upon them in their names: He proposed to them therefore, to destroy their senseless idols, and to erect an altar and cross in their stead. The latter was immediately complied with, but Father Olmedo advised him to postpone the former to a more favourable opportunity, from a due consideration of our uncertain and perilous situation.
   Cholula was then a large and populous city, much resembling Valladolid, situated on a fertile plain which was thickly inhabited, and all its surrounding district was well cultivated with maize, maguey, and pepper. There were above a hundred lofty white towers in the city, belonging to different idol temples, one of which was held in very high estimation, that principal temple being more lofty even than the great temple of Mexico. An excellent manufacture of earthen ware was carried on at this place, the various articles of which were curiously painted in different patterns, in red, black, and white, and from which the city of Mexico and all the surrounding countries were supplied, as Castile is from Talavera and Placencia. In the numerous temples of this city there were many cages; which were filled with men and boys, fattening up for sacrifice, all of which Cortes caused to be destroyed, sending the miserable captives home to their respective houses. He likewise gave positive orders to the priests to desist in future from this most abominable custom, which they promised to refrain from, but they forgot their promises as soon as the authority of our irresistible arms was removed.
   On hearing the melancholy fate of their companions in Cholula, the Mexican troops who were posted in ambush, with trenches and barricades to oppose our cavalry, made a precipitate retreat to Mexico, whether they carried an account to Montezuma of the failure of his plot for our destruction; but he had already heard the news of his misfortunes from two of his ambassadors, whom Cortes had dismissed for the purpose. It was reported that he immediately ordered a solemn sacrifice to his gods, and shut himself up for two days with ten of his chief priests, engaged in rigid devotional exercises, on purpose to obtain a response from his gods respecting his future destiny; and we afterwards learnt that the priests advised him, as from their gods, to send an embassy to exculpate himself from having any connection with what had passed in Cholula, and to inveigle us into Mexico; where, by cutting off the supply of water, or by raising the bridges on the causeways, he might easily destroy us, or detain us in slavery to breed people like ourselves for his service.
   Having remained fourteen days in Cholula, Cortes consulted in regard to our future operations with a council of those officers and soldiers who were most sincerely attached to his person, as indeed he never engaged in any matter of importance without taking our advice. In this consultation, it was determined to send a respectful message to Montezuma, informing him that we were on our way to pay our respects to him by the orders of our own sovereign. Our messenger was likewise desired to relate the whole late events which had occurred at Cholula, where the treachery which had been concerted against us had come to our knowledge, from which nothing could be concealed which concerned our welfare, and that we had desisted from punishing the people of that city to the full extent which they deserved, entirely out of respect to him, whose vassals they were. That the chiefs and priests had given out that all they had done or intended to do was by his orders; but we could not possibly believe that so great a monarch, after the many marks of friendship with which he had honoured us, could be guilty of such infamous proceedings; being convinced, if he had meditated hostility, he would have met us honourably in the field of battle: But at the same time to assure him, that day or night, field or town, fair battle or villainous stratagem, were all the same for us, as we were always prepared for every emergency. Montezuma had become exceedingly thoughtful and alarmed on account of the failure of the plot in Cholula, and now sent an embassy of six of his chief nobles to wait on Cortes, with a present to the value of 2000 crowns in gold, and several bales of fine mantles. The ambassadors saluted Cortes with profound respect, and delivered a message in which Montezuma endeavoured to exculpate himself from any concern in the affair of Cholula, and in conclusion, invited the general to his court. Cortes treated these ambassadors with his usual politeness, and retaining three of them to serve as guides on our march to Mexico, he sent on the others to inform Montezuma that we were on our way to his capital. When the Tlascalan chiefs understood our determination to proceed, they renewed their former warnings to beware of treachery from the Mexicans, and again offered to send 10,000 of their warriors along with us. But Cortes, after thanking them for their friendly solicitude and proffered aid, remarked, as he had done before, that so large a body of troops was incompatible with an amicable visit, but requested they would furnish 1000 men for our baggage and artillery, which they immediately provided. Our faithful Chempoalan allies, being afraid of the resentment of the Mexicans for their revolt, begged permission to return to their district, and Cortes dismissed them with a handsome present, sending letters by them to Escalente at Villa Rica, containing an account of our proceedings.
   We marched from Cholula in our usual compact order, prepared for whatsoever might befal, sending out patroles of our cavalry by threes in front, supported by a detachment of light infantry as an advanced guard. On our arrival at a small village called Izcalpan, in the district of Huexotzinco, about four leagues from Cholula, we were met by the chiefs bearing provisions, and a small present of gold. They requested our general to consider only the good will of the givers, not the worthlessness of the gift, as they were very poor; and, while they endeavoured to dissuade him from attempting to proceed to Mexico, they also informed him, that, on ascending the next mountain, he would find two roads, the one of which leading by Chalco was broad and open, while the other leading by Tlalmanalco, though originally equally convenient, had been recently stopped up and obstructed by means of trees felled across it to render it difficult, though it was in reality shorter and more secure than that of Chalco, on which road the Mexicans had placed a large party of troops in ambush among some rocks, for the purpose of attacking us by surprise on the march. They advised us therefore, if we were determined to persevere, to choose the obstructed road, and offered to send a number of their people to clear it for us. Cortes thanked them for their good advice, of which he would avail himself by the blessing of GOD. Having halted for the night at Izcalpan, we resumed our march early the next morning, and reached the summit of a mountainous ridge about noon, where we found the two roads exactly as they had been described to us. We halted here in order to deliberate on our procedure, when Cortes called the Mexican ambassadors to explain the meaning of the felled trees. Pretending ignorance on this subject, they advised him to take the road of Chalco, where they said he would be well received. Cortes chose however to take the other road, and sent on our Indian allies to clear the way before us. As we ascended the mountain, the weather became piercingly cold, and we even had a considerable fall of snow, which covered the whole country round about. We at length arrived at certain houses which had been built on the very top of the mountain for the accommodation of travellers, where we found an abundant supply of provisions, and having placed proper guards, we halted here for the night. We resumed our march next morning, and arrived by the hour of high mass at the town of Halmanalco, where we were hospitably received. The people of the neighbouring districts of Chalco, Amaquemecan, and Ajotzinco, where the canoes are kept, waited on Cortes at this place with a present of about 150 crowns in gold, some mantles, and eight women. Cortes received them affably, and promised them his friendship and protection; explaining to them, as on former occasions, the doctrines of our holy faith, exhorting them to abandon their idolatry and barbarous immolation of human victims, informing them that he was sent among them by a powerful monarch to redress wrongs, and to lead them in the way of eternal salvation. On this the people began to make loud complaints of the tyranny of Montezuma, who deprived them of their wives and daughters if handsome, forcing the men to work like slaves in the conveyance of stones, timber, and corn, and appropriating their lands to the service of his temples. Cortes gave them kind assurances of speedy redress, but recommended to them to be patient yet a little while.
   Just as we were going to set out from Tlalmanalco, four of the principal nobles of the court of Mexico arrived with presents from Montezuma, and having made their customary obeisance, they addressed Cortes in the following manner: "Malinatzin ! our sovereign sent this present to you, and desires us to say, that he is grieved you should take so much trouble in coming from a distant country to visit him. He has already made you be informed that he will give you much gold, silver, and chalchihuis for your teules, if you will give up your intention of coming to Mexico. We now repeat this request in his name, that you will return; and he will send after you a great treasure in gold, silver, and jewels for your king, with four loads of gold for yourself, and a load for each of your brethren. It is impossible for you to proceed to Mexico, as the whole Mexican warriors are in arms to oppose you; besides which you will find the roads bad, and will be unable to procure provisions." Embracing the ambassadors with much politeness, and having returned thanks for their present, Cortes expressed his astonishment at the changeableness of Montezuma, who thus alternately invited and deprecated his presence. He begged them to thank Montezuma for the splendid offers he had made of treasure to the emperor, himself, and his soldiers; but it was quite impossible for him to turn back, especially when so near the capital, as his orders from his own sovereign were to pay his respects to theirs in person; it was quite useless, therefore, to send him any more such messages, for he was resolved to proceed; and if Montezuma should desire his departure after having seen him, he would be ready at his command to return to his own country.
   Having thus dismissed the ambassadors, we continued our march, and as our allies had informed us that Montezuma intended to put us all to death, after our entry into his city, we were filled with melancholy reflections on our hazardous situation; recommending our souls therefore to the LORD JESUS CHRIST, who had already brought us in safety through so many imminent dangers, and resolving to sell our lives at a dear rate, we proceeded on our march. We halted at a town named Iztapalapan, one half of the houses of which were built in the water, and the rest on dry land, and took up our quarters there for the night. While preparing early next morning to recommence our march, information was brought by a sentinel that a great number of Mexicans in rich dresses were on the road towards our quarters, on which Cortes again dismissed us. Four principal nobles of Mexico now presented themselves with profound respect before our general, whom they informed that Cacamatzin, lord of Tezcuco, and nephew to the great Montezuma was approaching, and begged that he would remain in his present situation to receive him. Cacamatzin soon followed in vast pomp, borne in a magnificent litter, adorned with jewels and plumes of green feathers, set in branched pillars of gold. His litter was carried by eight nobles, who assisted him to alight, and then swept the way before him as he came up to Cortes. Our general embraced the prince, and made him a present of three of the jewels named margajitas, which are figured with various colours. The only purpose of this visit seemed to have been complimentary, as he addressed Cortes in these words: "I, and these lords, have come by order of the great Montezuma, to conduct you to your residence in our city." We then set forwards in our usual array for Mexico, the road being crowded on both sides with innumerable multitudes of natives, and soon arrived at the causeway of Iztapalapan, one of those which leads to the capital.
   When we contemplated the number of populous towns so closely situated in regard to each other, some on the water, and others on the firm ground, we could not help comparing this wonderful country to the enchanted scenes we read of in Amadis de Gaul, so magnificent were the towers and temples and other superb edifices of stone and lime, which seemed everywhere to rise out of the water. Many of us were disposed to doubt the reality of the scene before us, and to suspect we were in a dream; and my readers must excuse the manner of my expressions, as never had any one seen, heard, or even dreamt of any thing which could compare to the magnificence of the scene we now beheld. On approaching Iztapalapan, we were received by several of the highest nobles of the Mexican empire, relations of Montezuma, who conducted us to the lodgings appointed for us in that place, which were magnificent palaces of stone, the timber work of which were cedar, having spacious courts and large halls, furnished with canopies of the finest cotton. After contemplating the magnificence of the buildings, we walked through splendid gardens, containing numerous alleys planted with a variety of fruit trees, and filled with roses, and a vast variety of beautiful and aromatic flowers. In these gardens there was a fine sheet of clear water, communicating with the great lake of Mexico by a canal, which was of sufficient dimensions to admit the largest canoes. The apartments of the palace were everywhere ornamented with works of art, admirably painted, and the walls were beautifully plastered and whitened; the whole being rendered delightful by containing great numbers of beautiful birds. When I beheld the delicious scenery around me, I thought we had been transported by magic to the terrestrial paradise. But this place is now destroyed, and a great deal of what was then a beautiful expanse of water, is now converted into fields of maize, and all is so entirely altered that the natives themselves would hardly know the place where Iztapalapan stood.

SECTION VIII. Arrival of the Spaniards in Mexico, Description of that Court and City, and Transactions there, till the Arrival of Narvaez on the coast to supersede Cortes, by order of Velasquez
   Next day, being the 8th of November 1519, we set out on our way into the city of Mexico along the grand causeway, which is eight yards wide, and reaches in a straight line all the way from the firm land to the city of Mexico, both sides of the causeway being everywhere crowded with spectators, as were all the towers, temples, and terraces in every part of our progress, eager to behold such men and animals as had never been seen in that part of the world. A very different sentiment from curiosity employed our minds, though every thing we saw around us was calculated to excite and gratify that passion in the highest degree. Our little army did not exceed four hundred and fifty men, and we had been told at every step of our march, that we were to be put to death on our arrival in the city into which we were now about to enter. That city was everywhere surrounded by water, and approachable only by long moles or causeways interrupted in many places by cross cuts, which were only to be passed by means of bridges, the destruction or removal of any of which would effectually prevent the possibility of retreat. In these circumstances I may fairly ask my readers, what men in the world but ourselves would have ventured on so bold and hazardous an enterprize?
   Proceeding along the broad causeway of Iztapalapan, we came to a place called Xoloc, where a smaller causeway goes off obliquely from the great one to the city of Cojohuacan, we were met by a numerous train of the court nobles in the richest dresses, who were sent before Montezuma to compliment us on our arrival, after which Cacamatzin and the other nobles who had hitherto attended us, went to meet their sovereign, who now approached in a most magnificent litter, which was carried by four of his highest nobles. When we came near certain towers, almost close to the city, Montezuma was lifted from his litter, and borne forwards in the arms of the lords of Tezcuco, Iztapalapan, Tacuba, and Cojohuacan, under a splendid canopy, richly adorned with gold, precious stones hung round like fringes, and plumes of green feathers. Montezuma was dressed and adorned with great magnificence, his mantle being all covered with gold and gems, a crown of thin gold on his head, and gold buskins on his legs ornamented with jewels. The princes who supported him were all richly dressed, but in different habits from those in which they had visited us; and several other nobles in fine dresses, went before the monarch, spreading mantles on the ground to prevent his feet from touching it. Three nobles preceded the whole, each carrying a golden rod, as a signal of the presence of their great monarch. All the natives who attended Montezuma, except the four princes, kept their eyes fixed on the ground, no one daring to look him in the face. On the approach of Montezuma, Cortes dismounted and advanced towards him with every token of profound respect, and was welcomed by the Mexican monarch to his metropolis. Cortes then threw upon the neck of Montezuma a collar of the artificial jewels called margajitas, being glass beads of various colours, set in gold; after which he advanced, meaning to embrace Montezuma, but the surrounding nobles prevented him, by taking him respectfully by the arms, considering this as too great familiarity. It appeared to me that on this occasion Cortes offered to yield the right hand to Montezuma, who declined this mark of respect, and placed our general on his right. Cortes then made a complimentary discourse to Montezuma, expressing his joy in having seen so great a monarch, and the great honour he had done him, by coming out to meet him, as well as by the many other marks of favour he had already received. Montezuma made a gracious reply, and giving orders to the princes of Tezcuco and Cojohuacan to conduct Cortes and the rest of us to the quarters assigned to us, he returned to the city in the same state in which he had come to meet us, all the people standing close to the walls, not daring to look up; and as we followed the royal attendants, we passed on without any obstruction from the multitudes in the streets. It were impossible to reckon the innumerable multitudes of men, women, and children which thronged everywhere in the streets, on the canals, and the terraces on the house tops, during the whole of our passage through the city of Mexico. So strongly is every thing I saw on this memorable day imprinted on my memory, that it appears to me only as yesterday. Glory to our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, who gave us courage to venture on so hazardous an enterprize, and preserved us amid so many dangers: And praised be his holy name, who hath permitted me to write this true history; though not so full and satisfactory as the subject merits. Amen!
   Lodgings were provided for us in the palace which had formerly been occupied by Azayacatl, not far from the western gate of the great temple. Here Montezuma had a secret treasury of gold and valuables, which he had inherited from his father Azayacatl, and we were placed here, because being considered as teules, they thought we were properly lodged in the neighbourhood of their idols. The entry to this palace was through a large walled court, and the whole was very light, airy, clean, and pleasant, with large and lofty apartments. That allotted for our general was situated on a raised platform; and for each of us mats were provided to sleep upon, having little canopies over them, after the fashion of this country. On our arrival at the gate of this palace, Montezuma, who had preceded us, took Cortes by the hand and led him to the apartment destined to his particular use, and having placed a rich collar of gold round the generals neck, he said on taking leave of him, "Malinatzin, you and your friends are now in your own house, refresh and repose yourselves." We were distributed to our several apartments by companies, having our artillery posted in a convenient situation, and every thing was arranged in such a manner as to be prepared for any emergency. A plentiful and even sumptuous entertainment was provided for us, to which we sat down with much satisfaction. This is a full and true account of our adventurous and magnanimous entry into the city of Mexico, on the 8th of November 1519.
   After Montezuma had taken a repast in his own palace, and was informed we had done the same, he returned to our quarters attended by a great retinue of nobles. Cortes received him in the middle of the hall, where Montezuma took him cordially by the hand, and they sat down together on magnificently ornamented seats. Montezuma made a very pertinent speech, in which he observed, "That he rejoiced at the arrival of such valiant captains and warriors in his dominions. He had before heard of a Spanish captain who had arrived at Pontonchan, and of another who came upon the coast in the preceding year with four ships, and had wished to see these men, but was disappointed. Now that we were actually arrived in his dominions, he was happy to offer every favour in his power to grant, being convinced we were those men predicted by the gods to his ancestors, who, coming from that part of the world in which the sun rises, were to acquire the government of this country, as we had fought with such astonishing valour ever since our arrival, representations of all our battles having been sent him in painting." Cortes replied, "That he and all his brethren could never sufficiently repay the many favours we had received from his bounty; that we certainly were those men to whom the Mexican prophecies related, being the vassals of the great and powerful emperor Don Carlos, to whom many great princes were subject; and who, hearing of the fame and magnificence of the great Montezuma, had sent us to request that he and his subjects would embrace the Holy Christian religion, abandoning their false gods and senseless idols, and abolishing their barbarous human sacrifices, by which means he would preserve the souls of himself, his family, and subjects from perdition." Cortes enlarged on this and other topics in a most edifying manner, promising to communicate more particulars hereafter. Montezuma then presented a quantity of valuable ornaments of gold to our general, with a present of some gold, and three loads of mantles to each of our captains, and two loads of mantles to each of the soldiers. After this he asked Cortes if all his soldiers were brothers and vassals to our emperor. To this Cortes answered that they were all brothers in love and friendship, men of rank in our own country, and servants of our great sovereign. Montezuma then departed, with mutual compliments, after giving orders that we should be amply provided with every thing we needed; particularly fowls, fruit, and corn, stone mills for grinding our corn, and women to make bread, and to supply us daily with plenty of grass for our horses.
   Next day being appointed for making a visit to Montezuma, Cortes went to the royal palace accompanied by captains Alvarado, De Leon, Ordas, and Sandoval, with five soldiers. Montezuma met him in the middle of the great hall, attended by his relations, all others being excluded from the apartment in which he happened to be, except on certain occasions of importance. After mutual compliments of ceremony, Montezuma took Cortes by the hand, and led him to a seat on his own right hand, placed on an elevated platform in the saloon. Cortes then said, "That he came to him in the name and for the service of the only true God, who was adored by the Christians, the Lord Christ Jesus, who had died to save us and all men. He endeavoured to explain the mystery of the cross, as an emblem of the crucifixion, by which mankind had been redeemed. He recounted the sufferings and death of our Lord and Saviour, who had risen on the third day and ascended to heaven, where he now reigns, the creator of the heavens, and the earth, and the sea, and all that they contain. He asserted, that those idols which the natives held as gods, were devils which dared not to remain wherever the holy cross was planted. That as all mankind were brothers, the offspring of the same first pair, our glorious emperor lamented the loss of their souls, which would be brought by their idols into everlasting flames, and had sent us to apply a sure remedy, by abolishing the worship of idols, the bloody and inhuman sacrifices of their fellow men, and their other odious customs so contrary to the law of God: And that our emperor would send them holy men hereafter to explain all these things more fully." To this Montezuma replied, "Malinatzin! I am much indebted to your emperor for sending you so far to inform me of all these things, of which I have already heard by means of my ambassadors who have visited you in my name, and to which hitherto we have made no reply. We have always worshipped our gods, whom we consider to be just and good, and have no doubt yours are so likewise. It had always been his wish to see us from the first time he had heard of our arrival on his coasts, because he believed we were they of whom their ancient prophecies made mention, and his gods had now granted his desire. That our being refused entrance into his cities was none of his fault; having been done by his subjects without orders, who were terrified by the accounts they had received of us, which reported that we were furious teules, who carried thunder and lightning along with us, that our horses eat men, and other such foolish stories. That he now saw we were valiant and wise men, for which he highly esteemed us, and would give us proofs of his favour." Then changing the manner of his discourse to gaiety, he added "Malinatzin! Your new friends the Tlascalans have informed you that I am like a god, and that every thing about me is gold, silver, and jewels. But you now see that I am like other men, and that my houses are of lime, stone, and timber. It is true that I am a powerful sovereign, and have great riches, which I have inherited from my ancestors. You will now treat these reports with the same contempt that I do the ridiculous stories which I have been told of your having command over the elements." To this Cortes replied, that the accounts of enemies were never to be depended on; and made a handsome compliment to Montezuma on his power and grandeur. Montezuma then ordered in a rich present, giving Cortes a quantity of gold, with ten loads of rich stuffs to be divided between him and his captains, and to each of us five soldiers, he gave two gold collars, each worth ten crowns, and two loads of mantles. The gold given on this occasion was worth about a thousand crowns, and the whole was given with so much affability and indifference, as made him appear truly munificent. Cortes now took leave, it being the hour of dinner, and we retired impressed with high respect for the liberality and princely munificence of Montezuma.
   The great Montezuma appeared to be about forty years of age, of good stature, well proportioned, and rather thin. His face was rather long, with a pleasant expression, and good eyes, and his complexion rather fairer than the other Indians. His hair was short, just covering his ears, and his scanty beard was thin, black, and well arranged. His person was very clean and delicate, as he bathed every evening; and his manners were a pleasing compound of gravity and good humour. He had two lawful wives, who were princesses, and a number of mistresses; but his visits to these were conducted with such secrecy as only to be known by his most familiar servants; and he lay under no suspicion of unnatural vices, so common among his subjects. The clothes he wore one day were not used for four days after. His guard consisted of two hundred nobles, who had apartments adjoining his own. Certain persons only among these were permitted to speak to him, and when they went into his presence, they laid aside their ordinary rich dresses, putting on others quite plain but clean, entering his apartment barefooted, with their eyes fixed on the ground, and making three profound reverences as they approached him. On addressing him, they always began, Lord! my Lord! great Lord! and when they had finished, he always dismissed them in few words; on which they retired with their faces towards him, keeping their eyes fixed on the ground. I observed likewise, that all the great men who waited upon him on business, always entered the palace barefooted and in plain habits, never entering the gate directly, but making a circuit in going towards it.
