SECTION III. Commencement of the Expedition of Hernando Cortes for the Conquest of Mexico, in 1518
   Anxious to prosecute the advantages derivable from the discoveries made by Grijalva, Velasquez used the utmost efforts in providing a new and more powerful armament. For this purpose, he collected ten ships at the port of St Jago, four of which had been on the former expedition, and supplied them with such provisions as could be procured in that place, intending to complete their equipment at the Havanna. Velasquez was greatly at a loss in his choice of a commander for the new expedition, and several were recommended to him for this purpose. Among these was Vasco Procalla, a gentleman of high rank, and related to the Conde de Feria; but the governor was afraid to trust a person of his bold character, lest he might revolt, as had been already done by several dependent leaders of expeditions. In this state of uncertainty, several relations of the governor were talked of as candidates for the office, such as Augustin Vermudez, Antonio Velasquez Borrego, and Bernardino Velasquez, but of their chances, or the reasons of their rejection, we were not informed. All the soldiers, however, were disposed to have Grijalva for their chief. While matters were in this state of uncertainty, Andres de Duero, who was secretary to the governor, and Amador de Lares, the royal contador in Cuba, entered into a private agreement with Hernando Cortes to recommend him to Velasquez for the command of the intended expedition. Cortes was a respectable gentleman of good birth, a native of Medelin in Estremadura, the son of Martin Cortes de Monroy, by Catalina Pizarro de Altamirano, who were both hidalgos of the best families in the province, though poor, and had acquired a considerable property in the island of Cuba, where he had been twice raised to the office of alcalde. He had lately married Donna Catalina Suarez de Pacheco, the daughter of Diego Suares de Pacheco of Merida, by Maria de Mercaida of Biscay; through which marriage he had experienced much trouble, having been frequently confined by order of Velasquez. The two officers before mentioned, who enjoyed the intimate confidence of the governor, made an agreement with Cortes to procure the appointment for him, for which they were to receive an equal division of the treasure procured from the expedition out of his share, as the commission was intended to extend no farther than the procurement of gold by barter, without any power of settlement or colonization. For this purpose they took every opportunity of praising Cortes to Velasquez, and vouching for his fidelity, so that they at length succeeded in procuring the appointment for him; and as it belonged to the secretary to draw it out in due form, we may be sure that its conditions were sufficiently favourable.
   On this appointment being communicated to the public, it gave satisfaction to some, but greatly displeased others, who used every endeavour to communicate their dissatisfaction to the governor, particularly by the following device: When the governor was going on a Sunday to mass, accompanied by the most respectable people of the town and neighbourhood, he placed Cortes on his right hand, on purpose to shew respect to the person he had chosen for an expedition of such high importance. There was at this time one Cervantes at St Jago, a kind of buffoon, generally called mad Cervantes, who used to assume great liberty of speech under pretence of idiocy. This man ran before the governor all the road to church, shouting out many absurdities, saying among others, "Huzza for my master Don Diego, who will soon lose his fleet, and huzza for his new captain;" besides many similar expressions, all having a tendency to awaken suspicion in Velasquez. Andrew de Duero, who was present, beat him and ordered him to be silent, but he persisted so much the more, saying, "I will dismiss my old master, and follow the fortune of Cortes." This man was certainly hired by the relations of Velasquez, who wished the appointment for some of themselves, that they might instil jealousy into the mind of the governor, but all to no purpose; yet all that was now uttered under the semblance of folly, turned out true in the end.
   Immediately on receiving his commission, Cortes used the utmost activity in preparing for the expedition; and though already much embarrassed with debts, through his own extravagance and the expensive dress and establishment of his wife, he procured the advance of 4000 crowns in money and as much in goods, on the security of his estate, from Jeronymo Tria and Pedro de Xeres, two merchants, who considered him as rising in the world, and a favourite of fortune. He now dressed and appeared in greater state than formerly, wearing a plume of feathers and a gold medal in his cap, and erected a standard of velvet embroidered with gold before his house, embellished with the royal arms and a cross, and with a Latin motto to this effect: "Brothers, follow the cross in faith; for under its guidance we shall conquer."
   Though Benito Martinez had not yet returned from Castile with the royal commission, it was proclaimed by sound of trumpet and beat of drum, that all who entered for the present expedition should have their share in what gold might be procured, and should have ample grants of land as soon as the intended conquest was effected. In consequence of these promises, and by the influence of Cortes, volunteers quickly offered themselves from every quarter. So great was the enthusiasm to engage in the expedition, that people were everywhere eager to sell their lands to enable them to purchase horses and arms. In every quarter people were seen busy in preparing quilted-cotton armour, making bread, and salting pork for sea stores. Above 300 volunteers assembled at St Jago, among whom I was, and several of the principal persons belonging to the family of the governor entered into our fraternity; among these were Diego de Ordas, his first major domo, who was employed as a spy on the actions of Cortes, of whom Velasquez already entertained jealousy. The other companions of our expedition from the household of the governor were F. de Morla, Escobar, Heredia, Ruano, Escudero, and Ramos de Lares, besides many other adherents of the governor.