   The cooks of the palace had above thirty different ways of dressing meats, which were served up in earthen vessels of a very ingenious construction for keeping their contents always hot. For Montezumas own table above three hundred dishes were dressed every day, and more than a thousand for his guards. Montezuma sometimes went before dinner to inspect the preparations, on which occasions his officers pointed out to him which were the best, explaining what birds or flesh they were composed of. It is said that the flesh of young children was sometimes dressed for his table; but after Cortes had spoken to him respecting the barbarity of this inhuman custom, it was no longer practised in the palace. The ordinary meats were domestic fowls, pheasants, geese, partridges, quails, venison, Indian hogs or pecaris, pigeons, hares, rabbits and many other animals and birds peculiar to the country; the various meats being served up on black and red earthen-ware made at Cholula. In the cold weather while at his meals, a number of torches were lighted up, of the bark of a tree which has an aromatic smell and gives no smoke; and to prevent the glare and heat of those from being troublesome, rich screens ornamented with gold and paintings of their idols were interposed between Montezuma and the torches. At his meals he was seated on a low throne or chair, at a table of proportional height covered with white cloths and napkins, four beautiful women attending to present him with water for his hands, in vessels named xicales, having plates under them, after which they gave him towels to dry his hands. Two other women attended with small cakes of bread; and when he began to eat, a large screen of gilt wood was placed before him, to prevent him from being seen. Four ancient nobles, who were his relations and served as councillors and judges, stood beside the throne, with whom he occasionally conversed, giving them a part of what he was eating, which they received with profound respect, and eat without lifting their eyes from the ground. Fruit of all kinds produced in the country was served up to him at table, of which he eat in great moderation; and a certain liquor prepared from cocoa, said to be of a stimulant and strengthening nature, was presented to him from time to time in golden cups. All the time he continued at table his guards and all others in or near his apartment had to preserve the most profound silence, under pain of death. Owing to the before-mentioned screen which concealed him from public view, we could not see all the circumstances here described from information. But I noticed above fifty jars of foaming chocolate brought into the hall, some of which was presented to him by the female attendants. During the repast, various Indians were introduced at intervals for his amusement: Some of these were hump-backed, ugly, and deformed, who played various tricks of buffoonery, and we were told that others were jesters, besides which there were companies of singers and dancers in which he was said to take great delight; and to all these he ordered vases of chocolate to be distributed. When the repast was ended, the four female attendants already mentioned, after removing the cloths, presented him again with water to wash his hands, during which he continued his conversation with the four old nobles, who then took their leaves with much ceremony. He was then presented with three small hollow canes highly ornamented, containing an herb called tobacco mixed with liquid amber; and when he was satisfied with the buffoons, dancers, and singers, he smoked for a short time from one of these canes, and then laid himself to sleep. I forgot to mention in its proper place that, during the time of dinner, two beautiful women were employed in making certain small delicately white cakes, of eggs and other ingredients, which they presented on plates covered with napkins to Montezuma; and then another kind of bread was brought to him in long loaves, as likewise plates of a kind of cakes resembling wafers or pancakes. When Montezuma had concluded his meal, all his guards and domestics sat down to dinner, and as well as I could judge, above a thousand dishes of the various eatables already mentioned were served up to them, with immense quantities of fruit, and numerous vessels of foaming chocolate. His establishment, including his women and inferior servants of all kinds, was amazingly numerous, and must have occasioned prodigious expence, yet the most perfect regularity was preserved amid that vast profusion. The steward of his household, or major-domo, was at this time a prince named Tapiea, who kept an account of all the royal rents in a set of books or symbolical representations which occupied an entire house.
   Connected with the palace of Montezuma there were two large buildings filled with every kind of arms, both offensive and defensive, some of which were richly ornamented with gold and jewels; such as large and small shields, some of the latter being so contrived as to roll up in a small compass, and to let fall in action so as to cover the whole body; much defensive armour of quilted cotton, ornamented with various devices in feather work; helmets or casques for the head made of wood and bone, adorned with plumes of feathers; immense quantities of bows, arrows, darts, and slings; lances having stone heads or blades six feet long, so strong as not to break when fixed in a shield, and as sharp as razors; clubs or two-handed swords, having edges of sharp stones; and many other articles which I cannot enumerate. In the palace there was a magnificent aviary, containing every kind of bird to be found in all the surrounding country, from large eagles down to the smallest paroquets of beautiful plumage. In this place the ornamental feather-work so much in repute among the Mexicans, was fabricated, the feathers for this purpose being taken from certain birds called Quetzales, and others, having green, red, white, yellow, and blue feathers, about the size of our Spanish pyes, the name of which I have forgot. There were also great numbers of parrots, and geese of fine plumage; all these birds breeding in the royal aviary, and being annually stripped of their feathers at the proper season, to supply the workers in feather-work. There was likewise a large pond of clear water, in which were kept a number of large birds of a red colour with very long legs, resembling those called Ipiris in Cuba, and called flamingos by the Spaniards. In another great building we saw a temple dedicated to the war gods, in which were kept great numbers of ferocious beasts, as tigers, lions of two species, one of which called Adive resembled a wolf; also foxes, and other smaller animals, all of them carnivorous. Most of these were bred in this menagerie, and were fed upon game, fowls, and dogs, and, as I was informed, on the bodies of the sacrificed human victims. Their manner of sacrifice was said to be as follows: They open the breasts of the living victim with large stone knives, offering his heart and blood to their gods; they feast on the head and limbs, giving the bodies to be devoured by the wild beasts, and hanging up the skulls in the temples as trophies of their misguided piety. In this place likewise there were many vipers and serpents, the most dangerous of which have a kind of rattle on their tails, making a noise like our castanets. These are kept in vessels filled with feathers, where they breed, and are fed with human flesh and the carcases of dogs. I was assured, after our expulsion from Mexico, that these animals were fed for many days on the bodies of our companions who perished on that occasion. These ravenous beasts and horrid reptiles are fit companions for their infernal deities; and when they yelled and hissed, that part of the palace might be likened to hell itself.
   The town in which most of the Mexican artists resided was called Azcapozalco, about a league from the city of Mexico, in which were many shops and manufactories of those who wrought in gold, silver, and jewellery, whose productions surprised the ablest Spanish artist on being carried over to Spain. Their painters were also exceedingly expert, as may be judged from what we still see among them; as there are now three Indian painters in Mexico, named Marcos de Aquino, Juan de la Cruz, and Grespillo, who are not inferior to Michael Angelo or Berreguete among the moderns, and might even have vied with Apelles. The fine cotton manufactures of the Mexicans were principally brought from the province of Costitlan. The women likewise of Montezumas family of all ranks, were exceedingly expert in these kinds of work, and were continually employed; as were also certain females who lived together in a kind of secluded societies, like our nuns. One division of the city was entirely inhabited by Montezumas dancers and posture-makers; some of whom danced like those Italians whom we call Matachines; others played various tricks by means of sticks which they balanced in many curious ways; and others had a strange manner of flying in the air. Montezuma had also great numbers of carpenters and handicrafts of various descriptions continually employed in his service. His gardens were of great extent, irrigated by means of canals, and shaded by an infinite variety of trees; having stone baths, pavilions for entertainments or retirement, theatres for shows and for the singers and dancers, and many other particulars, all of which were kept in the nicest order by a great number of labourers who were constantly at work.
   Four days after our arrival in Mexico, Cortes sent a message to Montezuma by Aguilar, Donna Marina, and a young page named Orteguilla, who already began to understand the language, requesting permission to take a view of the city, which was immediately granted; but as he was afraid we might offer some insult to his temple, he went thither in person attended by a great retinue, and in similar pomp as when he came to meet us on entering Mexico; two nobles preceding the cavalcade carrying sceptres in their hands, as a signal of the approach of the monarch. Montezuma was carried in his magnificent litter, carrying a small rod in his hand, half of which was gold and the other half wood: and on coming to the temple, he quitted the litter and walked up the steps attended by many priests, where he offered incense and performed many ceremonies in honour of his war gods. Cortes marched at the head of his small band of cavalry, followed by most of the infantry under arms, into the great square, accompanied by many of the court nobles; where we were astonished at the prodigious crowds of people, the vast quantities of merchandize exposed for sale, and the amazing regularity which everywhere prevailed; all of which our Mexican attendants carefully pointed out to us. Every different commodity had its own particular place, which was distinguished by an appropriate sign or emblem. There were dealers in gold, silver, feathers, jewels, mantles, chocolate, skins both dressed and undressed, sandals, manufactures of the roots and fibres of nequen, and so forth. In one place great numbers of male and female slaves were exposed for sale, most of whom were fastened by the neck in leather collars to long poles. The market for provisions was amply stocked with fowls, game, dogs, vegetables, fruit, articles of food ready dressed, salt, bread, honey, sweet pastry or confectionary of various kinds, and many other articles. Other parts of the great square were appropriated for the sale of earthen ware, wooden furniture, such as tables and benches, fire-wood, paper, hollow canes filled with tobacco and liquid amber ready for smoking, copper axes, working tools of various kinds, wooden vessels richly painted, and the like. In another part many women sold fish, and small loaves of a kind of mud taken out of the lake resembling cheese. The makers of stone blades were employed in shaping them out of the rough materials. The dealers in gold had the native metal in grains as it comes from the mines, in transparent tubes or quills, so that it could easily be seen; and the gold was valued at so many mantles, or so many xiquipils of cocoa nuts, in proportion to the size of the quills. The great square was enclosed all round by piazas, under which there were great stores of grain, and shops for various kinds of goods. On the borders of the adjoining canals there were boats loaded with human ordure, used in tanning leather, and on all the public roads there were places built of canes and thatched with straw or grass, for the convenience of passengers in order to collect this material. In one part of the square was a court of justice having three judges, and their inferior officers were employed in perambulating the market, preserving order, and inspecting the various articles.

  After having satisfied our curiosity in the square, we proceeded to the great temple, where we went through a number of large courts, the smallest of which seemed to me larger than the great square of Salamanca, the courts being either paved with large cut white stones, or plastered and polished, the whole very clean, and inclosed by double walls of stone and lime. On coming to the gate of the great temple, which was ascended by 114 steps, Montezuma sent six priests and two nobles to carry up Cortes, which he declined. On ascending to the summit, which consisted of a broad platform, we observed the large stones on which the victims were placed for sacrifice, near which was a monstrous figure resembling a dragon, and much blood appeared to have been recently spilt. Montezuma came out of an adoratory or recess, in which the accursed idols were kept, and expressed his apprehension to Cortes that he must be fatigued by the ascent, to which Cortes answered that we were never fatigued. Montezuma, taking our general by the hand, pointed out to him the different quarters of the city, and the towns in the neighbourhood, all of which were distinctly seen from this commanding eminence. We had a distinct view of the three causeways by which Mexico communicated with the land, and of the aqueduct of Chapoltepec, which conveyed an abundant supply of the finest water to the city. The numbers of canoes which were continually seen passing between Mexico and all the towns on the borders of the lake, carrying provisions and merchandise, was really astonishing. We could see, as we had been often told, that most of the houses of this great city, and of the others in the neighbourhood which were built in the water, stood apart from each other, their only communication being by means of drawbridges or canoes, and that all their roofs were terraced and battlemented. We saw numerous temples and adoratories in the great city below, on the causeways, and in the adjacent cities, all resembling so many fortresses with towers, wonderfully brilliant, being all whitewashed. The noise and bustle of the market in the great square just below, was so great that it might easily have been heard almost at the distance of a league; and some of our companions who had seen both Rome and Constantinople, declared they had not seen any thing comparable in these cities, for convenient and regular distribution or numbers of people.
   After having admired the magnificent prospect around, Cortes requested of Montezuma to shew us their gods. After consulting with his priests, he led us into a kind of saloon in a tower, having a timber roof richly wrought, under which stood two altars highly adorned, and behind these two gigantic figures resembling very fat men. That on the right was Huitzilopochtli, the god of war, having a broad face and terrible eyes, all covered over with gold and jewels, and having his body twisted round with golden serpents. His right hand held a bow, and in his left there was a bundle of arrows. Round his neck was a string of the figures of human heads and hearts made of pure gold, intermixed with precious stones of a blue colour. Close by him stood a small image representing his page, carrying a lance and shield richly adorned with gold and jewels. Before the great idol stood a pan of fire, in which three hearts of human victims were then burning along with copal. The whole walls and floor of the apartment was stained with human blood, and had a most offensive smell, worse than any slaughter-house. On the left of Huitzilopochtli stood another gigantic figure, having a countenance like a bear, with great shining eyes. The name of this last was Tezcatlipoca, who was said to be the god of the infernal regions, and to preside over the souls of men10. He was likewise considered as the brother of the god of war. His body was covered all over with figures representing little devils with tails of serpents, and was richly adorned with gold and jewels. Before this idol lay an offering of five human hearts. On the summit of the whole temple was a recess having its wood-work very highly ornamented, where we saw a figure half human and the rest like an alligator, all inlaid with jewels, and partly covered by a mantle. He was considered as the germ and origin of all created things, and was worshipped as the god of harvests and fruits. Here likewise the walls and altar were stained with blood like the others, and so offensive that we were glad to retire in all haste. In this place there stood a drum of prodigious size, the head of which was made of the skin of a large serpent, which resounded, when struck, with a noise that might be heard at the distance of two leagues, and gave out a sound so doleful, that it might be named the drum of hell. This dreadful drum, the horrid sound of their horns and trumpets, and the shocking sight of their great sacrificial knives, the remnants of human victims, and their blood-stained altars and fanes, made me anxious to get away from this horrible scene of human butchery, detestable smells, and abominable sights.
   Addressing himself to Montezuma, half jest half earnest, Cortes expressed his astonishment how so wise a prince could adore such absurd and wicked gods; and proposed to substitute the cross on the summit of the tower, and the images of the Holy Virgin and her ever-blessed SON in the adoratories, instead of those horrid idols, assuring him that he would soon be convinced of the vanity of his idolatry, and the deception practised on him by these inhuman priests. Montezuma was much displeased with these expressions, saying that he would not have admitted us to the temple if he had known we were to insult his gods, who dispensed health, good harvests, seasonable weather, and victory, and whom they were bound in duty and gratitude to adore. Cortes dropped the subject and proposed to withdraw, to which Montezuma assented, observing that he must remain, and atone by an expiatory sacrifice for having admitted us into the temple. Cortes then took leave of the king, and we descended the steps, to the great inconvenience of our invalids. If I am not quite so correct as I wish and ought to be in many of the things which I relate and describe, I must beg my readers to consider the situation in which I then served, being under the necessity of giving more attention to the orders of my officers than to the surrounding objects of curiosity. The temple which we had just visited covered a prodigious extent of ground, and diminished gradually from the base to the platform on the top, having five concavities like barbicans between the middle and the top, but without parapets. On the broad platform of the summit there was a tower in which the images were placed. But as there are many paintings of temples in the possession of the conquerors, one of which I have, it will be easy to form an idea of the structure of this temple from these representations11. It was said by the Mexicans, that numerous offerings of gold, silver, jewels, productions of the earth, and human victims were deposited under the foundations of this great temple at the time of its erection; and it is certain, when the ground on which it stood was afterwards dug up for the church of St Jago, that we found great quantities of gold, silver, and other valuables on sinking the new foundations. A Mexican also, who obtained a grant of part of this ground, discovered a considerable treasure, about which there was a law-suit for the royal interest. This account was confirmed by King Guatimotzin, who assured us that the circumstances were recorded in ancient historical paintings. At a small distance from the great temple, there stood a tower, having a gate or entrance always open, like the mouth of an enormous monster, ready to devour those who entered this hell or habitation of the demons. At this horrible door there stood many frightful idols, beside which there was a place for sacrifice, and within there were pots full of water ready to boil the flesh of the victims, which formed the horrible repasts of the priests. The idols were like serpents and devils, and the place, all smeared over with human blood, was furnished with knives for sacrifice like the slaughter-house of a butcher. In another part of the buildings there were great piles of wood, and a reservoir of water supplied by a pipe from the great aqueduct of Chapoltepec. In one of the courts there was a temple, all besmeared with blood and soot, surrounded by the tombs of the Mexican nobility. In another court there were immense piles of human bones, all regularly arranged. Every temple had its peculiar idols, and each its regular establishment of priests, who were dressed in long black vestments, something between the dress of our canons and the Dominican friars. They all wore their hair long and clotted with blood, and their ears were all lacerated in honour of their abominable idols. At some distance from the temple of the tombs, there was another of which the idols were said to preside over marriages; and all the courts were surrounded by low houses for the priests and their numerous assistants. Hard by these was a large building in which great numbers of the Mexican young women resided, as in a nunnery, till they were married. They were devoted to the worship of two female deities, who presided over marriages, to whom they sacrificed in order to obtain good husbands. I have thus been diffuse in describing this great temple, as it was by far the largest and most splendid in Mexico; yet the temple of Cholula was still higher, having 120 steps. This was built on a different plan from that of Mexico, and was held in high veneration by the natives. The temple of Tezcuco also was very large, being ascended by 117 steps, and all these differed in their structure, though they all agreed in having a number of outer courts, and a double inclosure. Every province of this country had its own peculiar gods, who were supposed to have no concern with those of other provinces, so that its gods and idols were quite innumerable. Having effectually fatigued ourselves in examining the objects I have just described, we retired to our quarters.
   As Montezuma was entirely adverse to the proposal of Cortes for converting the great temple of Mexico into a Christian church, he was exceedingly desirous to have a chapel and altar in our quarters, and made application to Montezuma through one of his principal nobles to have materials for this purpose. This request was immediately complied with, and as abundance of timber and native workmen were sent immediately, it was completed in three days. In this new chapel mass was celebrated every day, though we lamented the want of wine for the holy eucharist, as it had been all expended during the illness of Cortes, Olmedo, and others, while we were in the dominions of Tlascala. We were extremely regular in our devotions, both because it was our duty, and that we might impress a favourable opinion of our holy religion on Montezuma and his subjects. While our carpenters were looking out for a proper place in which to fix the holy cross of our chapel, they observed the appearance of a door in one of the walls of our quarters which had been closed up. Cortes caused this to be privately opened, and an apartment was found within, in which countless riches were deposited. The secret soon transpired, and we went all to view the concealed treasury. I was then a young man, and it seemed to me that all the treasures of the world gathered together could not have reached the amount of what we then saw. It was thought prudent to close up the door of this place, and to conceal our knowledge of it and its contents to a proper opportunity.
   About this time Cortes convened a council of four captains and twelve soldiers, of those in whom he had most confidence, among whom I was, in order to consult upon our present situation and future procedure. Having duly considered how obviously we had been hitherto guided and preserved by the mercy of GOD, and how the natives, though now kind, might soon change through their native fickleness, and notwithstanding the present hospitality of Montezuma, he might at any time plot our destruction, we unanimously resolved, on the suggestion of Cortes, that the most effectual measure for our security was to make that monarch our prisoner and the guarantee of our safety. We knew not but we might all be poisoned in our food, and no gift which he could make us, not even all his fathers treasures which we had just discovered, could compensate to us for the continual alarms in which we lived. Some of the officers present at the council, proposed to induce Montezuma by some plausible pretext to come to our quarters, when we could easily seize him without resistance or danger. It was observed by some of our soldiers, that we were not now so plentifully supplied with provisions by the royal officers as at our first coming; and that our interpreter, Aguilar, had been secretly informed by two of our Tlascalan allies, that they had noticed several indications of evil intentions towards us among the Mexicans, for the last two days. After a long consultation, we agreed to adjourn the consideration of the means of executing our resolution till next day; and in the meantime the reverend Father Olmedo was consulted on the subject, and we prayed GOD to guide and direct our proceedings for the best, in our present ticklish and dangerous situation. Next day, two Tlascalans arrived secretly with letters from Villa Rica, with an account that Escalente and six Spaniards had been slain in a battle with the Mexicans, and that the inhabitants of Chempoalla and the neighbouring mountains, who had submitted to us, had revolted back to the Mexican government, refusing to supply provisions, or to work on the fortifications, insomuch, that the remaining garrison of Villa Rica were in much distress and knew not how to act. These letters said likewise, that the high opinion which the natives had adopted with respect to the Spaniards was much altered for the worse, since they found they could be killed like other men. This intelligence gave us much affliction. It was the first defeat we had experienced since our landing; and had produced a most alarming change in our situation, and in the opinions of the Mexicans. Before this, we were in possession of wealth, and were considered as invulnerable, and almost like demigods; but were now lowered in the estimation of the natives, almost to a level with themselves, in whose power we were. It now seemed more necessary than ever to our very existence that we should secure the person of Montezuma; considering that if we failed in the attempt, we might as well perish in what seemed our only chance of safety, as wait to be overwhelmed by the whole power of the Mexican empire. Before I proceed to narrate the sequel of our transactions in Mexico, I shall give an account of the misfortune which befel Escalente12.
   It has been already mentioned, that about thirty native chiefs of districts in the neighbourhood of Villa Rica, had voluntarily submitted to our government at Chiahuitztla. After our little army had penetrated to the capital of the Mexican empire, the commander of a garrison belonging to Montezuma endeavoured to levy contributions from some of these our new subjects: and when this was represented to Escalente, who commanded at Villa Rica, he sent orders to the Mexican officers to desist, as otherwise he would be under the necessity of chastising them, though he wished to remain in peace and friendship with the subjects of Mexico. To this the Mexican officers sent a haughty reply, saying that he would find them in the field. On receiving this answer, Escalente, who was a brave man, set out with forty of his own soldiers, and two thousand of our allies of the Totanaca nation to march against the Mexicans, whom he found pillaging the country, and immediately attacked them. Our allies were always afraid of the Mexicans, and fled at the first shower of arrows, leaving the Spaniards to get out of the scrape as well as they might. They made their retreat with great difficulty to Villa Rica13, where Escalente and six of his soldiers died of their wounds. A Spanish soldier named Arguello, of great bodily strength, with a large head, and thick frizzled beard, was taken alive, but died of his wounds. The Mexican captains reported the whole of this affair to Montezuma, to whom they brought the head of Arguello; and it is said that Montezuma trembled when he beheld it, and ordered it to be taken out of the way. He reproached his captains for not having overwhelmed the whole of that small number of Spaniards with their numerous forces; but they alleged that a supernatural being fought against them, assisting and encouraging the Spaniards, and struck terror into their men.
   Having finally resolved to seize Montezuma, we spent the whole night before proceeding on that hazardous enterprize in earnest prayer to GOD, that what we were about to do might redound to his holy service; and in the morning we arranged the manner in which this our resolution was to be executed. Our cavalry and infantry were all ordered to be in readiness for instant action, and as it was usual with us to go always fully armed, this circumstance gave no suspicion to the Mexicans. Leaving the whole of his forces prepared to act in case of need, Cortes proceeded to the palace, attended by five of his captains, Alvarado, Sandoval, De Leon, De Lugo, and Avila14, with the interpreters Donna Marina and Aguilar, having first sent a message to the king, intimating his intention to wait upon him. Montezuma supposed that this visit of Cortes was on occasion of the affair which had lately occurred at Chiahuitztla, and that our general was much displeased on that account, yet sent back that he would be glad to see him. Our general, and we that were with him, immediately went to the royal apartment, and after paying his respects as usual, Cortes addressed Montezuma to the following effect through his interpreters: "He was astonished that so brave and magnanimous a monarch, who had shewn so much friendship for us on all occasions, should have clandestinely given orders to his troops in Totonacapan15 to make an attack upon the Spaniards whom he had left at Villa Rica, in which one of them had been killed, and our allies the Totonacas had been pillaged and destroyed without mercy." Cortes intentionally concealed the death of Escalente and his six soldiers, not wishing that the extent of our loss on this occasion should be known to the Mexicans. He then charged Montezuma as the author of the treachery which had been attempted against us in Cholula, saying, that he had hitherto refrained from speaking on that subject, from motives of esteem and respect; but, from the late hostile attack by his governor of Totonacapan, and having learned that the officers of the court were plotting to cut us off in Mexico, it became necessary for us to use effectual measures to secure our safety. For this purpose therefore, and in order to prevent the ruin of the city of Mexico, it was necessary that his majesty should go immediately to our quarters, assuring him if he gave the smallest alarm, or made any resistance, the officers and soldiers then present would put him instantly to death. On hearing this proposal Montezuma was so petrified with terror and amazement that he seemed to have lost all sensation for a time. After recovering a little, he positively denied having given any orders to Quauhpopoca the governor of Nauhtlan to attack our troops under Escalente; and taking from his wrist the signet of Huitzilopochtli, which he employed on all occasions of importance to confirm and enforce his orders, he gave it to one of his officers whom he commanded to bring Quauhpopoca to court without delay to answer for his conduct. Then assuming a dignified air, he declined the proposal of quitting his palace with disdain, declaring that he would not be constrained to take so humiliating a step. Cortes endeavoured to explain the necessity of his immediate compliance, and the king persisted in his refusal, so that the conversation drew to considerable length, half an hour at least having elapsed. The captains who accompanied Cortes became impatient of delay, fearing that great numbers of the Mexicans might collect to the rescue of their sovereign, and that we should be oppressed under superior force. In this dilemma, De Leon exclaimed in his rough voice to Cortes: "Why, Sir, do you waste so many words? Tell him, that if he does not instantly yield himself our prisoner, we will plunge our swords into his body: Let us now assure our lives or perish." Montezuma was much struck with the manner in which De Leon expressed himself, and asked Donna Marina what he had said. She answered with much discretion, by mildly advising him to consent immediately to go along with us, assuring him that he would be treated with all the honour and respect he could desire, whereas she was convinced we would put him to death if he refused or even hesitated. Montezuma then offered to put his legitimate son and two daughters into the hands of Cortes, as hostages, and earnestly entreated that he might not be exposed before his subjects as a prisoner. But Cortes assured him that nothing short of what had been originally proposed could satisfy us, and that all remonstrances were unavailing. At last he was obliged to consent, saying, "I trust myself with you, let us go! let us go! since the gods will have it so." Our captains gave him every assurance of their perfect esteem and respect, begging of him not to be offended at their conduct, which was indispensably necessary to their own safety, and requested that he would say to his officers that he went of his own free will, and by the advice of his gods and priests. His magnificent state litter was now brought for his accommodation, and he proceeded to our quarters in his accustomed pomp, attended by his guards, where he was received and entertained with every mark of respect; yet our posts and centinels were properly placed in every direction to guard against his escape or rescue. He was soon waited on by the princes of his family, and all the principal Mexican nobles, who came to inquire the reason of this change of abode, and whether it was his wish that they should attack us. But he told them that he intended to remain with us for a few days, and commanded them to take no steps which might disturb the peace of the city.
   Thus we accomplished the seizure of the great Montezuma. He was attended in our quarters with the same magnificence as in his own palace; his wives, family, and officers being constantly with him, and having always twenty chiefs or counsellors in his presence. He bathed twice a-day, and appeared calm and resigned to his fate. Ambassadors came to him from all the provinces of his empire; some to deliver the accustomed tribute, and others to transact various affairs of importance, all of which was dispatched in the usual manner. I perfectly remember that however great might be the princes or chiefs who had to wait upon him, they always took off their rich dresses and put on plain and coarse nequen clothes, and came into the royal apartments in this habit, barefooted, not entering directly, but making a circuit by the wall. On entering the presence they kept their eyes cast down on the ground, and after three profound reverences, always began their addresses in these words, lord! my lord! great lord! They then displayed certain cloths before him, on which the business they came upon was represented by painting, the particulars of which they explained pointing out the figures by means of nicely polished rods or wands. While this was going on, two old nobles always stood beside the king, who attentively considered every circumstance, on which they gave him their opinions, and he then dispatched the affair in few words. The person who had the business with the king then withdrew without reply, making three profound reverences as before, always keeping his eyes on the ground, and his face to the throne till out of sight. On leaving the royal apartments, they reassumed their rich dresses, in which they walked about the city.
   The messengers who had been dispatched with the royal signet to arrest the officers against whom Cortes had complained for the attack on Escalente, soon returned with them to Mexico. I know not what passed in the royal presence when they appeared before the king; but he sent them immediately to Cortes to do with them as he pleased. On their examination, when the king was not present, they avowed all that had happened in Totonacapan, but said that they had acted by orders from Montezuma, by whom they had been commanded to levy the royal tribute, and even to attack the Spaniards if they should support the refractory subjects of the empire. On Montezuma being charged with this, he endeavoured to exculpate himself; but Cortes told him, that although his participation in the guilt of his officers was apparent, and although he had been commanded by his own sovereign to punish with death all who had inflicted death on any of the Spaniards, yet he had so great a regard for his majesty, that he would sooner loose his own life than do him any injury. Notwithstanding these assurances, Montezuma was in great fear of being put to death. Cortes sentenced the Mexican officers to be burnt alive in front of their kings palace, which was immediately carried into execution; and to prevent any commotion while this was taking place, he ordered Montezuma to be put in irons. The unfortunate king could not suppress his sense of this indignity, and wept aloud when the fetters were put on. After the execution was over, Cortes went into the apartment of Montezuma, attended by his five captains formerly mentioned, and took off the irons with his own hands, assuring him with a cordial embrace, that he loved him more even than a brother, and that he hoped soon to extend his dominions to more than double their present size. He is said also to have told him that he was now at liberty to return to his own palace, if he so wished; but we understood that Cortes ordered the interpreters to inform Montezuma, that he was inclined to set him at liberty, but that the other officers refused their consent. The spirit of the unfortunate king was now entirely subdued, and the tears ran down his cheeks while Cortes was speaking: He declined the offer with thanks, well knowing the emptiness of his words; adding, that he thought it most prudent to remain where he was, to prevent an insurrection in the city. Montezuma requested Cortes to give him his page, Orteguilla, a youth who had already made considerable progress in the Mexican language. Cortes immediately complied, and Orteguilla remained afterwards constantly about the kings person, as Montezuma took great delight in inquiring from him many particulars respecting the manners and customs of Europe; and, from his knowledge of the language, Orteguilla was of great service to us in the sequel, by communicating every circumstance that was of importance for us to be made acquainted with. Montezuma continued to reside among us, always treated with the utmost respect and attention, as no officer and soldier, even Cortes, ever came into his presence or even passed him, without taking of his helmet. He always treated us in return with much courtesey

   The Mexican officers who were publickly executed, were four in number. Of these Quauhpopoca was the principal, two of the others were named Coatl and Quiabuitl, but I have forgot the name of the fourth16. As soon as this punishment was made known throughout the provinces of the Mexican empire, it occasioned universal terror among the natives, and the people of Tontonacapan immediately returned to submission to our garrison at Villa Rica.-Let me now pause, and request my readers to consider the train of our heroic acts which I have already related. First, we destroyed our ships, by which we cut off all hope of retreat. Secondly, we entered the city of Mexico, in spite of the many alarming warnings we had received. Thirdly, we made Montezuma, the sovereign of that great and populous empire, a prisoner, in the midst of his own palace and capital, surrounded by numerous guards. Fourthly, we publickly burnt his officers in front of his palace, and put the king in irons during the execution. I now frequently revolve upon these great events in my old age, which still appear as fresh in my memory as if they had only happened yesterday. I say to myself, it was not we who did those mighty things, but we were guided therein by the hand of God. For without his direction, how was it to be conceived that so small a number as we were, not amounting to four hundred and fifty men, should have dared to seize and put in irons, and publickly burn his officers for obeying his orders, in a city larger and more populous than Venice, and 1500 leagues from our own country.
   It was necessary to appoint a successor in the command at Villa Rica, and accordingly Cortes gave the command to Alonzo de Grado, an indifferent soldier, but a good speaker, a handsome man, a musician, and a ready writer, who had always been adverse to our marching to Mexico, and was the chief orator on these occasions, in conveying the sentiments of the opposite party to Cortes. On notifying this appointment, Cortes said to him jocularly, "Senior de Grado, you are now commandant of Villa Rica. See that you fortify it well; but I charge you not to go to war with the wicked Indians, lest they kill you as they have done Juan de Escalente." This was said ironically, as Cortes well knew he would not venture out of his garrison for any consideration. As we noticed the concealed meaning of Cortes in these words, we could hardly refrain from laughing aloud. He then enjoined him to be kind to the natives, and to protect them from oppression; to use all diligence in completing the fortifications of the wooden fort, and to cause two large chains to be made from the old iron of the destroyed ships, by the smiths at Villa Rica, which were to be sent immediately to Mexico. De Grado, on arriving at his government, assumed a lofty demeanour, and ordered the neighbouring Indians who were allied with us, to send him gold and females slaves, neglecting the fortifications, and spending his time in feasting and deep play. What was still worse, he plotted with the adherents of Velasquez to deliver up to him the post with which he had been entrusted. When Cortes learned these things, he repented of having employed a person whose bad dispositions he well knew in a post of so much importance, and sent therefore Sandoval, our alguazil-major to supersede him. Sandoval was accompanied by Pedro de Ircio, who used to amuse him with anecdotes of the families of the Conde de Ureno and Don Pedro Giron, by which means he gained the favour of Sandoval, who never ceased promoting him till he got him to the rank of captain. On his arrival at Villa Rica, Sandoval arrested De Grado, and sent him prisoner to Mexico, under a guard of Indians, by order of Cortes, who would not see him on his arrival, but ordered him to be confined in the stocks, where he remained two days. De Grado afterwards made his peace, and got the office of contador, in place of Avila, who was sent over to Hispaniola as procurador. Sandoval made himself exceedingly popular among the natives in the neighbourhood of Villa Rica, and diligently applied to complete the fortifications. He likewise sent to Mexico by order of the general, all the ironwork necessary for the construction of two vessels which were ordered to be built for sailing on the lake.
   Every day after mass Cortes went with all his officers to pay his respects to Montezuma, asking his orders, the king always affecting to be perfectly contented with his situation. On these occasions the discourse frequently turned upon the principles of our holy faith, and the power of our emperor Don Carlos. At other times Montezuma and Cortes used to play at a game called totoloque by the Mexicans, in which they aim with golden balls at certain other objects made of gold. Once, when Cortes and Alvarado were playing against Montezuma and his nephew, the king said in a jocular manner, that he would not allow Tonatiu, for so he called Alvarado on account of his handsomeness, to mark, as if he cheated; on which we all fell a laughing, as we knew Alvarado was rather given to exaggeration. On these occasions, Cortes gave all his winnings among the Mexican attendants of the king; and Montezuma distributed his among us soldiers of the guard. Indeed he every day made presents to all of us who attended him, and particularly to Velasquez de Leon, the captain of his guard, who always treated him with much respect and attention. One night, a soldier named Truxillo, was guilty of a very disrespectful action within his hearing, at which Montezuma was much offended, and asked the page Orteguilla who had committed this extreme rudeness. Orteguilla told him that Truxillo was a person of low birth, and knew no better, and then gave him an account of our different ranks and characters, by which he was much gratified. He sent next day for Truxillo, and after reproving him for his unmannerly behaviour, made him a present worth five crowns. Next night, Truxillo committed a similar rudeness, in hopes to get more gold, but Montezuma complained to De Leon, who ordered Truxillo to be relieved, after which he gave him a severe reprimand. Another night, a soldier named Pedro Lopez happened to be unwell, and cursed that dog of an Indian, meaning Montezuma, for occasioning so much trouble. The king overheard this and discovered its meaning, on which he complained to Cortes, who ordered the man to be whipped. After this, proper discipline and strict silence were preserved by the guard, which greatly pleased the king, who knew us all, and used to address us by our names, and was always very kind to us. I was then a young man, and always behaved to him with much respect. The page had informed him that I had been twice on the coast of his empire before the arrival of Cortes, and that I had desired him to say to his majesty that I would be much obliged to him for a handsome Indian girl. He very graciously complied with this request, and calling me before him, addressed me to the following effect: "Bernal Diaz, the young woman I now present to you is the daughter of one of my principal nobles; treat her well, and her relations will give you as much gold, and as many mantles as you can desire." I respectfully kissed his hand, thanking him for his gracious condescension, and prayed God to bless and prosper him. On which he observed, that my manner spoke me of noble extraction, and he ordered me three plates of gold, and two loads of mantles. In the morning, after his devotions, according to the manner of his country, Montezuma used to eat a light breakfast of vegetables seasoned with agi, which is a kind of pepper. He then employed a full hour in the dispatch of business, in the way I have formerly mentioned, being attended at this time by twenty counsellors; and in this way, sometimes amusing himself, and sometimes meditating on his situation, he spent the time of his confinement among us. He had many mistresses, and he used often to give away some of these in marriage among his officers and particular friends. Some of these ladies fell to our lot, and the one I got was a lady of high birth, as she shewed by her manner; after her baptism she was called Donna Francisca.
   After the iron materials, with sails and cordage had arrived from Villa Rica, Cortes asked leave from Montezuma to build two brigantines for the purpose of his amusement on the lake, and also that he would order the native carpenters to assist in their construction. Montezuma readily consented, and as there was plenty of oak at no great distance, the work went on expeditiously under Martin Lopez our principal ship-builder, so that the two brigantines were soon built, launched, and rigged. While this was going on, Montezuma begged to be allowed to perform his devotions in the great temple, that his friends and subjects might be satisfied he lived among us by his own choice, and the permission of his gods. Cortes granted this, under a strict caution to beware of doing any thing that might bring his life in hazard, as he would send a strong guard along with him, with orders to put him to death instantly if any commotion should arise among the people. Cortes likewise insisted that no human sacrifices should be permitted on the occasion. All this being agreed to, Montezuma set out for the temple in his usual pomp, attended by four of our captains, and an hundred and fifty Spanish soldiers, Father Olmedo being likewise present, to prevent any human sacrifice. Montezuma came out of his litter near the temple, where he was met by a number of priests, who carried him up the steps. They had sacrificed four Indians the night before to their accursed idols, as all our endeavours were insufficient to stop that abominable practice, which we were forced to connive at for a season, being afraid to do any thing which might occasion an insurrection. After remaining a short time at his devotions, Montezuma came down from the temple, and returned to our quarters in much good humour, and made presents to all of us who had attended him.
   Our two brigantines were now afloat on the lake, fully equipped, and manned by expert sailors, and were found to obey both sail and oar to a wish. When Montezuma learnt this, he requested to go a-hunting to a certain district which was full of game, all other persons being prohibited from hunting there under pain of death. Cortes granted permission, giving warning that his life would pay the forfeit of the smallest attempt to escape, and offered him the use of our ships to convey him to the hunting ground, which he accepted with much pleasure. The king and his suit embarked in the swiftest of the two vessels, and the other accommodated his son and a number of nobles. Four of our captains attended the king, with a guard of two hundred soldiers, and four brass guns, with their ammunition and artillery-men, were embarked on the occasion. The wind was fresh, and our sailors took great delight in exerting their utmost skill. Our ships seemed to fly along the lake, and left a prodigious multitude of the canoes of the Mexicans far behind. Montezuma landed at the place kept for his hunting, which abounded in game, so that he soon procured a great quantity of various kinds, such as deer, hares, and rabbits; and having satisfied himself with sport, he reimbarked and came back to Mexico. We discharged our artillery during the voyage, which gave him much amusement. He delighted us all by his affability and noble behaviour, and was held by every one of us in the highest respect. It happened one day, while three of our captains were in his presence, that a hawk flew into the apartment in pursuit of a quail, both these birds and doves being bred about the palace. On this occasion our officers and soldiers admired the beauty and fine flight of the hawk, and Montezuma was curious to know the subject of their discourse: It was accordingly explained to him, as likewise that we were accustomed to tame hawks, and to fly them from our hands in pursuit of game. On this Montezuma gave immediate orders to have the hawk caught for us, and the very same bird was caught and brought to us next morning.
   Cacamatzin prince of Tezcuco, the largest town in the empire next to Mexico, took great umbrage at hearing that his uncle Montezuma had been kept many days prisoner by the Spaniards, and that we had opened the treasury of his ancestors. He therefore called a meeting of his principal vassals, and of the neighbouring princes or great feudatories of the Mexican empire, among whom was the lord of Matlatzinco, a renowned warrior and near relation of Montezuma, who was reported to have some pretensions to the throne. His intention in summoning these princes was to persuade them to assemble their forces, in order to attack us, and on making this proposal to the assembled chiefs, he of Matlatzinco offered to concur with his whole force, on condition that they would raise him to the throne of Mexico. But Cacamatzin alleged that he had a preferable claim to that dignity, and declared he would destroy the Spaniards with his own forces, for which purpose he entered into arrangements with his partizans in Mexico. The whole of this plan was reported to Montezuma, who immediately commanded his nephew Cacamatzin to desist from his preparations, and communicated the information he had received to Cortes, who had already received some notice of what was going forwards, but not to the full extent. Cortes immediately proposed to go at the head of a detachment of the Spaniards, and a large body of Mexican troops, and to destroy Tezcuco; but as this proposal did not please Montezuma, Cortes sent a message to Cacamatzin, requiring him to desist from his war-like preparations, and declaring his wish to have him for a friend. Cacamatzin answered, that he would not become the dupe of plausible words like others, and meant soon to pay us a visit, when he would listen to what we had to say. In a second message, Cortes warned him not to proceed to hostilities, which would certainly occasion the death of his uncle; but he replied, that he cared neither for Montezuma nor Cortes, and was determined to act as he thought proper.
   Cacamatzin had a brother named Cuitcuitzcatzin, who resided in Mexico, having been obliged to take refuge there in consequence of a family quarrel. As this was known to us, Cortes proposed that Cacamatzin should be brought to Mexico, where we would seize him unless he agreed to preserve the peace, or might substitute his brother in the government of Tezcuco. Montezuma agreed to send for him, and assured us if he refused to come, he would give orders to bring him by force. Cortes thanked the king for this instance of his fidelity, declaring that he now only remained in Mexico to protect him against his rebellious subjects, and would feel happy to reinstate him in his own palace, but could not prevail on the rest of the Spanish captains to agree to this measure. Montezuma said in reply, that he would immediately transmit information to Cacamatzin, that his present residence was entirely of his own free will, and by the advice of their gods; for Montezuma was perfectly aware of the simulation of Cortes in his declarations, and endeavoured to fight him with his own weapons. He accordingly sent a message to the prince in the proposed terms; but Cacamatzin understood the manner in which his uncle was constrained to act, and declared his determination to assail our quarters within four days, saying that Montezuma was a despicable monarch, for having neglected to attack us at the Port of Chalco, as he had advised. That he was resolved to be avenged of the wrongs which we had heaped upon Montezuma and his country, and that if the throne of Mexico should fall to his lot during the contest, he would liberally reward all who assisted him against the Spanish invaders. Several of the Mexican chiefs who were along with Cacamatzin, expressed their scruples about entering into war without the orders of their legitimate sovereign, and proposed to send to him for instructions. Cacamatzin was enraged at this proposal, as adverse to his views of assuming the crown of the Mexican empire, and immediately ordered three of the most refractory into custody; by which procedure the rest were intimidated into compliance with his plans. He then sent a message to Montezuma, representing the disgrace into which he had fallen, by joining himself with wizards and magicians, and declared his resolution to destroy us all. Montezuma was much offended by the proud independence assumed by his nephew, whom he now resolved to circumvent and make prisoner. For this purpose he entrusted his signet to six of his captains, whom he commanded to shew it to certain other leaders among his subjects, who were not well affected to the prince, and to communicate to them his orders to seize Cacamatzin and bring him prisoner to Mexico. These men went accordingly to where Cacamatzin was consulting with the confederate chiefs on the arrangement of his expedition; and shewing the royal signet with which they were entrusted, they secured him and five of his principal chiefs without opposition, and brought them away to Mexico. Cacamatzin, being brought into the presence of Montezuma, was reproached by him for his disobedience and treason, and then delivered over to Cortes; but the other prisoners were released.
   Arrangements were immediately made for raising Cuitcuitzcatzin, one of the brothers of Cacamatzin, to the principality of Tezcuco; who was accordingly invested with this dignity in the presence, of Montezuma, and sent over with a splendid retinue to take possession of the government17. This important business being completed to our entire satisfaction, we continued to reside in Mexico, paying our court to Montezuma with the utmost demonstrations of respect, yet detaining him always a prisoner in our quarters.
   Cortes now resumed a proposal which had been formerly made, for Montezuma acknowledging the sovereignty of our emperor over him and his dominions; to which Montezuma replied, that he would summon a council of all his dependent princes, which he did accordingly, and almost the whole of them attended in the course of ten days. Among a few who absented themselves on this occasion, was the chief of Matlatzinco, who has been already mentioned as renowned for his warlike prowess. He sent back an answer, that he would neither obey the summons nor pay any more tribute. Montezuma was much incensed by this contumacious message from his vassal, and sent officers to apprehend him, but they were unable to succeed. The princes and feudatories being all assembled, Montezuma reminded them of the ancient prophecies, by which it was foretold to their ancestors, that a people was to come from the region of the rising sun, to whom the empire of the country was to be transferred. He added, that he believed the Spaniards to be the people spoken of in that prophecy; and had sacrificed to his gods in vain to give him a distinct revelation on the subject, but they referred him to the former responses, and commanded him to ask no more. From all this he concluded that they willed him to yield obedience to the king of Castile, who was the sovereign of these strangers. "I now," said he in conclusion, "beseech you to agree to this submission, which is required of me by the Spaniards. During the eighteen years which I have reigned, I have ever been a kind monarch to you, and you have always been faithful subjects. Since our gods will have it so, let no one refuse this instance of obedience which I now ask." The princes, with many sighs and tears, promised to do every thing he might desire. Montezuma, who was still more affected than they, sent a message to inform Cortes, that he and his princes would tender their allegiance to our emperor next day. This was accordingly done at the time appointed, in presence of all our officers and many of our soldiers, none of whom could refrain from tears, at beholding the distress and agitation of the great and generous Montezuma on this humiliating occasion.
   Some time afterwards, when Cortes and his captains were conversing with Montezuma on various topics, the general made inquiry relative to the gold mines of the empire, when Montezuma informed him that the richest of these were in the province of Zacatula or Zacatollan, and said that the gold was procured by washing the earth, the small grains of metal sinking to the bottom during the operation. He also said that it was obtained from two rivers in the province of Guztepeque, where the natives were not subjects to his empire; but, if Cortes chose to send some troops to that place, he would order his officers to accompany them. Cortes accordingly sent the pilot Umbria and two soldiers to examine the mines of Zacatula; and sent his relation Pizarro, to the territories of Chinantla and Zapoteca. Pizarro was then a young man, and at that time his name and that of Peru, now so famous, were both equally unknown. Pizarro, who was one of our captains, took with him four soldiers who were used to mining, and four Mexican nobles; and Montezuma presented Cortes with a map of the whole northern, or rather eastern coast of the Mexican empire, admirably represented in painting, extending at least an hundred and forty leagues, all the way to Tabasco. Among the rivers said to produce gold, was that of Huatzocoalco, which Cortes wished to have examined, and Diego de Ordas offering himself for this purpose, was reluctantly accepted by Cortes, as he was a person on whom he depended for sound judgment and wholesome advice on occasions of importance. Before his departure, Montezuma told Ordas, that the power of the crown of Mexico did not extend over the country to which he was going, but that he was welcome to the assistance of the frontier garrisons. Umbria returned first from his mission, bringing with him gold to the value of three hundred crowns and reported that the mines might be made very productive, if they were as expertly managed as those of Hispaniola and Cuba. Two principal persons of the district accompanied him to Mexico, who brought a present of gold to the value of about a hundred crowns, and offered to submit themselves and country to the sovereignty of our emperor. Umbria and his companions described the country which they had visited as extremely rich and populous, and he and his companions appeared to have done something handsome for themselves on the expedition, which Cortes winked at in order to make up for some former differences.