   Knowing that Cortes was much dissatisfied with Velasquez on account of certain circumstances respecting his marriage, and greatly envying his good fortune in being chosen to command the expedition, the relations of Velasquez continued to exert their utmost efforts to get the commission revoked. But Cortes, who was well aware of all their practices, continued carefully to make his court to the governor, appearing entirely devoted to his service. He was likewise informed by Duero that the governor began to hesitate respecting his appointment, owing to the importunate representations of his relations, and was advised to exert every possible exertion in completing his preparations. He left in charge therefore, the care of providing many things that were necessary for the expedition, to his lady, with directions to have them forwarded; and having summoned all the captains, masters, pilots, and soldiers to embark, he went to take his leave of the governor, accompanied by his friends Duero and Lares. After a long confidential conference, the governor and general parted with much politeness, and the strongest assurances of mutual friendship. Next morning the governor accompanied him to his ship, and we set sail immediately for Trinidad, where we arrived in a few days. This place was at that time inhabited by several opulent and respectable gentlemen, who received us all with much hospitality, but were particularly attentive to our general. He planted the royal standard in front of his quarters at this town, and made a proclamation, inviting volunteers to join the expedition, in consequence of which, several wealthy persons of respectable families now joined, among whom were the Alvarados and Alonzo de Avila. We were here joined also by Alonzo Hernandez de Portocarrero, cousin to the Conde de Medelin, Juan Velasquez de Leon, a relation to the governor, Rodrigo Rangel, Gonzalo Lopez de Ximena, and his brother Juan Lopez. These gentlemen joined us in a body, and were received by a discharge of artillery, and every mark of joy and respect, as due to their rank and respectability. We procured a supply of provisions from the estates of these volunteers, and the number of our companions increased daily, but horses were scarce and dear. Cortes sold some of his golden ornaments to enable him to buy a horse for his friend Portocarrero, who had not the means of procuring one for himself. About this time likewise Juan Sedeno arrived from Santi Spiritus with a cargo of provisions, and Cortes bought both ship and cargo upon credit, the owner enrolling himself for the expedition.
   The relations of Velasquez still continued to use their influence to make him jealous of Cortes, and to supersede him in the command, even employing one Juan Millan, an astrologer who was reputed mad, to represent that Cortes would assuredly endeavour to be revenged for having been imprisoned by the governor. They represented his sudden departure from St Jago, as an indication of evil designs, and even began to suspect the secret association with the secretary and contador. Velasquez was at last won over by these repeated importunities, and sent two confidential persons to his brother-in-law, Francisco Verdugo, who was alcalde major of Trinidad, directing him to deprive Cortes of the command of the fleet and army, as Vasco Porcallo was appointed in his place; and he sent orders to the same purpose to Diego de Ordas, Francisco de Morla, and his other relations and confidents. But Cortes, who was secretly informed of all these proceedings by his friends Duero and Lares, exerted himself so effectually by promises and otherwise, as to bring over all on whom Velasquez relied to his own interest, and Diego de Ordas especially, who used every argument with Verdugo to disobey the orders of the governor, representing the danger which would arise from using violence, as Cortes possessed the entire confidence of the troops. Cortes had such talents for gaining friends, that he even prevailed on Pedro Lasso to enrol himself under his command, though one of the messengers who carried the orders of Velasquez. Cortes wrote to the governor by the other messenger, giving the strongest assurances, of his fidelity and attachment, and earnestly entreating him not to listen to the calumnies of his enemies, or the ridiculous predictions of the old fool Millan the astrologer. During twelve days that we remained at Trinidad, every exertion was made in preparing for our departure; and among others, all the smiths in the place were employed in making arrow-heads for our cross-bows, and Cortes engaged them all to accompany the expedition. Leaving Trinidad, the fleet was ordered to sail for the Havanna by the south course, except one ship under Juan de Escalente, which was sent by the northern course. Such of the companions as chose, were allowed to march by land for the Havanna, under the command of Alvarado, of which permission I and fifty more availed ourselves, having to pick up several volunteers who were expected to join from different settlements that lay on our route. All the ships arrived safe at the Havanna, except that in which Cortes was embarked, and we who marched by land were there seven days before we could learn what had become of our commander. We were afraid his ship had been lost among the shoals of Los Jardines, and it was proposed to send three ships in search of him: But there was no one to command, and factious disputes arose about the choice of a lieutenant or substitute during his absence, in which intrigues Diego de Ordas was particularly busy. At length Cortes arrived, his ship having grounded on a shoal, but fortunately near the shore, so that they got her off by lightening her of part of her cargo.