   Ordas, on his return, said that he had passed through very

 populous districts, in all of which he was well received. That he found several bodies of Mexican troops on the frontiers, of whose outrages the natives of the country made heavy complaints, on which account he had severely reprehended the commanders of the troops, threatening them with a similar punishment with what had been inflicted on the lord of Nauhtlan. He had sounded the river of Huatzcoalco, where he found three fathoms water on the bar at low tide in the shallowest part, and still deeper within, where there was a place very proper for a naval establishment. The caciques and natives treated him with much hospitality, and offered themselves as vassals to our emperor, but complained loudly against the exactions of Montezuma and his officers, and pointed out a place where they had lately slain many of the Mexican troops, which they had named Cuilonemequi, or the Place of Slaughter of the Mexicans, on whom they bestowed the most opprobrious epithets. He represented the soil of the country as well fitted for tillage and the rearing of cattle, and the port as well situated for trade with Cuba, Hispaniola, and Jamaica; but as inconvenient, from its distance from Mexico, and unhealthy owing to the morasses in its vicinity. Pizarro returned from Tustepeque or Tzapotecapan, with gold in grains to the value of a thousand crowns. He reported, that in going into the mountains inhabited by the Chinantlans, they flew to arms and would not permit the Mexicans to enter into their country, threatening to put them all to death; but admitted him and his Spaniards with great attention. He brought several of the chiefs of that country along with him to Mexico, who wished to shake off the Mexican yoke, and to become subjects to our emperor. Cortes then inquired at Pizarro for the soldiers who had accompanied him, when Pizarro answered, that finding the country rich and the people friendly, he had left them to make a plantation of cocoa, and to explore the rivers and mines. Cortes said nothing to him in public, but gave him a severe private reprimand for employing the soldiers in such foolish pursuits, contrary to his orders, and immediately sent a message commanding their return to head-quarters.
   Cortes now proposed to Montezuma to order a general contribution in gold to be collected through the whole of his dominions, as a tribute to our emperor, and also that he should deliver up his treasure for the same purpose. Montezuma accordingly sent orders to his officers in those districts where the mines were situated, commanding them immediately to transmit a certain quantity of gold plates, of the size usually paid as tribute, two of which were sent as patterns. He remarked at the same time, that there were many districts of the empire from which gold was not to be expected in any considerable quantity, as they had no mines, and the natives had only such golden toys among them as they had inherited from their ancestors. Much gold was immediately transmitted to Mexico from the rich provinces in compliance with the order; but when it was communicated to the refractory lord of Matlatzinco, formerly mentioned, he haughtily answered, that he would pay no tribute, for he had as good a right as Montezuma to the throne of Mexico. Montezuma was much enraged at this insolent message, and immediately sent some trusty officers with his signet, who succeeded in apprehending this redoubted chief. On being brought prisoner into the presence of the king, he behaved with so much insolence that Montezuma ordered him to be put to death; but Cortes interceded for him, and got his punishment transmuted to imprisonment. He even endeavoured to make a friend of this chief, and proposed to have him set at liberty, but Montezuma insisted that he should be kept in chains along with Cacamatzin.
   Twenty days after the orders had been issued for collecting the tribute, it was all brought to Mexico, on which Montezuma summoned Cortes into his presence, along with the captains and the soldiers who formed his usual guard, and addressed us as follows: "Being indebted to your great king, whom I much esteem for having sent you as his ambassadors to me from so great a distance, and as I am convinced by the prophecies transmitted to us by our ancestors, and confirmed by our gods, that he is destined to rule over us, take this gold, which is all I could collect on so short a notice, and also the treasure which I inherited from my ancestors which you have already seen; send all this to your emperor, and let it be recorded in your chronicles that this is the tribute from his vassal Montezuma. Besides all this, I shall give you for your monarch, a quantity of our most valuable jewels, which we call calchihuis18, every one of which is worth two loads of gold, and three tubes for shooting darts or pellets, so richly adorned with jewels that he will be pleased with them. Accept all this as an instance of my good will, for it is the last of my treasure." We all immediately took off our helmets, and gave our hearty thanks to Montezuma for his munificent and liberal gift, which Cortes promised should be presented to the emperor with a just representation of the merits of the donor. We were employed for three days in taking to pieces the gold contained in the various ornamental articles in the concealed treasury, which was now delivered up to us by the command of Montezuma, in which we were assisted by the royal goldsmiths from the town of Escapuzalco. When separated and weighed, these articles weighed to the value of above 600,000 crowns, besides many other articles of value, and exclusive of gold in plates and bars, and in its rough state as brought from the mines. All this gold was melted down by the goldsmiths, and cast into bars of three fingers breadth, all of which were stamped with the royal arms, with our entire approbation. The rest of the present of Montezuma was worthy of great admiration, consisting of the jewels called calchihius ornamented tubes covered with gold and jewels, beautiful embroideries of pearls and feathers, plumes of feathers, and an endless variety of rich manufactures; and it was unanimously agreed by us all not to take these rich ornaments to pieces.
   After the royal officers had weighed and valued the gold, which exceeded, as I have already mentioned, 600,000 crowns, exclusive of the silver and other ornamental articles, it was proposed to deduct the royal fifth, and to distribute the shares among the officers and soldiers. Cortes proposed to postpone the division till we acquired more treasure, and had more exact weights: But the soldiers were clamorous for an immediate division, as we perceived that above a third part had disappeared since the various articles were taken to pieces, Cortes and the captains and others being continually carrying it away and concealing it for their own use. It was at length agreed to make the division next day, when it was still found to exceed 600,000 crowns in weight. On making the division, Cortes in the first place caused a fifth to be laid aside for his majesty; secondly, a fifth for himself, as had been agreed upon; thirdly, a portion to reimburse the naval expenditure incurred by Velasquez, the destruction of the ships, and all the expences of the expedition from Cuba; fourthly, for the expences of the agents whom we had sent to Spain; fifthly, for the shares of our companions who were in garrison at Villa Rica; sixthly, for the value of the horses which had been killed; seventhly, for the reverend Father Olmeda and our captains; eighthly, double shares for the cavalry, musketeers, and crossbow-men. When all these deductions were made from the stock, the shares which remained for each soldier were hardly worth acceptance, not exceeding 100 crowns a-man. We were obliged to submit, having no one to appeal to for justice; yet many were very clamorous, whom Cortes secretly endeavoured to appease, giving a little to one and a little to another in private, and feeding all with fair promises. Our captains got chains of gold made for them by the Mexican workmen, Cortes did the same, and had a superb service of gold plate made for his table. Many of our soldiers, who had been fortunate in secreting plunder, had golden ornaments made for their use, and gave themselves up to deep gaming, for which purpose they made cards from drum-heads; and thus we passed our time in Mexico. One Cardenas, a pilot, who had a wife and children, seeing that all the immense treasure of Montezuma had dwindled down to paltry shares of a hundred crowns, made loud complaints of the injustice he and all of us had experienced. On this coming to the ears of Cortes, he called us together, and gave us a long honied speech, wondering how we should be so clamorous about a paltry sum of gold, as the whole country, with all its rich mines, would soon be ours, by which we would all have enough to make us lords and princes, and I know not all what. After this he distributed presents secretly among the most clamorous, and promised Cardenas to send home 300 crowns to his wife and children.
   All men are desirous of acquiring riches, and the desire generally increases with the acquisition. As it was well known that a great many valuable pieces of gold had been abstracted from the treasury, suspicion naturally fell upon several persons who appeared to have more gold than their shares amounted to. Among these, it was noticed that Velasquez de Leon had some large chains of gold, and many trinkets and ornaments of that metal, in the hands of the Mexican workmen, which the treasurer Mexia claimed as having been purloined. De Leon resisted this, alleging that it had been given him by Cortes before the gold was run into bars. Mexia replied that Cortes had concealed enough, and had already taken too much from the soldiers, without giving him so great a quantity, and insisted on restitution. Both were valiant men, and their quarrel rose to such a height, that they drew their swords, and each of them received two wounds before they could be parted. Cortes ordered them both under arrest and to be put in chains; but spoke privately to De Leon, who was his intimate friend, to submit quietly, and released Mexia in consideration of his holding the office of treasurer. Velasquez was a strong active man, and used to walk much in the apartment where he was confined, and as Montezuma heard the rattling of his chains, he inquired who it was, and interceded with Cortes for his liberation. Cortes told him that Velasquez was a mad fellow, who would go about robbing the Mexicans of their gold if not confined. Montezuma replied, if that were all, he would supply his wants, and Cortes affected to release him as a favour to the king, but banished him to Cholula, whence he returned in six days, richer than before by the king's bounty.
   About this time, the king offered to give Cortes one of the princesses his daughter in marriage. Cortes received this offer with much gratitude, but suggested the propriety of having her in the first place instructed in the Christian religion, with which Montezuma complied, though he still continued attached to his own false worship and brutal human sacrifices. Cortes and his captains were much scandalized by this persistence of Montezuma in idolatry, and thought it their duty as Christians, to run even the risk of occasioning a rebellion of the Mexicans by destroying the idols and planting the true cross in their place; or if that could not be now accomplished, to make a chapel for Christian worship in the temple. On this determination, seven officers and soldiers attended Cortes and Father Olmedo to wait upon Montezuma, to whom they communicated their wish, and their resolution to employ force if necessary. The king was much alarmed, and earnestly begged leave to consult with his priests on the subject. Cortes seemed touched with his situation, and made a signal to the officers and soldiers to retire, leaving him and Olmedo with the king. He then told him, that he would endeavour to prevail on the officers to be satisfied for the present, if a part of the great temple was appropriated for the reception of an altar and crucifix, by which his majesty would soon be convinced of the falsehood of his erroneous worship19. To this proposal Montezuma reluctantly consented, with the appearance of much agitation and deep sorrow; and, an altar and crucifix being erected, mass was solemnly celebrated in the new chapel, for the care of which a proper person was appointed.
   The whole time of our stay in this city was one continued series of alarms, sufficient to have destroyed us if we had not been supported by divine interposition. By this last measure, through the representations of the priests, acting on the prejudices of the people, our dangers were much increased. Their gods, as the priests alleged, threatened to desert them, unless we were destroyed for this violation of the temple, and an universal determination was formed to obey this manifestation of their commands. This resolution of the people was conveyed to Montezuma by the priests, and all his principal warriors; who, besides this subject of complaint on the score of religion, made many other representations respecting our misconduct, ever since our arrival in the empire. The page Orguetilla communicated many alarming circumstances which he had observed, to Cortes, respecting frequent secret conferences between Montezuma and his priests and nobles, and the angry and melancholy appearances which he had frequently seen the king assume on these occasions. Cortes was alarmed by this intelligence, and immediately waited on the king accompanied by his interpreters and five of his captains. Montezuma seemed much distressed during this conference, and declared to Cortes that he was extremely grieved at the manifestation of the will of his gods that we should all be put to death or expelled from Mexico: He therefore, as our sincere friend, earnestly recommended that we should not run the risk of incurring the indignation of his subjects, but should save our lives by a retreat whilst that remained within our power. Cortes and the rest were naturally much alarmed at this; but Cortes answered that he was principally concerned, because in the first place, he had no vessels for returning into his own country, and in the next place he would be under the necessity of taking Montezuma along with him, that he might present him to our emperor. He therefore entreated Montezuma to use every influence to restrain his priests and warriors from proceeding to violence, until we had time to build three ships for our conveyance, and offered immediately to send our ship-builders to fell timber and construct the vessels on the coast, requesting the king to order the assistance of his carpenters for this purpose, that there might be no delay. He repeated his request, that Montezuma would employ all his influence to prevent any insurrection in the city, and his endeavours to appease his priests and gods, providing that no human sacrifices were resorted to for that purpose. Martin Lopez, our principal ship-builder, was immediately dispatched to Villa Rica to commence building the three ships, which were put on the stocks without delay. During this interval, we remained in Mexico full of terror of being attacked by the whole force of a numerous and warlike people, exasperated by the insults we had heaped on their sovereign and their religious belief. Our apprehensions were continually kept alive by the information we received from Donna Marina, and the page Orteguilla; who, by understanding the language, obtained much information which must otherwise have escaped our knowledge. We kept however constant guard over Montezuma, and the strictest military discipline in our quarters, sleeping always in our armour, and having our horses saddled and bridled every night. Without meaning it as any boast, I may say this of myself, that my armour became as easy and familiar to me as if it had been a soft down bed. And so habituated am I to this, that now in my old age, when I make the circuit of my district, I never take a bed along with me, unless attended by stranger gentlemen, when I do so merely to avoid the appearance of poverty or avarice. Yet, even when I have one, I always sleep in my clothes; neither can I rest throughout the night, but get up to contemplate the stars, walking about without hat or cap, as I used to do on guard; yet thank GOD I never get cold, nor am I the worse for this practice. This is to be a true soldier! My readers must pardon this digression, which does not proceed from vanity, but to let him know what kind of men we were, the real conquerors of Mexico20.

SECTION IX. Expedition of Narvaez to supersede Cortes in the command, and occurrences till the Defeat of that Officer by Cortes at Chempoalla
   The Bishop of Burgos, who was president of the council of the Indies, bore unlimited sway in that department of the Spanish government during the absence of the emperor in Flanders. Owing to the representations of Velasquez against Cortes, he sent orders to him to seize and make us all prisoners at every hazard, as rebellious subjects. Velasquez therefore fitted out a fleet of nineteen ships from the Island of Cuba, in which he embarked an army of fourteen hundred soldiers, eighty of whom were cavalry, eighty musketeers, and eighty crossbow-men, with twenty pieces of cannon, and all necessary ammunition and appointments, giving the command in chief to Pamphilo de Narvaez. Such was his animosity against Cortes and us for having thrown off our dependance upon him, that he made a journey of above seventy leagues from the Havanna on purpose to expedite the preparations. At this time, the royal audience of St Domingo and the brethren of the order of St Jerorimo, being satisfied of our loyalty and great exertions in the service of God and the emperor, sent over the oydor Lucas Vasquez de Aillon to Cuba, with positive injunctions to stop the sailing of the armament against us; but as Velasquez was confident in the support of the bishop of Burgos, he gave no heed to the orders communicated to him by Aillon, who therefore went along with the armament, that he might endeavour as much as possible to prevent injury to the public service by his mediation and influence, and be at hand if necessary, to take possession of the country for the emperor, in virtue of his office.
   Narvaez arrived safe with his whole fleet in the harbour of St Juan de Ulua, except that he lost one small vessel during the voyage. Soon after his arrival, the soldiers who had been sent by Cortes to that part of the country in search of mines, went on board, and it is said gave thanks to God for being delivered from the command of Cortes and the dangers of the city of Mexico. Finding them in this mood, Narvaez ordered them to be plentifully supplied with wine, to make them more communicative. Cervantes the jester, who was one of these soldiers, under pretence of facetiousness, exposed to him all the discontents of our soldiers respecting the distribution of the treasure we had obtained, and informed him also of the bad state of the garrison in Villa Rica under Sandoval. The arrival of this new armament was soon communicated to Montezuma, who concealed the intelligence for some time from Cortes, and opened a private correspondence with Narvaez, to whom he sent many rich presents. Narvaez, in his correspondence with Montezuma, said every thing that was bad against Cortes and his troops, representing the whole of us as outcasts and robbers, and that the emperor, hearing of our evil conduct, and that we detained the great Montezuma in custody, had sent the present expedition for the express purpose of liberating him and putting us all to death. This intelligence gave great satisfaction to Montezuma, who thought we must necessarily be all destroyed, as he had got an exact account of their force represented to him in paintings: He accordingly transmitted very magnificent presents to Narvaez, and could ill conceal the satisfaction he had derived from the intelligence. Montezuma concealed the news of this armament from Cortes, who observed and was astonished at the alteration which it had produced on the kings manners and behaviour. At length however, from the circumstance of Cortes making him two visits in one day, Montezuma became apprehensive of the general procuring intelligence from any other quarter, and told him the news, pretending only to have just heard of it himself. Cortes expressed the utmost joy at the intelligence, and Montezuma shewed him the representations which had been transmitted to him, by which he learnt every thing he wished to know on the subject. He immediately left the king and communicated the intelligence to the troops, who got immediately under arms, and fired several vollies in token of our joy. We soon noticed, however, that Cortes was exceedingly pensive when alone, of which we could not divine the cause; till he soon afterwards convinced us, and explained that the armament was evidently designed against us; and he now, partly by promises and partly by gifts, as from his bounty of what was ours by good right, made interest with us to stand firmly by him in the approaching contest with Narvaez.
   From what had been told him by Cervantes and our other deserters, Narvaez was induced to send a deputation to Sandoval, demanding him to surrender the port of Villa Rica. He appointed three persons on this errand, Guavera a clergyman of abilities, Amarga, a relation of Velasquez, and one Vergara, a scrivener. Sandoval had received information of the arrival of the armament, and prepared to defend his post, as he rightly guessed that it was destined to act against us. He sent off all his invalids to an Indian village at some distance, and exhorting his soldiers to stand by him, he erected a gibbet, and placed a guard on the road to Chempoalla. On the arrival of the deputation from Narvaez at Villa Rica, they were astonished to meet none but Indians, as Sandoval had ordered all the soldiers to remain in their quarters, and remained at home himself; they knew not well how to proceed, but at length guessing by the appearance of the house that it belonged to the governor, they went in. Guavera immediately began the conversation, by representing the greatness of the force under Narvaez, and its object, which was to arrest Cortes and all his followers as traitors, and concluded by summoning Sandoval to surrender himself and his post to general Narvaez. Sandoval was much displeased, and told him, if it were not for the protection of his holy function, he would punish his insolence in calling those traitors who were more faithful subjects than either Narvaez or his employer Velasquez. He desired him to carry his demand to Cortes at Mexico, who would settle the business with him at that place. Guavera insisted to execute the commission on which he was sent, and ordered the scrivener Vergara to produce the authority under which they acted. But Sandoval stopped him, saying, "I know not whether your papers be true or false; but if you attempt to read any here I will order you to receive a hundred lashes." On this, Guavera exclaimed, "Why do you mind these traitors? read your commission." Sandoval, calling him a lying rascal, ordered them all to be seized: On which a number of Indians, who had been previously instructed, came in and threw nets over them, and instantly set out with them on their backs for Mexico, to which they were carried post by relays of Indians, through the several large and populous towns by the way, with a rapidity that confounded them, hardly knowing whether they were alive or dead, the whole seeming as if done by enchantment. Sandoval sent Pedro de Solis to accompany them, by whom he wrote a hasty letter to Cortes, giving him an account of all he knew. When the general got notice of their arrival in Mexico, he ordered us all under arms, released them immediately from their trammels, and made an apology for the rudeness of Sandoval, whom he greatly blamed. He entertained them with great hospitality and respect, giving them plenty of gold, and sent them back in a few days as gentle as lambs, who had come out against him as furious as lions.
   Our general was one whose resources were never exhausted, and it must not be concealed that his officers and soldiers supported him through all his difficulties by our valour in the field and our wisdom in council. On this occasion, we determined that it was proper to send letters to Narvaez and others of the new army, which they might receive previous to the return of Guavera. In these, we earnestly urged that no rash steps might be taken to endanger our general interest, by inciting the Indians to rise upon us; and held out every inducement of interest and friendship to the followers of Narvaez to bring them over to our party, not forgetting to treat secretly with such as we thought might be easiest wrought upon, as both Guavera and Vergara had informed Cortes that Narvaez was by no means on good terms with his officers, among whom gold well applied would work wonders. In his letters to Narvaez, Cortes adjured him by their former friendship, not to give encouragement to the Mexicans to rise and destroy us, seeing that they were ready to have recourse to any extremity to liberate Montezuma, whose dispositions were much altered for the worse since the arrival of this new armament, and the opening a correspondence between him and Narvaez. He was convinced, he said, that the expressions which Narvaez had been reported to use, could never have come from so wise a man, but must have been fabricated by such wretches as the buffoon Cervantes; and he concluded by offering an unlimited submission to the authority of Narvaez. Cortes wrote also to the secretary Andres de Duero, and Lucas Vasques the oydor, taking care to accompany his letters with valuable presents of gold. On receiving the letter from Cortes, Narvaez turned it into ridicule, handing it about among his officers, speaking of us all as traitors whom he would put to death without mercy. He declared he would cut off and eat the ears of Cortes, and a great deal of such braggart nonsense, and of course made no answer to the letters. Just at this time Father Olmedo arrived, bringing with him the private letters and presents. He went in the first place to wait upon Narvaez, intending to assure him that Cortes would be proud to serve under his command; but Narvaez would not listen to him, and did nothing but abuse both Cortes and him. He accordingly desisted from that part of his commission which related to an agreement with Narvaez, and applied himself to the distribution of presents among the officers with so much judgment and success, that he soon won over all the principal officers to our party. If the oydor Vasques was originally disposed to favour Cortes, he was entirely so on seeing the magnificent presents which were now distributed with so much liberality; which formed a striking contrast with the avarice of Narvaez, who used to enjoin his major domo to take heed that not a mantle were missing, as he had marked down every article committed to his charge. This penuriousness set all his officers against him, which he attributed to the intrigues of Vasques; and as there was a difference between them, because Narvaez neglected to inform him respecting every thing sent in by order of Montezuma, of which he ought to have been informed as oydor, an irreconcileable quarrel ensued; and depending on the favour of the bishop of Burgos, Narvaez caused the oydor to be arrested, and sent prisoner to Cuba or Spain, I know not which. But during the voyage, Vasques prevailed on the captain of the ship to land him in Hispaniola, where he so represented the treatment he had received to the Audience and the Jeronimites, that they complained to the council of Castile, but ineffectually, owing to the influence of the bishop of Burgos in favour of Narvaez. About this time too, a gentleman named Oblanco, made remonstrances to Narvaez respecting his violence, saying a good deal in favour of Cortes and his troops, with which Narvaez was so much offended that he threw him into prison; which Oblanco took so much to heart that he died three days after.
   Soon after the arrival of Father Olmedo, Guevara and his two companions returned from Mexico, and launched out in praise of Cortes, reporting the many expressions of respect he had used in speaking of Narvaez; and, commending the services he had already performed to our emperor, they expatiated on the advantages which would result from uniting their forces, instead of fomenting a civil war. All this put Narvaez into such a rage that he refused to see them any more, and commanded them to be silent on this hateful subject. They carried their discourse therefore among their comrades; and when they saw how well furnished with gold these men had returned from Mexico, they began seriously to wish themselves in the army of Cortes.
   Narvaez now quitted the coast with his army and took possession of the town of Chempoalla; immediately on his arrival seizing by force the young women who had been given to the officers of Cortes by their parents, with all the gold and mantles which had been left in the custody of the fat cacique along with the ladies, when we set out on our march to Mexico. When the cacique complained of this to Narvaez, and of the robberies committed by his soldiers, saying that Cortes and his soldiers conducted themselves in quite a different manner, a bragging fellow called Salvatierra exclaimed, "See what fear these Indians are in for the sorry fellow Cortes!" yet this boaster, who was so ready with his tongue, was the most cowardly wretch I ever beheld, when we came afterwards to attack the army of Narvaez. About this time, Narvaez transmitted to Cortes a copy of the commission he had received from the governor of Cuba, the particulars of which I shall detail hereafter. Cortes received regular intelligence of every thing done by Narvaez, partly from the friends he had made in the adverse army and partly from Sandoval, who now informed him that five persons of consideration had joined from the army of Narvaez, who alleged for their reason, that being the relations of the oydor Vasquez, who had met with such injurious treatment, they had little hopes of being themselves well used; and he added, that these persons said Narvaez meant very soon to march to Mexico against us. On this being made known to such of us as Cortes used generally to consult with, he agreed with us in opinion that it was advisable for us to march immediately against Narvaez and his army, leaving the command in Mexico with Alvarado; and we left under his charge all those men who were not inclined to be of the present hazardous expedition, and all whom we suspected to have an inclination for the party of Narvaez or Velasquez. We also left with Alvarado a sufficient supply of provisions, in case the Mexicans should refuse to supply him, and because the late harvest had been deficient, in consequence of too dry a season. Our quarters were strengthened by the addition of a good pallisade, and, besides four heavy guns, we left a garrison of eighty-three men, twenty-four of whom were armed with muskets or cross-bows: a very inadequate force, surely, for keeping the great and populous city of Mexico in awe.
   Previous to our departure, Cortes paid a visit to Montezuma, who questioned him very anxiously about the difference between him and Narvaez, as both were vassals of the same sovereign, and desired an explanation of the charges which the new comers had made against us, that we were outcasts and traitors. He likewise asked if he could serve us in any way, expressing an apprehension of our safety, considering the great superiority under Narvaez. Cortes replied in a cheerful manner, that he had not sooner informed him of our intended departure, lest it might give him concern; that we certainly were all subjects to the same monarch, but that the report of our being traitors and fugitives was utterly false, as we had come into his country with full authority from our sovereign. As to the other party destroying us by their superiority in numbers, that did not depend on them, but on the will of our Lord and his holy mother, who would support us. He added, that our sovereign ruled over many different countries, the inhabitants of some of which were more valiant than those of others; that we were all true Castilians, while the commander of our opponents was a Biscayan, and his majesty would soon see the difference between us, as he trusted by the blessing of God to bring them all back as prisoners. He concluded by recommending in the strongest terms to Montezuma, to use his utmost endeavours to prevent any insurrection in the city during our absence; as, on his return, he would assuredly punish all in a most exemplary manner who behaved amiss. Montezuma promised to do every thing which Cortes required, and even offered to assist us with five thousand of his warriors, which Cortes politely declined, knowing indeed that the king had not that in his power, if he even wished to have done so. Then requesting Montezuma to cause due respect to be paid to that part of the great temple which had been consecrated to the Christian worship, he embraced Montezuma with much cordiality and took leave. He then called Alvarado and the garrison which was to remain in Mexico, all of whom he strictly enjoined to be extremely watchful, and to take special care not to allow Montezuma to escape; promising to make them all rich on his return, if he found they had done their duty. On this occasion of leaving Mexico, he left the clergyman Juan Diaz with Alvarado, and some other persons whose fidelity he questioned.
   We began our march from Mexico in the beginning of May 152021, making our first halt at Cholula. From that place we sent a message to the senate of Tlascala, requiring them to assist us with four thousand of their warriors. They sent us twenty loads of fowls, saying that they were ready at any time to join us in war against Indians, but begged to be excused if we were marching against our own countrymen. At this time likewise, Cortes sent orders to Sandoval to join our little army with the whole of his garrison that was fit for duty, at a place named Tampinequeta or Mitalaquita22, twelve leagues from Chempoalla. We marched in regular order without baggage, having always two confidential soldiers in advance about a days journey, who were directed not to keep the main road, but to go always by those in which cavalry could not march, and whose especial business was to inquire for intelligence respecting the motions of Narvaez, which they were to communicate without delay to Cortes. When we had proceeded a considerable way on our march, one of our advanced parties fell in with four Spaniards belonging to the army of Narvaez, who were bringing to Cortes a copy of his commission and instructions as captain-general in New Spain. On being brought to the general, they saluted him respectfully, and he immediately dismounted in order to hear what they had to say. Alonzo de Mata, who was at the head of the deputation, produced his papers and began to read them; but Cortes stopt him short, demanding if he were a royal notary; as in that case, by shewing his commission, he would be implicitly obeyed, but if he had no such authority, he certainly would not be allowed to read any pretended orders. "The commands of his majesty," said Cortes, "I shall submit to with the utmost humility; but, I desire that the original may be produced." Mata was confounded at these words, as he held no office whatever under the crown, and was entirely at a loss how to proceed. But Cortes relieved him from his embarrassment, telling him our destination, and that he was ready to receive any message from his general, of whom he always spoke with great respect, but would listen to no orders that were not sanctioned by the royal authority. We halted for some time at this place, and Cortes had some private conferences with these agents of Narvaez, with whom he used such powerful arguments that he made them his firm friends. They returned to Chempoalla, quite loud in their praises of Cortes, crying up his generosity to the skies, and made a magnificent report of the riches of our soldiers, many of whom had ornaments of gold on their arms, and some of them gold chains and collars about their necks.
   Next day, Sandoval joined with the garrison of Villa Rica, to the number of about seventy men, with whom came the five Spaniards who had deserted from Narvaez, who were very graciously received by Cortes. Sandoval reported that he had sent two of his soldiers, a little time before into the quarters of Narvaez, who went disguised like Indians, having each a load of fruit for sale, and their complexions so completely resembled the natives that they were never suspected. They went immediately to the quarters of the braggart Salvatierra, who gave them a string of yellow beads for their fruit, and sent them to cut grass for his horse on the banks of a small rivulet. They brought home the last load of grass in the evening, and having fed the horse, they remained about the place till night, listening to the conversation of Salvatierra, whom they heard observing to some of his companions, how luckily they had come at the present moment to deprive the traitor Cortes of the 700,000 crowns which he had obtained from Montezuma. When it was dark, our disguised soldiers got privately out of the house, and took away Salvatierras horse with the saddle and bridle, and meeting another horse by the way, which happened to be lame, they brought it along with them. Cortes laughed heartily at this exploit; and we learned afterwards that Salvatierra gave much amusement to the soldiers of Narvaez, by his absurd behaviour on discovering the trick which had been played upon him.
   It was now resolved in a general consultation of our little army, to send a letter in all our names to Narvaez, by the hands of Father Olmedo, of which the following is the purport: "We had rejoiced on hearing of the arrival of so noble a person with so fine an army, by which we expected great advantages to have been derived to our holy religion and to the service of our sovereign; but on the contrary he had reviled us as traitors, and had occasioned the whole country to revolt. Our general had already offered to resign to him whatever provinces or territories he might be inclined to occupy, but nothing would serve him except treating our general and us as rebels, who had proved ourselves by our actions faithful subjects to the emperor. If he came by the authority of a commission from his majesty, we demanded to see the original within three days, for which purpose we had advanced to this place, and were ready to obey it in all humility and reverence: but, if he had no such authority, we required him to return immediately to Cuba, and not to make any attempt to throw the country which we had conquered into confusion; as otherwise we should deem it our bounden duty to send him as a prisoner to his majesty, to be dealt with according to his royal pleasure. We declared that he was answerable for all the lamentable consequences which might follow from his unlawful conduct; and that we had sent this letter by its present conveyance, since no royal notary could undertake to deliver our remonstrance in due form, after the violence which he had committed against his majesties oydor Vasquez, a treasonable act, the perpetrator of which our general was bound to apprehend and bring to justice, and for which we now cited him to appear and answer for his conduct." This letter was concluded in terms of great respect, and was signed by Cortes, all the captains, and several of the most confidential of the soldiers. It was sent by the reverend Father Olmedo, accompanied by a soldier named Ulagre, whose brother was in the army of Narvaez as commander of his artillery. Olmedo waited on Narvaez with great respect on his arrival at Chempoalla; and proceeded afterwards to execute the secret commission with which he had been entrusted, by a liberal distribution of gold among certain officers of the army of Narvaez, among whom were Rodrigo Mira, Ulagre, and Andres de Duero, which last he invited to pay a visit to Cortes. Narvaez soon began to suspect the real object of Olmedo, and was much inclined to have made him a prisoner: but Duero, who had much influence over Narvaez, both on account of his situation and because they were in some degree related, represented the impropriety of such an outrage against a person of his holy functions, and dissuaded him from doing so. He also suggested to him the great probability of his being able to gain over the soldiers of Cortes to his party, by means of a little policy. By these arguments he appeased Narvaez for the present, and went immediately to Olmedo whom he informed of all that had passed.
   Shortly afterwards, Narvaez sent for Olmedo, who requested to speak with him in private; when he told him good-humouredly that he knew his intentions of making him a prisoner, in which he was much to blame, as there was no one whatever more devoted to his service, and he knew that there were many persons with Cortes, who would gladly see their commander delivered up to his excellency; in proof of which he had a letter which Cortes had written at the suggestion of these very persons who wished to deliver him up; which letter was so full of ridiculous absurdities that he was frequently tempted to throw it away, but would now with his permission lay it before him. He accordingly went, as he pretended for the letter, which he alleged was with his baggage, but in reality to bring Duero and others along with him, that they might witness its delivery. In order to contrive an interview with Cortes, Duero proposed that a communication should be opened between Narvaez and him; and Augustin Bermudez, a secret friend of Cortes, proposed that Duero and Salvatierra should be sent on this business, well knowing the character of Salvatierra to be disinclined to any such employment. It was at last settled that Duero should wait upon Cortes, and invite him to a conference with Narvaez at a convenient place between the two armies, where they might treat of an accommodation and arrange their future measures: And it was resolved that Narvaez should make him prisoner at the conference, for which twenty of his most confidential soldiers were prepared. Duero carried intelligence immediately to Cortes, and Father Olmedo remained at the quarters of Narvaez, having scraped acquaintance with Salvatierra, under pretence of relationship, with whom he dined every day.
   On first learning the arrival of Narvaez, Cortes sent one of his soldiers named Barrientos, who had served in Italy and was well acquainted with the management of the pike, to the province of the Chinantlans, who had lately entered into alliance with us. That nation used lances or pikes much longer than ours, having heads of sharpened stone, and Barrientos was directed to obtain 300 of these lances for our use. There was plenty of excellent copper in the country of the Chinantlans, and Barrientos was directed to get two heads of this metal for each lance, and these were executed so ingeniously that they were better made even than the pattern sent. He also obtained a promise of 2000 warriors of that nation to join us, who were to be armed in the same manner, but they did not arrive till after we had overcome Narvaez. All this being settled, Barrientos arrived at our quarters attended by 200 Chinantlans carrying the lances he had procured. On trial these were found excellent, and we were immediately exercised in their use. A muster was now made of our force, which amounted to two hundred and six men, including fife and drum, with five mounted cavalry, two artillery-men, few cross-bows, and fewer musketeers. This being the force, and such the weapons, with which we marched against and defeated the vastly superior army of Narvaez.
   I have formerly mentioned that the secretary Duero and the contador Lares had negociated the appointment of Cortes as general of our expedition, and that they were to enjoy equal shares with him in all the treasure he should acquire. Lares was some time dead, and Duero seeing how wealthy Cortes had become, used the colour of the proposed treaty between Narvaez and Cortes, in order to have an opportunity of an interview with Cortes, that he might remind him of their agreement. Cortes not only promised faithfully to perform his engagement, but promised him an equal command with himself, and an equal share of territory when the conquest of the country was completed. It was accordingly agreed upon between them, in concurrence with Augustin Bermudez, who was alguazil-major of the army of Narvaez, and many other officers whom I do not name, to get Narvaez put out of the command in favour of Cortes. In order to confirm these in his interest, and to gain over others, Cortes was more liberal than ever in his presents, and on the present occasion loaded the two Indians who attended on Duero with gold. On one of the days of intercourse, after Cortes and Duero had been a considerable time together in private, and had dined, Duero asked him on mounting his horse to go away, if he had any farther commands. To this Cortes replied, "Remember what has been settled between us, or if you don't, I shall be in your quarters before three days, and you shall be the first person at whom I will throw my lance." Duero answered laughing, that he would not fail, and immediately set off for the quarters of Narvaez, where he is reported to have said that Cortes and all his men were ready to submit to the command of Narvaez. Soon after this, Cortes sent for Juan Velasquez de Leon, a person of much consideration, who had always been greatly attached to him, though a near relation of the governor of Cuba. On coming to his quarters, Cortes addressed him in smooth and persuasive terms, which he could always assume at pleasure:-"Duero has informed me that Narvaez is anxious to see you at his quarters, and that it is generally believed I am completely ruined if you go there. Now my worthy friend, I desire you to put on your gold chain, mount your grey mare, take all your gold along with you and more which I will give you; go immediately and fix yourself with Narvaez, and distribute the gold which I confide to you according to my directions." Velasquez was perfectly willing to do as he was desired, but objected to the measure of carrying his own treasure along with him, and after a secret conference with Cortes he set out for Chempoalla. De Leon arrived there by day-break, and as the Indians were rejoiced to see him, the news soon reached Narvaez, who came out to meet and embrace him. After paying his compliments, Velasquez said his only object there was to endeavour to make an amicable arrangement between Narvaez and Cortes; upon which Narvaez took him aside and asked him how he could propose to treat for such a traitor? Velasquez desired that no such injurious epithet might be used in his presence, as Cortes was a most zealous and faithful officer. Narvaez then offered to make him second in command under himself if he would renounce Cortes; but Velasquez declared he would never quit one who had done such signal services for God and the emperor.
   By this time all the principal officers in the army of Narvaez had come up to salute Velasquez, who was an universal favourite, as he was very polite and well bred, and had a fine person and handsome countenance. At this time he cut a fine martial figure, as he had a massy gold chain which made two turns round his body and over his shoulders, so that he impressed every one with respect. Bermudez the alguazil-major and Duero wished much to have had some private communication with Velasquez; but just at this time Captain Gamarra, Juan Yuste, Juan Buono, and Salvatierra the braggadocio, persuaded Narvaez to give private orders for taking Velasquez into custody, for having spoken so boldly in defence of Cortes; but the others who had come over to the interest of Cortes, strongly represented the impropriety and impolicy of such rash conduct, and Narvaez again spoke in a friendly manner to Velasquez, whom he invited to dine with him, and entreated his assistance to bring Cortes and the rest of us into his power. Velasquez now agreed to forward this design, but represented Cortes as headstrong and resolute, advising that Narvaez and he should divide the country between them, each taking separate provinces. At this time Olmedo came up, and advised Narvaez to order his troops under arms, that Velasquez might see them and report to Cortes, who would be terrified when he knew their strength. The troops were accordingly turned out in review order, and Velasquez complimented Narvaez on their number and martial appearence, wishing him an increase of his power. Narvaez said he hoped Velasquez was now satisfied how easily he could crush Cortes and his despicable force; to which Velasquez replied, he hoped they knew how to defend themselves.
   Velasquez dined next day with Narvaez, where a captain in his army who was nephew to the governor of Cuba happened to be, who used very insulting language respecting Cortes. On this Velasquez requested of Narvaez, that such insulting language might not be allowed in his hearing; but the other gentleman continued his abuse, and even took great liberties with Velasquez himself; who, laying his hand on his sword, asked permission from Narvaez to chastise that base liar. The other officers who were present interfered to prevent mischief, and advised both Velasquez and Olmedo to retire. Velasquez accordingly mounted his excellent grey mare, in his helmet and coat of mail, with his gold chain about his shoulders, and took leave of Narvaez, who returned his salute with apparent coldness. The young captain was again very violent in his abuse; on which Velasquez swore by his beard, that he should see in a few days what stuff he was made of. Then, taking a hasty leave of the bystanders, he put spurs to his good grey mare and was soon out of sight, as he had some hint or suspicion that Narvaez might send after him, and even saw some horsemen following him apparently for that purpose, but he was too well mounted for their pursuit.
   In about two hours after Velasquez had left our camp to visit Narvaez, the drum beat to arms, and our little army set forwards on our march for Chempoalla. We killed two wild hogs on our way, which our soldiers considered as a good omen of our ultimate success. We halted for the night on the side of a rivulet, having the ground for a bed, stones for our pillows, and heaven for our canopy, and arrived next day at the place where the city of Vera Cruz is now built, which was then an Indian village in a grove of trees. Being mid-day and the weather extremely sultry, we stopped here for rest and refreshment, being much fatigued by the weight of our lances and armour. While here, a report was brought from one of our out-posts that some horsemen were in sight, who turned out to be Velasquez and Olmedo, who were received by Cortes, and all of us with much joy, and we all came round them to hear the news. Velasquez told Cortes in what manner he had executed his commission and distributed the presents among the officers of Narvaez. Then our merry Father Olmedo gave an account by what finesse he had persuaded Narvaez to read our letter; how he had made the foolish braggart Salvatierra believe they were cousins, and of the ridiculous bravadoes he uttered, as how he would kill Cortes and all of us in revenge for the loss of his horse; then how he had prevailed on Narvaez to turn out his troops in review, merely to laugh at him; and in all these stories he mimicked Narvaez and Salvatierra most admirably, so that we laughed and enjoyed ourselves as if going to a wedding-feast, though we well knew that on the morrow we must conquer or die, having to attack five times our number. Such is the fortune of war! After the heat of the day was over, we proceeded on our march, and halted for the night at a river about a league from Chempoalla, where there is now a bridge and a dairy farm.

   After the departure of Father Olmedo and Velasquez from the quarters of Narvaez, some of his officers gave him warning of the secret practices going on, and advised him to be on his guard, as Cortes had many friends in his army. The fat cacique of Chempoalla, being terrified for being called to account by Cortes for delivering up the women and mantles that had been confided to his care, was extremely vigilant in watching all our motions. Finding that we drew near Chempoalla, he said to Narvaez, "Why are you so careless! Malinatzin and his teules will come upon you by surprise and put you all to death." Narvaez, being confident in his vast superiority, laughed heartily at the fears of the fat cacique, yet did not neglect the warning. In the first place, he declared war against us as rebels, with fire, sword, and rope, and then drew up his whole army, cavalry, artillery, and infantry, in a plain about a quarter of a league from Chempoalla, where he resolved to wait for us; all of which we learned from a soldier, named El Galleguillo, who either deserted to us, or was sent by Duero to Cortes. The day happened to be very rainy, and the troops of Narvaez, being unaccustomed to hardships, and despising our small number, became restless and dissatisfied with their situation, on which his officers advised him to march them back to quarters, which he did, placing all his guns in a line before the house in which he lodged. He likewise placed a grand guard of forty cavalry on the road by which we were expected to advance, and some cavalry videts and active foot soldiers at the ford where we must pass on our way to Chempoalla. Twenty of his cavalry were also appointed to patrole during the whole night around his quarters. All this was done by the advice of his officers, who were anxious to get under cover, and who alleged it was absurd to suppose that Cortes would venture to attack them with so pitiful a handful of men, and that he only advanced from ostentation, or to induce them to come to an agreement. On returning to quarters, Narvaez publickly offered a reward of two thousand crowns to whoever should kill Cortes or Sandoval; and he stationed as spies at the ford, Gonzalo Carrasco, who now dwells in La Puebla, and a soldier named Hurtado. He also filled his own quarters, and those of Salvatierra, Gamarra, and Buono, with musketeers, crossbow-men, and soldiers armed with partizans or halberts.
   On arriving at the river which runs through the rich meadows about a league from Chempoalla, having appointed trusty out-guards, Cortes summoned all his officers and soldiers round him, and addressed us as follows: "Gentlemen! you well know that the governor of Cuba selected me as your general, although there are many among you as worthy of the command. You also know that it was publickly proclaimed and believed among us, that we were to conquer and colonize this country, whereas our instructions were only to barter with the natives for gold. You will recollect my determination to have returned to Cuba, to give an account of my mission to Velasquez, when I was required by you to remain and colonize the country for his majesties service, appointing me your captain-general and chief magistrate, till his majesties pleasure was made known, and that we have in consequence essentially served God, and the interest of our sovereign. I beg leave to remind you, that we have written to the king, giving him a full account of this country, and all that we have done and suffered for his service, requesting that the government might not be conferred on any unworthy person, and how we transmitted all the treasure to his majesty that we had obtained. You likewise know, that fearing the arts and influence of the bishop of Burgos and his favourite Velasquez, we came to a resolution to maintain his majesties rights and government in this country, till his royal mandate, duly authenticated, should be produced to us. I must now remind you to what dangers you have been exposed in various sanguinary battles, what hardships you have suffered from hunger and fatigue, and the inclemencies of the weather, having often been obliged to sleep on the ground in rain, wind, and snow, during all which, above fifty of your companions have died, and many of your own wounds are still unhealed. I recal to your remembrance, your numerous sufferings by sea and land, and the perils of Tabasco, Tlascala, and Cholula, where the boilers were already on the fires in which your limbs were to have been prepared for the barbarous repast of your savage enemies. And lastly, your hazardous entry into Mexico, the seizure of its powerful sovereign, and its occupation in the face of an immense and warlike population for more than six months. Let me now state the reward of all these dangerous and brilliant services. Narvaez is sent here by your enemies the governor of Cuba and bishop of Burgos, to strip you of your well-earned fame and dear-bought treasures. By aspersing your characters with the great Montezuma he has occasioned the defection of the natives who had submitted to our government, and he proclaims exterminating war against us with fire, sword, and rope, as if we were infidel Moors." He said a great deal more to the same purpose, exalting our merits and valour to the skies, and after a profusion of compliments and promises, he concluded by observing that this Narvaez, who had come to deprive us of our lives and properties, and had imprisoned the royal oydor for endeavouring to defend us, only held his command through the favour of our great enemy the bishop of Burgos; and it became us therefore, as faithful subjects, to make a bold stand in defence of the royal rights, and our own lives and properties: He therefore now wished to know our determination on the subject.
   The whole officers and soldiers declared unanimously that we were ready to follow him, and determined to conquer or die. We desired, therefore, that we might hear no more said about an accommodation with Narvaez, or a partition of the country; as in that case we would plunge our swords into his body, and elect another chief. Cortes highly extolled our spirited declaration, saying that he expected no less from men of our valour; adding a multitude of fine promises and flattering assurances that he would make us all rich and great. Then adverting to the approaching attack, he earnestly enjoined us to observe the strictest discipline, and the most profound silence, observing that success in battle often depended a great deal more on prudent conduct and precise obedience, than on the most determined bravery: He well knew, he said, that our ardour would prompt every one of us to strive who should be most forward in the battle, but it was indispensably necessary that we should be distributed into companies, having each our distinct duties to perform. The first thing necessary to be done, was to seize the enemies artillery, and for this duty he selected seventy soldiers, among whom I was one, over whom he appointed to the command his relation Pizarro, an active young man, but then as little known to fame as the kingdom of Peru. Our farther orders were, as soon as we had got possession of the guns, that we were to join and support the detachment which was to attack the quarters of Narvaez. This duty was assigned to Sandoval at the head of seventy select men; and, as he was alguazil-major of our army, he was provided with a formal warrant to arrest the body of Pamphilo de Narvaez, for having imprisoned an officer of his majesty, and to put him to death in case of resistance. Cortes also promised a reward of three thousand crowns to the first soldier who should lay hands on Narvaez, two thousand to the second, and one thousand to the third. Juan Velasquez de Leon was appointed with a third body of seventy men, to seize his relation Diego Velasquez; and Cortes retained a body of reserve of twenty men, to act whatever he might see occasion, and in particular to support the intended attack on the quarters of Narvaez and Salvatierra, which were in the lofty temple of Chempoalla23. Having thus arranged the troops and instructed our leaders, he addressed us in a short speech, saying, That he well knew the army of Narvaez was four times more numerous than we, but they were unaccustomed to arms, and many of them ill; he trusted therefore in this unexpected attack, that God would give us victory, and that it was better to die gloriously than to live dishonoured. I have often reflected on this circumstance, that in all his addresses to us, he never once mentioned a word respecting those in the army of Narvaez who were our friends; in which he acted the part of a wise commander, making us to rely entirely on our own prowess, without counting on any assistance. Our three detachments were now formed, having each their captains at their head, explaining to us our particular duties, while we mutually encouraged each other to hope for victory. Pizarro, our leader, directed us to rush forwards upon the guns, with our lances at the charge, and immediately on getting possession, the artillery-men who were attached to our division, were to point and fire them against the quarters of Narvaez. Those who happened at this moment to be deficient in defensive armour, would have given every thing they had in the world for a morion, a helmet, or a breast-plate. Our countersign for the engagement was Spiritu Santo, that of Narvaez Santa Maria. Just before marching, Captain Sandoval, who had always been my intimate friend, called me aside, and made me promise, if I survived the capture of the guns, I should seek out and attach myself to him during the rest of the battle.
   All things being arranged, we remained waiting the order to march, and reflecting with much anxiety on what was before us. I was stationed at an advanced post, where soon afterwards a patrole came to me, asking if I had heard any thing, to which I answered that I had not. A corporal came up to my post soon after, who said that Galleguillo, the deserter from Narvaez, was missing, and was suspected of having come among us as a spy, for which reason Cortes had given orders to march immediately. The drum was soon heard beating for us to fall in, and the captains were calling over their companies. We joined the column, and soon after found the missing soldier sleeping under some mantles to relieve his fatigue, as he had not been accustomed to hardships. We marched on at a quick pace, and in profound silence, and on arriving at the river, surprised the two videts of Narvaez, one of whom we made prisoner, and the other flying into the town before us, spread the alarm of our approach. Owing to rain the river was deeper than usual, and the ford was difficult to pass, from loose stones and the weight of our armour. Carrasco the videt, whom we had taken, exclaimed to Cortes, "Do not advance, Senior Cortes, for Narvaez and all his force is drawn out to receive you." We proceeded, however, with all expedition, and on coming to the town, heard the other man who had escaped giving the alarm, and Narvaez calling on his officers to turn out. Our company was at the head of the column; and rushing on with charged lances, we soon made ourselves masters of the guns, the artillery-men having only time to discharge four, one only of which took effect, and killed three of our men. Our whole force now advanced, and brought down seven of the enemies cavalry; but we could not for some time quit the guns, as the enemy kept up a smart discharge of musketry and arrows from the quarters of Narvaez. Sandoval and his company pressed forwards to climb the steps of the temple, in which attempt he was resisted by the enemy, with musketry, partizans, and lances, and was even forced down six or seven steps. At this time, seeing that the artillery was no longer in danger of being rescued, our company, with Captain Pizarro at their head, went to the assistance of Sandoval, when we jointly made the enemy give ground in their turn; and at this critical moment I heard Narvaez crying out, "Santa Maria assist me! they have slain me, and beat out one of my eyes!" On hearing this we shouted out, "Victory! victory! for the Espiritu Santo! Narvaez is dead!" Still we were unable to force our way into the temple, till Martin Lopez, who was very tall, set the thatch on fire, and forced those within to rush down the steps to save themselves from being burnt to death. Sanches Farfan laid hold on Narvaez, whom we carried prisoner to Sandoval, along with several other captive captains, continually shouting, "Victory! victory! Long live the king and Cortes! Narvaez is slain!"
   While this was going on with us, Cortes and the rest of our army were engaged with some of the enemy who occupied some other lofty temples. When the cause of our shouts was understood, Cortes notified to them the fall of their commander, proclaiming that all who did not instantly submit should be put to death; yet those who were in the temple, commanded by Diego Velasquez and Salvatierra would not submit, till Sandoval with half of our body, and the captured guns, forced his way into the temple and made them all prisoners. Sandoval now returned to take charge of Narvaez, who was doubly ironed; and we now, had in custody besides him, Salvatierra, Diego Velasquez, Gamarra, Juan Yuste, Juan Buono, and many other principal persons. At this time Cortes came in unobserved, extremely fatigued; and addressing Sandoval, said it was impossible to describe the labour he had experienced; then asked, "What has become of Narvaez?" Sandoval told him that Narvaez was here safe. Cortes then said, "Son Sandoval, keep good watch over him and the other officers." After which he hastened away, and caused proclamation to be made, that all should lay down their arms and submit. The whole of this happened during the night, during which there were frequent showers, with intervals of moon-shine; but at the moment of attack it was extremely dark, with multitudes of fire flies, which the soldiers of Narvaez mistook for the lighted matches of our musketry. Narvaez was badly wounded, and had one of his eyes beaten out, on which account he requested to send for Master Juan the surgeon; and while he was getting his eye dressed Cortes entered the room, when Narvaez said to him: "Senior Cortes! thank your good fortune for having made me your prisoner." Cortes answered, That his thanks were due to God and his valiant soldiers, who had succeeded in more difficult achievements since they came to New Spain; and he considered the arrest of the royal oydor was more daring than our present attack. He then left the room, with strict injunctions to Sandoval to keep strict guard. Narvaez and the rest of the captured officers were removed into a more secure apartment, where I and some other confidential soldiers were appointed for their guard, and Sandoval gave me a private order to allow no one to speak with Narvaez.
   Cortes knew that forty of the enemies cavalry were still at an outpost on the river, and that it was necessary to keep a good look out, lest they might attack us for the rescue of their officers. He sent, therefore, De Oli and De Ordas to speak with them, on two horses which were found fastened in a wood, and guided by one of the soldiers of Narvaez. By their arguments and fair promises, the horsemen were all persuaded to submit, and came back with them for that purpose to the town. It was now clear day, and Cortes was seated in an arm-chair, with an orange-coloured mantle over his shoulders, and his arms by his side, surrounded by his officers and soldiers. He received the salutations of the cavaliers, as they came up successively to kiss his hand, with amazing affability, embracing them all most cordially, and politely complimenting them. Among these were Bermudez, Duero, and several others, who were secretly his friends already. Each of the cavaliers, after paying his respects, went to the quarters assigned for their lodgings. Ever since day-break, the drums, fifes, and timbals of the army of Narvaez never ceased their music in honour of Cortes, though none of us had spoken a word to them on the subject. A comical fellow of a negro, who belonged to the band, danced for joy, shouting out; "Where are your Romans now? They never achieved so glorious a victory with such small numbers!" We could not silence these noisy fellows, till Cortes ordered them to be confined. In this action, a gentleman of Seville, and standard-bearer to Narvaez, Roxas, one of his captains, and two others, were killed, and many wounded; one also of the three who deserted from us to him was killed, and several wounded. The fat cacique also, who took refuge in the quarters of Narvaez on our approach, was wounded, and Cortes ordered him to his house, to be there well taken care of. As for Salvatierra, who had made so many boasts, his own soldiers said they never saw so pitiful a fellow. When he heard our drum he was in a terrible fright, and when we shouted out victory, he declared he had a pain at his stomach, and could fight no more. Diego Velasquez, who was wounded, was taken by his relation Juan Velasquez de Leon to his own quarters, where he was well taken care of, and treated with the utmost attention24.
   The reinforcement of warriors which Cortes had been promised from Chinantla, marched into Chempoalla soon after the conclusion of the action, under the command of Barrientos, who had marshalled them in a very shewy manner, in regular files, lancemen and archers alternately, 1500 in number, accompanied with colours, drums, and trumpets, and making a most warlike appearance, to the great astonishment of the soldiers of Narvaez, who thought they were double the number. Our general received them with much courtesy, and as their services were no longer needed, he made them handsome presents, and dismissed them with thanks.
   The army of Narvaez being now secured, Cortes sent F. de Lugo to order all the captains and pilots of the fleet to come to Chempoalla, and directed all the ships to be dismantled, to cut off all communication with Cuba. One Barahona, afterwards an inhabitant of Guatimala, had been confined by Narvaez, and was now set at liberty, who was in a very weak state when he joined us. The captains and pilots of the fleet came on shore to pay their respects, and Cortes bound them all by oath not to leave him, appointing Pedro Cavallero, one of their number, admiral of the whole fleet now in his possession; and, as more ships were expected from Cuba, gave him orders to dismantle them all as they arrived, and to send the captains and pilots to head-quarters. All these important matters being arranged, and his authority completely established, Cortes proceeded to such measures as seemed proper for extending and securing the conquest and discovery of New Spain. For this purpose, Velasquez de Leon was appointed to conduct an expedition to the river of Panuco, with 220 soldiers, 20 of which were taken from among ourselves, and 100 from the soldiers of Narvaez: And was to be accompanied by two ships, on purpose to extend the discovery of the coast. Diego de Ordas, was appointed with a similar force, to establish a colony in the province of Guacocualco, or Coatzacualco; and as that country was well adapted for breeding cattle, he was directed to send to Jamaica for horses, mares, bulls, and cows, for the purpose of establishing an independent supply in the country. All the prisoners were released, except Narvaez and Salvatierra, who still had the pain in his stomach. Cortes also gave orders to restore all their horses and arms to the soldiers of Narvaez, which gave us all much dissatisfaction, but we were obliged to submit. On this occasion I had to resign a good horse with a saddle and bridle, two swords, three daggers, and a shield. Avila and Father Olmedo, speaking on this subject to Cortes, said he resembled Alexander the Great, who was always more generous to the vanquished, than to his own conquering soldiers. Indeed as fast as Cortes received gold or other valuables, he gave away all to the captains of the other army, quite forgetful of us who had made him what he was. Cortes protested that he and all he had was entirely devoted to our service, as he would shew by his future conduct; but that his present procedure was necessary for our common interest and safety, we being so few, and the others so numerous. Avila, who was of a lofty disposition, remonstrated in an imperious manner, and Cortes was forced to dissemble with him at the time, knowing him to be a brave man; he pacified him therefore with presents and flattering promises, to prevent any violence, but took care in future to employ him in distant business, as his agent first in Hispaniola, and afterwards in Spain.
   There happened to come over in the army of Narvaez, a negro who was ill of the small-pox, a most unfortunate circumstance for the people of New Spain, as the disease spread with astonishing rapidity through the country, and destroyed the natives by thousands, as they used to throw themselves into cold water in the height of the disease, with the nature of which they were utterly unacquainted. Thus multitudes of unfortunate souls were hurried into eternity, without an opportunity of being received into the bosom of the holy Catholic church. At this time, such of our soldiers as had been in distant garrisons, applied to Cortes to receive their shares of the gold which had been got in Mexico. As far as I can remember, he referred them to a place in Tlascala, desiring that two persons might be sent to receive it at that place; and I shall have occasion to mention the result hereafter

SECTION X. Occurrences, from the Defeat of Narvaez, 26th May 1520, to the Expulsion of the Spaniards from Mexico, on the 1st, and the Battle of Otumba on the 4th of July of the same Year
   The wheel of fortune is ever in motion, evil following closely upon good. This was strongly exemplified with us at this time, as our late successes were speedily followed by melancholy news from Mexico by express, informing us that an insurrection had broke out in that city, that Alvarado was besieged in his quarters, which the natives had set on fire, after killing seven of his men and wounding many; for which reason Alvarado earnestly entreated immediate succour. It is not to be expressed how much this news afflicted us all. In consequence of this distressing intelligence, Cortes countermanded the expeditions which were to have marched under De Leon and De Ordas, and determined upon an immediate forced march to Mexico. We left Narvaez and Salvatierra as prisoners at Villa Rica, under the charge of Roderigo Rangel, who was likewise directed to collect all the stragglers, and to take care of the invalids, who were numerous: Just as we were ready to march, four principal nobles arrived from the court of Montezuma, who made a heavy complaint against Alvarado, who had assaulted them while dancing at a solemn festival in honour of their gods, which had been held by his permission, and stating that they had been constrained to take up arms in their own defence, during which seven of the Spanish soldiers were slain. Cortes made them a short answer, saying that he would shortly be at Mexico, when he would make proper inquiry and set all to rights, with which answer they had to return to Montezuma, who was much displeased with the insulting tone in which it was given, more especially as a great number of his subjects had been killed by Alvarado. Before commencing our march, Cortes made a speech to the soldiers of Narvaez, exhorting them to forget all past animosities, and not to let the present opportunity be lost of serving both his majesty and themselves; and by way of inducement, gave them a magnificent picture of the riches of Mexico, to a participation in which their faithful conduct would entitle them. They one and all declared their resolution to obey his orders, and to proceed immediately to Mexico, which they would hardly have agreed to if they had known its strength, and the numerous martial population of that city.
   We arrived at Tlascala by very long marches, where we were informed that the Mexicans had made incessant attacks on Alvarado, until Montezuma and they received intelligence of the defeat of Narvaez; after which they had desisted, leaving the Spaniards in great distress, owing to excessive fatigue from their continual exertions, and much in want of water and provisions. At Tlascala, Cortes made a general muster and inspection of our army, which now amounted to thirteen hundred men, of whom nearly an hundred were cavalry, and a hundred and sixty armed with muskets and crossbows. We were here joined by two thousand Tlascalan warriors, and marched from hence to Tezcuco, where we were very ill received, every thing bearing the appearance of disaffection.
   On St John's day, 24th of June 1520, we again entered Mexico25, where we met with a very different reception from what we had experienced on our former entry, on the 8th November 1519, seven months and a half before. Not one of the nobles of our acquaintance came now to meet us, and the whole city seemed to have been deserted by its inhabitants. On entering our quarters, Montezuma advanced to embrace Cortes, and to congratulate him on his victory; but our general turned from him with disdain, and would neither speak to him nor listen to his address, on which the king returned to his apartment much cast down. Cortes made inquiry into the causes and circumstances of the late commotion, from all of which it was evident that it had neither been instigated nor approved by Montezuma; as if he had chosen to act against our garrison, they might all have been as easily destroyed as only seven. Alvarado said, that the Indians were enraged at the detention of their sovereign, and by the erection of the cross in their temple; and that when they went, as they said by order of their gods, to pull it down, all their strength was unable to move it from its place; and that Montezuma had strictly enjoined them to desist from all such attempts. In justification of himself, Alvarado alleged that the friends and subjects of Montezuma had planned the attack upon him for the liberation of their sovereign, at the time when they believed Cortes and his army had been destroyed by Narvaez: And being questioned why he had fallen on the Mexicans, while holding a festival in honour of their gods, he pretended that he had intelligence of their hostile intentions from a priest and two nobles, and thought it safest to be beforehand with them. When pressed by Cortes to say whether the Mexicans had not asked and obtained his permission to hold that festival, he acknowledged it was so, and that he had fallen upon them by anticipation, that he might terrify them into submission, and prevent them from going to war with the Spaniards. Cortes was highly displeased with the conduct of Alvarado, and censured him in the strongest terms.
   Alvarado alleged that during one of the attacks of the Mexicans on his quarters, he had endeavoured to fire off one of his guns and could not get the priming to take fire; but sometime afterwards, when they were in great danger, the gun went off of itself and made prodigious havock among the enemy, who were thus miraculously repulsed, and the Spaniards saved from inevitable destruction. He said also, that the garrison being in great distress for water, they sank a pit in one of the courts, when immediately a spring of the sweetest water sprung up. I know that there was a spring in the city which often produced tolerably fresh water26. Glory be to GOD for all his mercies! Some alleged that Alvarado was excited to this attack by avarice, in order to plunder the Indians of their golden ornaments during the festival; but I am satisfied his attack proceeded from a mistaken idea of preventing insurrection by terror. It is certain, that even after the massacre at the temple, Montezuma used every endeavour to prevent his subjects from attacking our people: but they were so enraged that nothing could restrain their eager thirst for vengeance.
   During our march, Cortes had launched out to the new comers in warm eulogiums on the riches of Mexico, the power and influence which he had acquired, and the respect and obedience of the Mexicans, filling them with promises and expectations of enjoying gold in abundance. From the negligent coldness of his reception in Tezcuco, and the similar appearances in Mexico, he became vexed, disappointed, and peevish; insomuch, that when the officers of Montezuma came to wait upon him, and expressed the wishes of their master to see him, Cortes exclaimed angrily: "Away with the dog, wherefore does he neglect to supply us." The captains De Leon, De Oli, and De Lugo, happening to be present on this occasion, entreated him to remember the former kindness and generosity of the Mexican sovereign, and to treat him with moderation. This only seemed to irritate Cortes so much the more, as it appeared to censure his conduct, and he indignantly answered: "What obligations am I under to the wretch, who plotted secretly against me with Narvaez, and who now neglects to supply us with provisions?" The captains admitted that this ought to be done, and Cortes being full of confidence in the great military power he now commanded, continued a haughty demeanour to the Mexican noblemen who still waited his pleasure. Turning therefore to them, he desired them to tell their master, that he must immediately order markets to be held, and provisions to be supplied for his troops, or to beware of the consequences. These lords understood the general import of the injurious expressions which Cortes had used against Montezuma, and made a faithful report to him of all that passed. Whether it may have proceeded from rage on account of these opprobrious expressions against their sovereign, or from a plan previously concerted to fall upon us, I know not, but within a quarter of an hour, a soldier dangerously wounded came running into our quarters, and reported that the whole people were in arms against us. This man had been sent by Cortes to bring over to our quarters the daughter of Montezuma and other Indian ladies, who had been left under the charge of the cacique of Tacuba, when we marched against Narvaez. He was returning with these ladies, when the people attacked him in great numbers on the causeway of Tacuba, where they had broken down one of the bridges, and had once seized him, and were forcing him into a canoe to carry him off to be sacrificed; but he extricated himself by a violent effort, and got away with two dangerous wounds.
   Cortes immediately ordered out a detachment of 400 men under Ordas, to see what was the matter, and to endeavour to pacify the people; but he had hardly proceeded the length of a street, when he was assailed by immense numbers of the natives, some in the street, and others from the terraced tops of the houses, who killed eight of his men on the first discharge of missiles, and wounded mostly the whole of his men, himself in three places. Finding it impossible to proceed, Ordas retreated slowly towards our quarters, and soon after lost another soldier, who did astonishing feats of valour with a two-handed sword. The streets were so crowded with enemies, and we were so incessantly attacked in front and rear, and from the roofs, that for a long while he was unable to force his way. Neither the effect of our fire-arms, nor the most efficacious use of our other arms could deter the natives from closing in upon us hand to hand, and foot to foot; but at length Ordas forced his way back, having lost in all twenty-three of his men. Our quarters were attacked by prodigious multitudes at the same moment that the attack on Ordas began, and they poured in such incessant discharges of missile weapons, that they soon wounded above forty-six of our men, of whom twelve afterwards died. Even after the retreat of Ordas, the enemy continued their attacks, and at length set fire to various parts of the buildings forming our quarters, thinking to burn us alive or to stifle us with smoke; and we were reduced to the necessity of tearing down some parts of the building, and to throw earth upon other parts, to extinguish the fire. All the courts and open places of our quarters were thickly strewed with arrows, stones, and darts, which had been thrown at us; and we were occupied the whole day and night, in repelling the incessant assaults, repairing the breaches in our defences, dressing our wounds, and preparing for future assaults. At dawn of the ensuing morning, we sallied out with our whole force, determined to conquer or to impress them with respect. The Mexicans met us with the utmost resolution, and though we fought almost in despair, their numbers were so immense, and they continually brought up such strong reinforcements of fresh troops, that even if we had all been Hectors or Orlandos, we could not have forced them to give ground. It is quite impossible to give any adequate idea of the obstinacy and violence of this battle. Though in every reiterated charge we brought down thirty or forty of the enemy, it had no effect, as they returned upon us with more violence and desperation than before; our musketry and cannon made no impression that was not instantly replaced; and if at any time they gave ground, it was only to draw us farther from our quarters, to make our destruction more sure. In the midst of all this, the stones and darts which were launched upon us from the terraces of the house tops did us astonishing injury. Some of our soldiers who had been in the wars of Italy declared, that neither among Christians or Turks, nor even in the French artillery, had they ever seen such desperate fighting as now among these Indians. We were at length forced to retreat to our quarters, which we reached with infinite difficulty, after losing ten or twelve of our men killed, and almost every one of us severely wounded.
   After our return, we were busily occupied in preparing for a general sally on the next day after but one, with four military engines of strong timber like towers, each of which was calculated to contain twenty-five men under cover, with portholes for the artillery, and for muskets and crossbows. During this interval we had likewise to repair the breaches which the Mexicans had made in our walls, and to resist their attempts to scale them, often in twenty places at once. The Mexicans constantly used the most injurious language against us; saying that the voracious animals in the great temple had been kept fasting for two days, that they might be ready to devour our bodies, when we were sacrificed to their gods. They assured us at the same time that our allies were to be put into cages to fatten, and that they would soon recover our ill got treasure. Sometimes they adjured us in the most plaintive terms to restore their king to liberty, and they annoyed us without ceasing by flights of arrows, constantly shouting and whistling. On the ensuing morning at day-break, having first recommended ourselves to GOD, we sallied out from our quarters with the turrets, such as I have seen in other places, and called mantas or burros. Our column was headed by a party of musketeers and crossbow-men, and our cavalry on our flanks, occasionally charging the enemy. Our purpose was to assail the great temple, which by its elevation and strong enclosures, served as a citadel to the Mexicans, and we advanced therefore in that direction, accompanied by our turrets; but the enemy resisted all our efforts with the most determined obstinacy. I will not attempt to relate all the circumstances of this desperate battle, or the difficulty which we had to encounter in driving the enemy from a very strong house which they occupied. The arrows of the Mexicans wounded many of our horses, notwithstanding that they wore defensive armour; and when our cavalry attempted at any time to charge or to pursue the enemy, they threw themselves into the canals, while others sallied out from the houses on both sides with long lances, assailing our people in the rear and on both flanks. It was utterly impossible for us to burn the houses, or to pull them down, as they all stood singly in the water, communicating only by means of draw-bridges; and it was too dangerous for us to attempt reaching them by swimming, as they showered vollies of stones upon us by slings, and threw large stones upon our heads from the terraces of their house tops. Even when a house was set on fire, it was very long of taking effect; and even when we succeeded, the flames could not communicate to the other houses, as they were all separated by canals, and their roofs were terraced, not thatched.
   At length we reached the great temple, into which four thousand of the Mexicans immediately rushed, independent of other large bodies who were previously stationed there for its defence. They defended their temple with the most obstinate valour, and for some time prevented us from being able to ascend, our turrets, musketry, and cavalry, being of no avail to force them to give ground. The pavements of the temple courts were so smooth, that the horses fell when our cavalry attempted to charge. They opposed us in front from the steps of the great temple, and assailed us with such fury on both flanks and in the rear, that though our guns swept off a dozen or fifteen of them at every discharge, and though in each charge of our infantry we killed many of them with our swords and lances, they continually filled up the chasms we had made among them, and their numbers and resolution were so great that we could not make any permanent or effectual impression. We were even forced to abandon our mantas or turrets, which the enemy had demolished. At length, by a desperate effort, we forced our way up the steps, and in this assault Cortes shewed himself a hero. Our battle in this place was most desperate, every man among us being covered with blood, and above forty of our number lay dead on the spot. We reached with infinite difficulty the place where we had formerly set up the image of the blessed Virgin, which was not to be found, as it had been removed by order of Montezuma, either through fear or from devotion to his idols. We set fire to the buildings, and burnt down a part of the temples of Huitzilopochtli and Tezcatlipoca; and while some of us were employed in setting fire to the buildings, and others fighting, in which our Tlascalan allies seconded us most gallantly, above three thousand Mexican nobles, headed by their priests, made a most severe attack, and drove us down eight or ten of the steps. Others of the enemy from the corridors, or within the railings and concavities of the temple, assailed us on every side with arrows and other missiles, so that we were unable even to maintain the ground we had gained. We were constrained therefore to retreat, every man of us being wounded, and forty-six of our number slain. We regained our quarters with the utmost difficulty, which the enemy had almost gained possession of, as they had been continually endeavouring to carry them by assault during our absence, or to set them on fire. But they desisted in a great measure from the assault on our arrival, yet continued to throw in perpetual showers of arrows, darts, and stones. In the course of this most terrible engagement, we made two of the chief priests prisoners, whom we carried along with us to our quarters. I have often seen representations of this battle in Mexican paintings, both at Mexico and Tlascala, in which the various incidents were represented in a very lively manner. Our ascent to the great temple; the setting the temple on fire; the numerous warriors defending it in the corridors, from behind the rails, and in the concavities, and others on the plain ground, in the courts of the temple, and on all sides of us; many of our men being represented as dead, and all of us covered with wounds. In these paintings, the destruction of our turrets is conspicuously represented as a most heroic achievement.
   The night which succeeded this unfortunate battle was passed by us in a most melancholy state; repairing the breaches which had been made in the walls of our quarters, dressing our wounds, burying our slain companions, and consulting upon measures for extricating us from our present almost hopeless situation. The followers of Narvaez heaped maledictions on Cortes for leading them to Mexico, and Velasquez came in for an ample share of their abuse, for having induced them to quit their peaceful habitations in Cuba. The enemy assembled around us again at day-break, and assailed our quarters with greater fury than ever, insomuch that our fire-arms were insufficient to repel them, though they mowed them down in great numbers. In this desperate situation, Cortes sent for Montezuma, whom he desired to address his subjects from a terrace, desiring them to desist from their attacks, assuring them that we would immediately evacuate the city. On receiving this message, Montezuma burst into tears, exclaiming, "What does he want with me now? I have been reduced to my present unhappy state on his account, and I neither wish to see him nor to live any longer?" He therefore dismissed the messengers with a refusal, and it is reported that he added, that he desired not to be any more troubled with the false words and specious promises of Cortes. Father Olmedo and Captain De Oli went to wait upon him, and used all possible expressions of respect and affection to induce him to comply with the request of Cortes. To this he replied, that he did not believe any thing he could now do would be of any avail, as the Mexicans had elected another sovereign, and were resolved not to allow a single Spaniard to quit the city alive. He made his appearance however at the railing of a terraced roof, attended by many of our soldiers, and made a very affectionate address to the people below, earnestly entreating a cessation of hostilities, that we might evacuate Mexico. As soon as Montezuma was perceived, the chiefs and nobles made their troops to desist from the attack, and commanded silence. Then four of the principal nobles came forwards, so near as to be able to hold conversation with Montezuma whom they addressed, lamenting the misfortunes which had befallen him and his family. They told him that they had raised Cuitlahuatzin27 to the throne; that the war would soon be ended, as they had promised to their gods never to desist till they had utterly destroyed the Spaniards; that they offered up continual prayers for the safety of Montezuma their beloved sovereign, whom they would venerate and obey as formerly, as soon as they had rescued him from our hands, and hoped he would pardon all they had done for the defence of their religion and independence, and their present disobedience. Just as they concluded this address, a shower of arrows fell about the place where Montezuma stood; and though the Spaniards had hitherto protected him by interposing their shields, they did not expect any assault while he was speaking to his subjects, and had therefore uncovered him for an instant; in that unguarded state, three stones and an arrow hit him on the head, the arm, and the leg, wounding him severely. Montezuma refused every assistance, and all the endeavours of Father Olmedo could not prevail upon him to embrace the holy Catholic faith, neither could he be prevailed upon to have his wounds attended to. When informed of his death, Cortes and our captains lamented him exceedingly, and all of us soldiers who had been acquainted with his generosity and other amiable qualities, grieved as for the loss of a father. He was said to have reigned seventeen years, and to have been the best of all the sovereigns who had ruled over Mexico; having fought and conquered in three pitched battles, while subjugating other states to his dominions.
   After the death of Montezuma, Cortes sent two of our prisoners, a nobleman and a priest, with a message to the new sovereign Cuitlahuatzin, to inform him of the melancholy event, which had happened by the hands of his own subjects; to express our grief on the occasion; and our wish that Montezuma might be interred with that respect which was due to his exalted character. Cortes likewise informed these messengers, that he did not acknowledge the right of the sovereign whom the Mexicans had chosen, as the throne ought to belong to the son of the great Montezuma, or to his cousin, who was now a prisoner in our quarters. He desired them also to say, if they would desist from hostilities, we would immediately march out of their city. He then ordered the body of Montezuma to be carried out by six nobles, and attended by most of the priests whom we had taken prisoners, desiring them to deliver the body of their deceased monarch to the Mexican chiefs, according to his dying injunctions. We could hear the exclamations of sorrow which were expressed by the people, at the sight of the body of their late sovereign; but our message was unavailing, as they recommenced their attack on our quarters with the utmost violence, threatening that in two days we should all pay with our lives for the death of their king and the dishonour of their gods, as they had now a sovereign whom we could not deceive as we had done by the good Montezuma.
   Our situation was now exceedingly alarming, and on the day after the death of Montezuma, we made another sally towards that part of the city which contained many houses built on the firm ground, meaning to do all the injury we could, and, taking advantage of the causeway, to charge through the enemy with our cavalry, hoping to intimidate them by severe military execution, so as to induce them to grant us a free passage; we accordingly forced our way to that part of the city, where we burnt down about twenty houses, and very nearly reached the firm land28. But the injury we did the enemy was dearly purchased by the death of twenty of our soldiers, and we were unable to gain possession of any of the bridges, which were all partly broken down, and the enemy had constructed barricades or retrenchments in various places to obstruct the cavalry, wherever they could have done most essential service. Thus our troubles and perplexities continually increased, and we were forced again to fight our way back to our quarters. In this sally, which took place on a Thursday, Sandoval and others of our cavalry acted with great bravery; but those who came with Narvaez, not having been accustomed to such service, were timorous in comparison with our veterans. The number and fury of our enemies increased daily, while our force was diminished by each successive attack, and from our wounds we were become less able for resistance. Our powder was almost entirely expended; provisions and water became scarce; our friend Montezuma was no more; all our proposals for peace were rejected; the bridges by which we might have retreated were broken down; and in fine nothing but death in its direst form of immolation to their horrible idols appeared before us. In this state almost bordering on despair, it was resolved by Cortes in a consultation with all his confidential officers and soldiers, to make an attempt to quit the city during the night, as we were in expectation to find the enemy less upon their guard than in the day time. In order to deceive them, a message was sent by one of their chief priests who had been made prisoner, engaging to give up all the treasure in our possession, if they would give us permission within eight days to quit the city. Four days before this, one Botello, who pretended to be an astrologer, predicted that if we did not leave Mexico on this very night, that none of us would ever get out of it alive, adding many other foolish particulars to his prophecy.
   As it was determined to endeavour to force our way from the city, a portable bridge of very strong timber was prepared for enabling us to pass over the canals or passages in the causeway, where the enemy had broken down the bridges; and one hundred and fifty of our soldiers, with four hundred Tlascalan allies, were appointed for conveying, guarding, and placing this bridge. The advanced guard of an hundred of our youngest and most active men, was commanded by Sandoval, assisted by Azevedo, De Lugo, De Ordas, and De Tapia, with eight of the captains that came with Narvaez. The rear guard of an hundred men, mostly those of Narvaez, and the greater part of our cavalry, was confided to Alvarado and Velasquez de Leon. Donna Marina and Donna Luisa, with the Mexican chiefs who were prisoners, were placed under an escort of thirty Spanish soldiers and three hundred Tlascalans: Our general, with Avila, Oli, and other officers, and fifty soldiers, formed a body of reserve to act where they might be most needed. The rest of our soldiers and allies, with the baggage, formed a main body along with which the prisoners and their especial escort was to move, under protection of the van and rear guards. By the time that all these arrangements were completed, it drew towards night, and Cortes caused all the gold, which had hitherto been kept in his apartment, to be brought into the great hall of our quarters, when he desired Avila and Mexia, the kings officers, to take charge of what belonged to his majesty, assigning them eight wounded horses and above fourscore Mexicans for its conveyance. When these were loaded with all the gold they were able to carry, a great deal more remained heaped up in the saloon. Cortes then desired his secretary Hernandez and other notaries to bear witness that he could no longer be responsible for this gold; and desired the soldiers to take as much as they pleased, saying it were better for them to have it, than to leave it to their Mexican enemies. Upon this many of the soldiers of Narvaez, and some even of our veterans, loaded themselves with treasure. I was never avaricious, and was now more intent on saving my life than on the possession of riches: I took the opportunity, however, of carrying off four calchihuis from a casket, though Cortes had ordered his major-domo to take especial care of this casket and its contents, and these jewels were of infinite use to me afterwards, as a resource against famine, as they are highly prized by the Indians. The memorable night of our leaving Mexico, was dark, with much mist and some rain. Just before midnight, the detachment having charge of the portable bridge moved off from our quarters, followed in regular succession by the other divisions of our army. On coming to the first aperture in the causeway of Tacuba or Tlacopan, by which we retreated as being the shortest, the bridge was laid across, and was passed by the vanguard, the baggage, artillery, part of the cavalry, the Tlascalans with the gold. Just as Sandoval and his party had passed, and Cortes with his body of reserve, the trumpets of the enemy were heard, and the alarm was given on every side, the Mexicans shouting out, "Tlaltelulco! Tlaltelulco29! out with your canoes! the teules are marching off, assail them at the bridges!" In an instant the enemy assailed us on every side, some on the land and others in their canoes, which swarmed on the lake and the canals on both sides of our road, and so numerous were they and so determined that they entirely intercepted our line of march, especially at the broken bridges, and from this moment nothing but confusion and dismay prevailed among our troops. It rained so heavily that some of the horses became restive and plunged into the water with their riders; and to add to our distress our portable bridge was broken down at this first gap, and it was no longer serviceable. The enemy attacked us with redoubled fury, and as our soldiers made a brave resistance, the aperture became soon choked up with the dead and dying men and horses, intermixed with artillery, packs and bales of baggage, and those who carried them, all heaped up in the water. Many of our companions were drowned at this place, and many were forced into canoes and hurried away to be sacrificed. It was horrible to hear the cries of these unfortunate captives, calling upon us for aid which we were unable to give, and invoking the blessed Virgin and all the saints in vain for deliverance. Others of our companions escaped across those gaps in the causeway, by clambering over the confused mass of dead bodies and luggage by which they were filled, and were calling out for assistance to help them up on the other side; while many of them, thinking themselves in safety when they got to the firm ground, were there seized by the Mexicans, or killed with war clubs. All the regularity which had hitherto guided our march was now utterly lost and abandoned. Cortes and all the mounted officers and soldiers galloped off along the causeway, providing for their own immediate safety, and leaving all the rest to save ourselves as we best might: Nor can I blame them for this procedure, as the cavalry could do nothing against the enemy, who threw themselves into the water on both sides of the causeway when attacked, while others, by continual flights of arrows from the houses, or with long lances from the canoes on each side, killed and wounded the men and horses. Our powder was all expended, so that we were unable to do any injury to the Mexicans in the canoes. In this situation of utter confusion and derout, the only thing we could do was by uniting together in bands of thirty or forty, to endeavour to force our way to the land: When the Indians closed upon us, we exerted our utmost efforts to drive them off with our swords, and then hurried our march to get over the causeway as soon as possible. Had we waited for each other, or had our retreat been in the day, we had all been inevitably destroyed. The escape of such as made their way to land, was due to the mercy of God who gave us strength to force our way; for the multitudes that surrounded us, and the melancholy sight of our companions hurried away in the canoes to instant sacrifice, was horrible in the extreme. About fifty of us, mostly soldiers of Cortes, with a few of those who came with Narvaez, stuck together in a body, and made our way along the causeway through infinite difficulty and danger. Every now and then strong parties of Indians assailed us, calling us luilones, their severest term of reproach, and using their utmost endeavours to seize us. As soon as we thought them within reach, we faced about and repelled them with a few thrusts of our swords, and then resumed our march. We thus proceeded, until at last we reached the firm ground near Tacuba, where Cortes, Sandoval, De Oli, Salcedo, Dominguez, Lares, and others of the cavalry, and such of the infantry as had got across the bridge before it was broken down, had already arrived30.

   On our approach, we heard the voices of Sandoval, De Oli, and Morla, calling on Cortes to return to the assistance of those who were still on the causeway, who loudly complained of being abandoned. Cortes replied, that it was a miracle any should have escaped, and that all who returned to the bridges would assuredly be slain: Yet he actually did return with ten or twelve of the cavalry and such of the infantry as had escaped unhurt, and proceeded along the causeway to attempt the succour of such as might be still engaged. He had not gone far when he met Alvarado badly wounded, accompanied by three of our soldiers, four of those belonging to Narvaez, and eight Tlascalans, all severely wounded and covered with blood. These Alvarado assured him were all that remained of the rear-guard, Velasquez de Leon and about twenty of the cavalry, and above an hundred of the infantry, who had belonged to his division, being all slain, or made prisoners and carried away to be sacrificed. He said farther, that after all the horses were slain, about eighty had assembled in a body and passed the first gap on the heaps of luggage and dead bodies; that at the other bridge the few who now accompanied him were saved by the mercy of God. I do not now perfectly recollect in what manner he passed that last aperture, as we were all more attentive to what he related of the death of Velasquez and above two hundred of our unhappy companions. As to that last fatal bridge, which is still called Salto de Alvarado, or the Leap of Alvarado, we were too much occupied in saving our own lives to examine whether he leaped much or little. He must, however, have got over on the baggage and dead bodies; for the water was too deep for him to have reached the bottom with his lance, and the aperture was too wide and the sides too high for him to have leaped over, had he been the most active man in the world. In about a year after, when we besieged Mexico, I was engaged with the enemy at that very bridge which was called Alvarados Leap, where the enemy had constructed breastworks and barricades, and we all agreed that the leap was impossible. One Ocampo, a soldier who came with Garay, who used to amuse himself with lampoons, made one on this supposed feat of Alvarado, saying, "That fear made him give that prodigious leap, leaving Velasquez and two hundred more to their fate as he leaped for his life." As Cortes found, by the information of Alvarado, that the causeway was entirely filled by the enemy, who must have intercepted all the rest of our companions, he returned to Tacuba, where all who had escaped were now collected. Messengers had been already sent from Mexico, ordering all the people of Tacuba, Ezcapuzalco, Tenajocan, and other neighbouring cities on that side of the lake, to collect and attack us; and they now began to surround us in the inclosed courts of Popotla where we had taken shelter, harassing us with stones and arrows, and even attacking us with lances, many of which were headed with the swords which we lost during our retreat. We defended ourselves against this attack as well as we could, and made several sallies to drive them off. But, as the enemy continually increased in number, it was determined to endeavour to reach Tlascala, for which purpose we set out under the direction of six or seven of our allies who were well acquainted with the country. After a fatiguing march by an indirect road, during which we were much harassed by the enemy, who plied us with stones and arrows, we reached some houses on a hill near a temple, where we defended ourselves, and took such care as we could of our wounds; but could get no provisions. After the conquest of Mexico, a church was built on the site of this temple, and dedicated to Nuestra Senora de los Remedios, our Lady of Succour, to which many ladies and other inhabitants of Mexico, now go in procession to pay nine days devotion31.
   Our wounds had become extremely painful from cold, and want of proper dressings, and we now bound them up as well as we could. We had to deplore the loss of great numbers of our valiant companions, most of the soldiers of Narvaez having lost their lives by being overloaded with gold. Poor Botello the astrologer was killed among the rest. The sons of Montezuma, Cacamatzin who had been prince of Tezcuco, and all the other prisoners, among whom were some Mexican princes, lost their lives on this fatal night of our retreat from Mexico. All our artillery were lost. We had only twenty-three horses remaining, and very few crossbows; and our situation was melancholy and desperate in the extreme, having no other resource but to endeavour to reach Tlascala, and even there our reception was exceedingly uncertain32. After dressing our wounds, and making arrows for our crossbows, during which employment we were incessantly harassed in our present post, we proceeded at midnight on our march, under the direction of our faithful Tlascalans. Some of those who were badly wounded had to walk with the aid of crutches; others were assisted on each side by some of their companions; and those who were utterly unable to support themselves were placed upon lame horses. Thus, making head against the enemy with as many of the infantry as could bear arms, and having the cavalry who were able to act in front and on our flanks, with the wounded Spaniards and allies in the centre, we marched on continually harassed by the enemy, who reviled us, saying that we should soon meet our destruction; words that we did not then understand. I have forgot to mention the satisfaction we all enjoyed at finding Donna Marina and Donna Luisa had been saved in our retreat from Mexico. Having crossed among the first, they had been brought safe to Popotla by the exertions of two brothers of Donna Luisa, all the rest of the female Indians having been lost in the retreat.
   On this day we reached a large town named Gualtitlan33. From that place we continued our march, still harassed at every step by the enemy, whose numbers and boldness increased as we advanced, insomuch that they killed two of our lame soldiers and one of our horses at a difficult pass, wounding many both of our horses and ourselves. Having repulsed them, we reached some villages, where we halted for the night, making our supper of the slain horse34. We began our march very early next morning, and had only proceeded about a league, believing ourselves now almost in safety, when three of our videts came in with a report that the whole extent of a plain through which we must necessarily pass was covered over by an innumerable army. This intelligence was truly terrifying to our small numbers, worn out with fatigue and privations, and covered with wounds; yet we resolved to conquer or die, as we had indeed no other alternative. We were immediately halted and formed in order of battle, the infantry being directed to use their swords only in thrusts, by which we exposed ourselves less to the weapons of the enemy, and the cavalry were ordered to charge clear through at half speed, with their lances levelled at the faces of the enemy, never stopping to make thrusts. While recommending ourselves to God and his Holy Mother, and invoking the aid of St Jago, the enemy began to close around us, and we resolved to sell our lives dearly, or force our way through. The infantry being drawn up in a solid column, and our cavalry formed in bodies of five, we proceeded to the attack. It is impossible to describe the tremendous battle which ensued: How we closed hand to hand, and with what fury the enemy attacked us, wounding us with their clubs and lances and two-handed swords; while our cavalry, favoured by the even surface of the plain, rode through them at will with couched lances, bearing down the enemy wherever they came, and fighting most manfully though they and their horses were all wounded. We too of the infantry did our best, regardless of our former wounds and of those we now received, closing up with the enemy, and using every effort to bear them down with our swords. Cortes, Alvarado, and De Oli, though all wounded, continued to make lanes through the throng of the enemy, calling out to us to strike especially at the chiefs, who were easily distinguished by their plumes of feathers, golden ornaments, rich arms, and curious devices. The valiant Sandoval encouraged us by his example and exhortations, exclaiming, "Now is the day of victory! Trust in God, who will still preserve us to do him service." We were all resolute to conquer or die, and were assuredly assisted by the Lord Jesus Christ, the Holy Virgin, and St Jago; as was afterwards certified by a chief belonging to Guatimotzin, who was present in this battle. Though some were killed and many wounded, we continued to maintain our ground, yet the enemy never relaxed in their efforts. At length it was the will of God, that Cortes, accompanied by Sandoval, De Oli, Alvarado, Avila, and other captains, came up to that part of the enemy in which their commander-in-chief was posted, who was distinguished from all the rest by his rich golden arms, and highly adorned plume of feathers, and the grand standard of the army35. Immediately on Cortes perceiving this chief, who was surrounded by many nobles wearing plumes of feathers, he exclaimed to his companions, "Now, gentlemen, let us charge these men, and if we succeed the day is our own." Then, recommending themselves to God, they charged upon them, and Cortes struck the Mexican chief and threw down his standard, he and the other cavaliers effectually breaking and dispersing this numerous body. The Mexican chief, however, was making his escape, but was pursued and slain by Juan de Salamanca, who seized his rich plume of feathers and presented it to Cortes, saying, that as he had first struck the Mexican general and overthrown the standard, the trophy of the conquest was his undoubted right.
   It pleased God, that the enemy should relax in their efforts immediately on learning the death of their general and of the numerous chiefs who surrounded him. On perceiving that they began to retreat, we forgot our hunger, thirst, fatigue, and wounds, and thought of nothing but victory and pursuit. Our scanty cavalry followed them up close, dealing destruction around them on every side; and our faithful allies fought like lions, mowing down all before them with the arms which the enemy threw away to facilitate their flight. On the return of our cavalry from the pursuit, we gave humble thanks to God for our unexpected victory and miraculous preservation. Never had the Mexican empire collected together so large a force as on this occasion; being composed of all the warriors of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlalcopan, headed by the whole nobility of these nations, magnificently armed and adorned, and all determined not to leave a single trace of us upon earth. This great and decisive battle was fought in the neighbourhood of a place called Obtumba, Otumba, or Otompan. I have frequently seen it, and all the other battles we fought against the Mexicans, antecedent to the final conquest, admirably represented in Mexican paintings. It is now proper to mention, that we entered Mexico to relieve Alvarado on the 24th of June 1520, with upwards of 1300 soldiers, including 97 cavalry, 80 musketeers, and 80 armed with crossbows; having with us a great train of artillery, and 2000 warriors of our allies the Tlascalans. Our flight from Mexico was on the 1st of the succeeding month of July, and the battle of Obtumba on the 4th of that month. In Mexico, during our passage of the causeway, on our march, and in the battle, we lost above 870 soldiers, including 72 of those belonging to Narvaez, and five Spanish women, who were put to death at a place called Tustepeque. Upwards of 1200 of our Tlascalan allies were also killed; as were Juan de Alcantara and two more who had been sent from Chempoalla for the share of the gold assigned to the garrison of Villa Rica, who were robbed and murdered. Upon the whole, all who were concerned in the treasure came to bad fortune; and thus a much greater proportion of the soldiers of Narvaez perished in the flight from Mexico than of our veterans, as they had avariciously loaded themselves with gold on that unhappy night36.

SECTION XI. Occurrences from the Battle of Otumba till the march of Cortes to besiege Mexico
   Immediately after the victory, we resumed our march for Tlascala, cheered by our success, and subsisted on a kind of gourds, called ayotes, which we found in the country through which we passed. We halted for the night in a strong temple, being occasionally alarmed by detached parties of the Mexicans, who still kept hovering about us, as if determined to see us out of their country. From this place we were rejoiced at seeing the mountains of Tlascala, being anxious to ascertain the fidelity of these allies, and to hear news from our friends at Villa Rica. Cortes warned us to be exceedingly cautious of giving any offence to the Tlascalans, and particularly enforced this advice on the soldiers of Narvaez, who were less accustomed to discipline. He said that he hoped to find our allies steady in their attachment; but if they should have changed in consequence of our misfortunes, although we were now only 440 strong, all wounded and ill armed, we still possessed vigorous bodies and firm minds to carry us through, if necessary, to the coast. We now arrived at a fountain on the side of a hill, where we came to a rampart built in ancient times as a boundary between the state of Tlascala and the dominions of Mexico. We halted here, and then proceeded to a town called Gualiopar, or Huejotlipan, where we halted one day, and procured some food for which we were obliged to pay. Immediately on our arrival being announced at Tlascala, our friends Maxicatzin, Xicotencatl, Chichimecatl, the chief of Huexatcinco, and others, came to wait upon Cortes, whom they embraced, yet kindly blamed him for having neglected their advice to distrust the treachery of the Mexicans. They wept for the losses we had sustained, yet rejoiced at our escape, and praised our valiant actions; assuring us that they were assembling 30,000 of their warriors to have joined us at Obtumba. They were rejoiced to see Donna Marina and Donna Luisa, and lamented the loss of the other ladies. Maxicatzin in particular bewailed the fate which had befallen his daughter and Velasquez de Leon, to whom he had given her. They invited us to their city, where we were kindly received, and where we reposed in peace and safety after our many and severe hardships. Cortes lodged in the house of Maxicatzin, Alvarado in that of Xicotencatl, and the other officers were distributed among the houses of the nobles, all the soldiers being likewise supplied with comfortable quarters and abundant food. Here in the midst of our friends, we recovered from our wounds and fatigues, all except four who died.
   Soon after our arrival, Cortes made inquiry after certain gold to the value of 40,000 crowns, the share belonging to the garrison of Villa Rica, which had been sent here from Mexico; and was informed by the Tlascalan chiefs, and by a Spanish invalid left here when on our march to Mexico, that the persons who had been sent for it from Villa Rica had been robbed and murdered on the road, at the time we were engaged in hostilities with the Mexicans. Letters were sent to Villa Rica, giving an account of all the disastrous events which had befallen us, and desiring an immediate supply of all the arms and ammunition that could be spared, and to send us a strong reinforcement. By the return of the messengers, we were informed that all was well at Villa Rica and the neighbourhood, and that the reinforcement should be immediately sent. It accordingly arrived soon after, consisting in all of seven men, three of whom were sailors, and all of them were invalids. They were commanded by a soldier named Lencero, who afterwards kept an inn still known by his name; and for a long while afterwards, a Lencero reinforcement was a proverbial saying among us. We were involved in some trouble by the younger Xicotencatl, who had commanded the Tlascalan army against us on our first arrival in their country. This ambitious chieftain, anxious to be revenged upon us for the disgrace he had formerly sustained, on hearing of our misfortunes and our intended march to Tlascala, conceived a project for surprising us on our march and putting us all to death. For this purpose, he assembled many of his relations, friends, and adherents, to whom he shewed how easily we might all be destroyed, and was very active in forming a party and collecting an army for this purpose. Although severely reproached by his father for this treacherous design, he persevered in his plan; but the intrigue was discovered by Chichimecatl, his determined enemy, who immediately communicated the intelligence to the council of Tlascala, before whom Xicotencatl was brought prisoner to answer for his treacherous intentions. Maxicatzin made a long speech in our favour, representing the prosperity which their state had enjoyed ever since our arrival, by freeing them from the depredations of their Mexican enemies, and enabling them to procure salt from which they had been long debarred. He then reprobated the proposed treachery of the younger Xicotencatl, against men who certainly were those concerning whom the prophecy had been handed down by their ancestors. In reply to this, and to a discourse from his father to the same purpose, the young man used such violent and disrespectful language, that he was seized and thrown down the steps of the council-hall into the street, with such violence that he narrowly escaped with his life. Such was the faithful conduct of our Tlascalan allies, and Cortes did not think it prudent to push the matter any farther in our present ticklish situation.
   After remaining twenty two days in Tlascala, Cortes resolved upon attacking the adjoining provinces of Tepejacac and Zacatula, on account of some murders the inhabitant of these districts had committed on the Spaniards; but the soldiers of Narvaez were decidedly averse from entering into any new war, as the slaughter of Mexico and the battle of Obtumba made them anxious to renounce Cortes and his conquests, and to return as soon as possible to their houses and mines in Cuba. Beyond all the rest, Andres Duero was heartily sick of his junction with Cortes, regretting the gold he had been forced to leave in the ditches of Mexico. These men, finding that words were of no avail to persuade Cortes to relinquish his plans of conquest, made a formal remonstrance in writing, stating the insufficiency of our force, and demanding leave to return to Cuba. Cortes urged every reason he could think of to induce them to concur in his schemes; and we who were his own soldiers, requested him on no account to permit any one to depart, but that all should remain to serve the cause of God and the king. The malcontents were forced reluctantly to acquiesce, murmuring against Cortes and his expeditions, and us who supported him, who, they said, had nothing but our lives to lose37. We now, therefore, set out on an expedition to chastise these districts, without artillery or fire-arms of any kind, all of which had been left in the Mexican canals. Our force consisted of 16 cavalry, 424 of our own infantry, mostly armed with swords and targets, and about 4000 Tlascalans. We halted at about three leagues from Tepejacac, but the inhabitants had deserted their houses on our approach. Having got some prisoners during the march, Cortes sent them to the chiefs with a message, intimating that he came to demand justice for the murder of eighteen Spaniards in their territories, and for their admitting Mexican troops into their country; and threatening them with fire and sword if they did not immediately submit to his authority. By our messengers and two Mexicans, they sent back a message, ordering us to return immediately, or they would put us all to death, and feast upon our bodies. Upon this it was determined in a council of the officers, that a full statement of all that had passed, should be drawn up by a royal notary, denouncing slavery on the Mexicans or their allies who had killed any Spanish subjects, after having submitted to the authority of the king. When this was drawn up and authenticated, we sent once more to require their submission, giving notice of the inevitable consequences of their disobedience. But they returned an answer like the former. Both sides being prepared for battle, we came to action with them next day; and as the enemy were drawn up in open fields of maize, our cavalry soon put the enemy to flight with considerable loss, though they made an obstinate resistance. In this battle our Tlascalan allies fought bravely; and, in the pursuit, we took a good many prisoners, all of whom were made slaves of. After this victory, the natives sued for peace, and we marched to the town of Tepejacac to receive their submission; and finding it an eligible situation, being in a fertile district, and on the road to Villa Rica, Cortes founded a colony in the place, naming it Segura de la Frontera. Municipal officers were appointed, and a branding-iron for marking those natives who were taken and reduced to slavery. We made excursions from this place through the surrounding district, and to the towns of Cachula, Tecamechalco, Guayavas, and some others, taking many prisoners, who were immediately branded for slaves; and in about six weeks we reduced the people to order and obedience.
   At this time Cortes was informed from Villa Rica, that a vessel had arrived there commanded by Pedro Barba, his intimate friend, who had been lieutenant to Velasquez at the Havanna, and had now brought over thirteen soldiers and two horses; as also letters from Velasquez to Narvaez, ordering to send Cortes, if alive, to Cuba, that he might be sent to Castile, such being the orders of the bishop of Burgos. On the arrival of Barba in the harbour, the admiral appointed by Cortes went on board in a boat well armed, but with the arms concealed. When on board, the admiral saluted Barba, inquiring after the health of Velasquez, and the others inquired for Narvaez, and what had become of Cortes. They were told that Narvaez was in possession of the country, and had acquired great riches, while Cortes was a fugitive, wandering about with only twenty followers. They then invited Barba and the rest on shore; but the moment they entered the boats, they were ordered to surrender themselves prisoners to Cortes. The ship was dismantled, and the captain and crew, together with Barba and his men, sent up to us at Tepejacac, to our great satisfaction; for though we did not now suffer much in the field, we were very unhealthy from continual fatigue, five of our men having died of pleurisies of late. Francisco Lopez, afterwards regidor of Guatimala, came along with this party. Barba was kindly received by Cortes, whom he informed that another small vessel might be expected with provisions in about a week. It came accordingly, having on board Roderigo de Lobera, with eight soldiers and a horse. These were circumvented like the others, and sent up to us, by which we were much pleased to procure an accession to our small force.
   About this period, Cuitlahuitzin, who had been elected sovereign of Mexico in place of his brother Montezuma, died of the small-pox, and Quauhtemotzin, or Gautimotzin, was chosen in his stead, a young man of twenty-five years of age, of fine appearance, exceedingly brave, and so terrible to his subjects that every one trembled at his sight. On receiving notice of the reduction of Tepejacac, he became apprehensive of losing his other provinces, yet neglected no precautions to preserve the chiefs in their obedience, and sent considerable bodies of troops to the provinces nearest to where we were, to watch our motions. But these Mexican troops injured the cause they were sent to support, becoming very disorderly, plundering and maltreating the people whom they were sent to defend, or to keep under subjection. Provoked by these injuries, the ruling people of these provinces deputed four chiefs to negociate with Cortes, offering to submit to him, provided he would expel the Mexicans. Cortes immediately acceded to this proposal, and detached all the cavalry and crossbow-men of our army under De Oli, with as many of our other infantry as made up a force of 300 men, to which a considerable number of Tlascalan allies were joined. While our people were on their march, they received such formidable accounts of the number and force of the enemy, as entirely deprived the soldiers of Narvaez of all inclination for military expeditions. They mutinied, and told De Oli that, if he were determined to persevere, he might go alone, for they were resolved to quit him. De Oli remonstrated with them in vain, though supported by all the old soldiers of Cortes, and was compelled to halt at Cholula, whence he sent word to Cortes of his situation. Cortes returned an angry answer, ordering him to advance at all events. De Oli was now in a violent rage at those who had occasioned this reprimand from the general, and ordered the whole to march immediately, declaring he would send back all who hesitated, to be treated by Cortes as their cowardice deserved. On his arrival within a league of Guacacualco, he was met by some of the native chiefs, who informed him how he might best come upon the enemy. He accordingly marched against the Mexican forces, whom he completely defeated and put to flight, after a sharp action, in which eight of our men were wounded, and two horses killed. Our allies made a great slaughter of the Mexicans during the pursuit. The Mexicans fell back to a large town called Ozucar, where they joined another great body of their countrymen, who fortified themselves in that post, and broke down the bridges. De Oli pursued with as many of his troops as could keep up with him; and having passed the river by the assistance of his friends of Guacacualco, he again attacked the Mexicans, whom he again defeated and dispersed, losing two more of his horses. He received two wounds himself on this occasion, and his horse was wounded in several places. He halted two days after his double victory, receiving the submission of all the neighbouring chiefs, after which he returned with his troops to Segura de la Frontera. De Oli was received with applause by Cortes and all of us; and when we laughed at him for the hesitation of his men, he joined with us heartily, saying he would take the poor soldiers of Cortes on the next expedition, and not the rich planters who came with Narvaez, who thought more of their houses and estates than of military glory, and were more ready to command than to obey.
   Cortes now got information from Villa Rica of the arrival of a ship commanded by one Comargo, having upwards of seventy soldiers on board, all very sickly. This vessel had belonged to an expedition sent from Jamaica by Garray to establish a colony at Panuco; the other captain, Pineda, and all his soldiers, having been put to death by the natives, and their ship burnt. On finding, therefore, the ill success of that adventure, and that his men were afflicted with diseases of the liver from the unhealthy nature of the country, Camargo had come to Villa Rica for assistance. He is said to have been perfectly acquainted with the state of affairs in New Spain; and, on his arrival at Villa Rica, he immediately disembarked his soldiers, and went to Segura de la Frontera by slow marches, where he and his men were received with the utmost kindness by Cortes, and every possible care was bestowed for his and their recovery; but he and several of his soldiers soon died. By reason of their swollen bodies and discoloured countenances, we used to call these men the green paunches. That I may not interrupt the thread of my narrative, I shall mention in this place, that all the rest of this armament which was destined for Panuco, arrived at our port of Villa Rica at different and irregular periods, Garray continually sending us reinforcements, which he meant for Panuco, as he believed his intended colony at that place was going on successfully. The first of these reinforcements after Camargo consisted of fifty soldiers with seven horses, under the command of Michael Diaz de Auz. These men were all plump and jolly, and we gave them the nickname of the Sir-loins. Shortly after him another vessel brought forty soldiers with ten horses, and a good supply of crossbows and other arms. These were commanded by an officer named Ramirez, and as all his soldiers wore very thick and clumsy cotton armour, quite impenetrable by arrows, we called them the Pack-horses.
   Being thus unexpectedly reinforced by upwards of an hundred and fifty men, and twenty horses, Cortes determined to chastise the Indians of Xalatcingo, Cacatame, and other towns near the road to Villa Rica, who had been concerned in the murder of those Spaniards who had been sent from Villa Rica for the treasure. For this purpose he sent a detachment of two hundred veterans, among whom were twenty horsemen, and twelve armed with crossbows, under the command of Sandoval, who had likewise along with him a strong detachment of Tlascalans. Being informed that the Indians of that district were in arms, and reinforced by Mexican troops, Sandoval sent a message, offering pardon for the murder of the Spaniards, if they would submit to our government, and return the treasure. Their answer was, that they would eat him and all his men, as they had done the others. Sandoval, therefore, immediately marched into their country, and attacked them in two places at once, and though both the natives and the Mexicans defended themselves with great bravery, they were soon defeated with considerable loss. On going into some of their temples after the victory, our people found Spanish cloths, arms, saddles, and bridles, hung up as offerings to their gods. The inhabitants of this district submitted themselves to his majesties government, but were unable to return the treasure, as it had been sent to Mexico. Sandoval remained three days in this district receiving the submission of the inhabitants, whom he referred to Cortes for their pardon, and then returned to head-quarters, carrying a number of women and boys along with him, who were all branded as slaves. I was not on this expedition, being ill of a fever, attended with a vomiting of blood; but, being bled plentifully, I recovered by the blessing of God. In pursuance of orders from Sandoval, the chiefs of these tribes and of many others in the neighbourhood, came to Cortes and submitted themselves to his authority. Sandoval was sent in the next place to chastise the inhabitants of a district called Xocotlan, who had murdered nine Spaniards, having with him an hundred infantry, thirty cavalry, and a strong body of Tlascalans. On entering the district, he summoned the people to submission under the usual threats; but, as they had a considerable body of Mexican forces to aid them, they returned for answer, that they would acknowledge no other government than that of Mexico. Sandoval, therefore, put his troops in motion, cautioning the allies not to advance to the attack till the enemy were broken by our troops, and then to fall upon the Mexicans especially. Two large bodies of the enemy were found posted in strong and rocky ground, very difficult for our cavalry, insomuch, that before Sandoval could drive them from this post, one of his horses was killed, and nine wounded, as likewise were four of his soldiers. They were at length driven from this post into the town of Xocotlan, where they took post in the temples and some large walled courts; but were dislodged from these and put to flight with great slaughter, our Tlascalan allies giving good assistance, as they were incited by the hopes of abundant plunder. Sandoval halted two days in this place, to receive the submission of the chiefs, who begged pardon for what had passed, promising future obedience, and to supply us plentifully with provisions. On being ordered to restore the effects of the Spaniards whom they had slain, they replied that every thing of that kind had been burnt. They said, likewise that most of the Spaniards whom they had slain were eaten by them, except five, whom they sent to Guatimotzin38.
   These expeditions were productive of the best effects, as they extended the fame of Cortes and the Spaniards through the whole country for valour and clemency; and our general became more dreaded and respected than Guatimotzin, the new sovereign of Mexico, insomuch that his authority was resorted to on all occasions of importance. The small-pox at this time committed dreadful ravages in New Spain, cutting off vast numbers of the natives, and among the rest, many of the chiefs and princes of the country became victims to this dreadful calamity. On these occasions, the claimants for succession to the vacant chiefships resorted to Cortes, as sovereign of the country, for his decision, which they uniformly submitted to. Among the rest, the lordship of Guacacualco and Ozucar became vacant, and the various claimants submitted their claims to the decision of Cortes, who decided in favour of a nephew of the late Montezuma, whose sister had been married to the former cacique of the district.
   All the country around Tlascala and to the eastwards being now reduced to subjection, an order was issued to bring all the prisoners to a large house in the town of Segura, that the fifths belonging to the king and Cortes might be deducted, and the rest divided among the troops. The prisoners consisted of women, boys, and girls, as the men were found too difficult to keep, and our Tlascalan friends performed every service for us that we could desire, such as carrying our baggage, ammunition, and provisions, and all other drudgery. The prisoners were confined all night, and the repartition took place next morning. In the first place the king's fifth was set aside, and then that which belonged to Cortes; but when the shares of the soldiers came to be distributed, there remained only a parcel of old miserable jades, and it was found that some person had been in the depot during the night, who had taken away all the young and handsome women. This occasioned much clamour among the soldiers, who accused Cortes of injustice, and the soldiers of Narvaez swore no such thing had ever been heard of in the Spanish dominions as two kings and two fifths. One Juan de Quexo was very loud in his complaints on this occasion, declaring that he would make it known in Spain how we had been abused by Cortes, more especially in regard to the gold at Mexico, where only the value of 300,000 crowns appeared at the division, whereas 700,000 crowns worth were produced at the time of our flight. Many of the soldiers loudly complained of having their women taken from them, after they had given them clothes and ornaments, saying they had only expected to have paid the fifth of their values to the king, and then that each would have got back his own. Cortes protested that better regulations should he adopted in future, and got the affair hushed up with smooth words and fair promises; yet he soon attempted even worse than this. It may be remembered, that, on the fatal night of our retreat from Mexico, all the treasure was produced, and every soldier was allowed to take as much as he pleased. On this occasion, many of the soldiers of Narvaez, and some of our own, loaded themselves with gold. Cortes now learned that a quantity of gold in bars was in circulation among the troops at La Frontera, who were much engaged in deep play, and forgot the old adage, that riches and amours should be concealed. He now issued an order for all the gold to be delivered within a given time, under severe penalties for disobedience, and promised to return back a third part to all who delivered their gold, but that all should be forfeited in case of failure or evasion. Many of the soldiers refused obedience to this arbitrary order, and from some Cortes took their gold by way of loan, yet rather by force than with their consent. Many of our captains, and those who had civil offices in the colony, were possessed of gold, and at length Cortes was glad to quash the order and say no more about the matter.
   The officers who had come with Narvaez thought the present interval of tranquillity was a favourable opportunity to renew their solicitations for leave to return to Cuba, to which Cortes at length consented, and gave them one of the best ships in the harbour, which was victualled with salted dogs, fowls, maize, and other provisions of the country. By this ship, Cortes sent letters to his wife Donna Catalina and her brother Juan Suarez, giving them an account of all that had happened in New Spain, and sent them some bars of gold and Mexican curiosities. The following were among the persons who now returned to Cuba, having their pockets well lined after all our disasters. Andres de Duero, Augustin Bermudez, Juan Buono, Bernardino de Quesada, Francisco Velasquez, Gonsalo Carrasco, who afterwards returned to New Spain, and lives now in La Puebla, Melchior Velasquez, one Ximenes, who now lives in Guaxaca, and went over at this time for his sons, the commendator Leon de Cervantes, who went to bring over his daughters, who were very honourably married after the conquest of Mexico; one Maldonado of Medelin, an invalid, a person named Vargas, and Cardinas the pilot, he who talked about the two kings, to whom Cortes gave the three hundred crowns he had formerly promised for his wife and daughters. We remonstrated with Cortes for allowing so many persons to quit the army, considering how weak we were already, on which he observed, that he did it partly to get rid of their importunities, and partly because they were unfit for war, and it was better to have a few good soldiers than many bad ones. Alvarado was sent to see these men safely shipped off, and he sent at this time Diego de Ordas and Alonzo de Mendoza to Spain, with instructions of which we were ignorant, except that they were meant to counteract the malice of the bishop of Burgos, who had declared us all traitors. De Ordas executed his commission to good purpose, and got the order of St Jago for himself, and the volcano of Popocatepetl added to his arms. Cortes sent also Alonzo de Avila, contador of New Spain, and Francisco Alvarez, to Hispaniola, to make a report to the court of royal audience, and the brothers of the order of Jeronymites, of all that had taken place, particularly in regard to Narvaez, and supplicating them to represent our faithful services to the emperor, and to support our interests against the enmity and misrepresentations of Velasquez and the bishop of Burgos. He sent likewise De Solis to Jamaica to purchase horses. It may be asked how Cortes was able to send agents to Spain, Hispaniola, and Jamaica, without money. But, although many of our soldiers were slain in our flight from Mexico, and much treasure lost in the ditches and canals of Mexico, yet a considerable quantity of gold was saved, as the eighty loaded Tlascalans were among the first who passed the bridge, and afterwards delivered all their gold to Cortes39. But we poor soldiers had enough ado to preserve our lives, all badly wounded, and did not trouble ourselves to inquire what became of the gold, or how much was brought off. It was even rumoured among us, that the share belonging to the garrison of Villa Rica, the carriers of which had been robbed and murdered, went after all to Spain, Jamaica, and other places; but as Cortes lined the pockets of our captains with plenty of gold, all inquiry on this head was stopped.
   It may be wondered how Cortes should send away so valiant a captain as Alonzo de Avila on an affair of negociation, when he had several men of business in his army who could have been better spared, such as Alonzo de Grado, Juan Carceres the rich, and several others. The true reason was, that Avila was too ready to speak out on all occasions to obtain justice for the soldiers, and therefore Cortes sent him away that he might no longer be opposed and thwarted in his proceedings; and that he might give his company to Andres de Tapia, and his office of contador to Alonzo de Grado.
   Having now determined to undertake the siege of Mexico, Cortes left a garrison of twenty men, mostly sick and invalids in Frontera, under the command of Juan de Orozco, and marched with the rest of the army into the country of Tlascala, where he gave orders to cut down a quantity of timber, with which to construct a number of vessels to command the lake of Mexico. These ships were to be built under the direction of Martin Lopez, an excellent shipwright, and a valiant soldier, in which he was assisted by Andres Nunez, and old Ramirez, who was lame from a wound. Lopez conducted matters with great spirit, insomuch that in a very short time he had all the timber cut down, shaped, and marked out for the vessels, ready to be put together. The iron work, anchors, cables, sails, cordage, and all other necessaries for the vessels were procured from Villa Rica, whence all the smiths were sent up to the army to give their assistance. As pitch was unknown among the natives, four sailors were sent to the pine forests of Huetzotzinco, to obtain a supply of that article, in which they succeeded.
   On our arrival at Tlascala, we learnt that our good friend and faithful ally Maxicatzin had fallen a sacrifice to the small-pox. Cortes lamented the death of this good man as that of a father, and put on mourning out of respect to his memory, in which he was imitated by many of our officers and soldiers. As there was some difficulty in regard to the succession, Cortes conferred the vacant dignity on the legitimate son of the deceased chief, as he had desired a short time before his death, on which occasion he had strictly enjoined all his family and dependents to persevere in their alliance with us, as we were undoubtedly destined to rule their country according to their ancient traditions. The other chiefs of the Tlascalans offered their best services, in providing timber for our vessels, and engaged to aid us with all their military force in prosecuting the war against Mexico. Cortes accepted their offer with every mark of gratitude and respect; and even prevailed on the elder Xicotencatl, one of their principal caciques, to become a Christian, who was accordingly baptised with great ceremony, by the name of Don Lorenzo de Vargas.
   Just as we were about to begin our march, intelligence came from Villa Rica of the arrival of a vessel from Spain and the Canaries, loaded with military stores, horses, and merchandize, and having thirteen soldiers on board. The owner, who was likewise on board, was one Juan de Burgos, but the vessel was commanded by Francisco Medel. Cortes sent immediate orders to purchase the whole cargo, and all the people came up to join us to our great satisfaction. Among these were one Juan del Espinar, afterwards a very rich man, and two others named Sagredo, and Monjaraz a Biscayan, who had two nephews of the same name in our army. Monjaraz never went upon any expedition or engagement along with us, always feigning to be sick, though he omitted no opportunity to boast of his courage. Once, while we were besieging Mexico, he went up to the top of a high temple, as he said to see how the natives fought; and by some means which we could never find out, he was killed that day by some of the Indians. Those who had known him in Hispaniola, said it was a just judgment, for having procured the death of his wife, a beautiful and honourable woman, by means of false witnesses.
   All the timber for our vessels being in readiness, and every thing prepared for our expedition against Mexico, it was debated in our council of war in what place we should establish our head-quarters, in order to prepare our measures for investing that city. Some strongly recommended Ayotcingo as most convenient for that purpose, on account of its canals. Cortes and others preferred Tezcuco, as best adapted for making incursions into the Mexican territory, and that place was accordingly fixed upon. We accordingly began our march from Tlascala immediately after the junction of our last reinforcement from Villa Rica, consisting of the soldiers who came with Medel and De Burgos.