   Cortes took his quarters at the Havanna in the house of Pedro Barba, who commanded there for Velasquez, erecting his standard, and beating up for volunteers. He was here joined by Francisco de Montejo, Diego de Soto, Angula, Garci Caro, Sebastian Rodriquez, Gutierrez, Rojas, not he commonly called the wealthy, a lad named Santa Clara, two brothers named Los Martinez de Frexenal, and Juan, de Najara, not the deaf man of the tennis court in Mexico. These were all men of quality, besides whom there were many others whose names I do not now remember. Diego de Ordas was sent to the governors estate at Guaniguanico, to procure a farther supply of bread and bacon, and to wait there till he received farther orders, on purpose to keep him out of the way, as Cortes knew he had shewn himself adverse to his interest while he was absent. The artillery, consisting of ten brass field-pieces and four falconets, were brought on shore to inspect and complete its equipment, and placed under the charge of four gunners, named Meza, Arbenga, Catalan, and Usagre. The cross-bows were ordered to be inspected, all their cords, nuts, and arrows to be put in complete order, and the range of each to be ascertained by shooting at a match. As cotton was to be had in plenty at this place, the soldiers provided themselves with good quilted jackets. Cortes now assumed great state in his deportment and the establishment of his household, appointing a steward, chamberlain, and major-domo. He ordered stalls and mangers to be fitted up in the ships for the horses, and stores of maize and hay to be taken on board for their use. Horses were at that time scarce and dear in Cuba, and our whole stock amounted to fifteen, besides the horse belonging to the general, which died at St Juan de Ulua213.
   Velasquez was exceedingly angry with Verdugo for neglecting to obey the orders he had sent him, and reproached the secretary and contador with having imposed upon him in regard to the character of the general. He now renewed his endeavours to deprive Cortes of the command, sending orders by one Garnica to Pedro Barba, to prevent the fleet from sailing, and to arrest Cortes. Garnica likewise brought letters from the governor for Ordas and Velasquez de Leon, ordering and entreating them to concur with Barba in these measures; but Ordas had been judiciously sent out of the way, and de Leon was now gained over by Cortes. All the rest of us, even Barba the lieutenant-governor of the Havanna, were entirely devoted to the interest of our general, who was fully aware of all that was intended against him, as Garnica brought letters from a friar who resided with the governor, to our chaplain de Olmedo, by which Duero and Lares sent intelligence of all the schemes of Velasquez. Barba wrote back to the governor, that Cortes was so beloved by the troops, that he durst not execute the orders he had received; being assured that any such attempt would occasion the destruction of the town, and that all the inhabitants would go along with Cortes. The general wrote likewise to Velasquez, repeating his assurance of perfect devotion to his service, and intimated that he meant to sail the next day.
   The fleet sailed from the Havanna on the 10th February 1519, for the island of Cozumel214. The ship in which I was, commanded by Alvarado, was directed to proceed by the north, with orders to wait for the fleet at Cape St Antonio, and Diego de Ordas had similar directions; but our pilot neglected these instructions, and proceeded directly for Cozumel, where we accordingly arrived two days before the rest. As soon as we came to anchor, our whole party landed and went to the town of Cozumel, which was deserted by all its inhabitants. We then went to another place, whence likewise the inhabitants fled on our approach, but we found a quantity of fowls, and some idols, with toys and ornaments of much alloyed gold in a temple near the town, with which booty we returned to the town of Cozumel. By this time Cortes and his whole fleet were arrived, and he immediately put our pilot, Comacho, in irons for disobeying his orders. He likewise reprimanded Alvarado for taking the property of the natives, which he said was a bad way of proceeding, as the people ought on no account to be ill used, and immediately ordered two men and a woman whom we had made prisoners to be brought before him. By means of our interpreter Melchorejo, he desired these people to recal the natives to their habitations, with assurance of perfect safety, ordering all the articles taken away to be returned, and paid them in beads and trinkets for the fowls which we had eaten. Giving each of the people a shirt, he dismissed them; and so well satisfied were the inhabitants with this conciliatory behaviour, that the chief and all the inhabitants of the place returned next day, and mixed among us with perfect familiarity. During the three days which we remained at this place, Cortes made a review of his troops, which amounted to 508, besides the seamen. We had sixteen horsemen, eleven ships large and small, including a brigantine belonging to one Nortes, thirteen musketeers, thirty-two cross-bows, ten brass field-pieces, four falconets, and plenty of ammunition. On this occasion, he appointed Francisco de Orocza, an experienced soldier who had served in Italy, captain of the artillery, and strictly enjoined him and the gunners to keep their guns always in excellent order. From this time our general took the command in good earnest, and always used the utmost vigilance in every thing relative to the service on which we were engaged; and the grace of God enabled him to succeed in all his undertakings.
   Cortes sent at this time for me and one Martin Ramos, who had been on the former voyages, inquiring our opinion respecting the word Castillano, which was so often repeated by the Indians of Cotoche when we accompanied Cordova, saying he was convinced it had allusion to some Spaniards who were in that country. The native chiefs, and some Indian merchants who were then in Cozumel, confirmed this opinion, assuring us that they had seen and spoken to them only a few days before. Being anxious to relieve these men, and being informed what ransom was expected, he amply provided these native merchants for the purpose, and sent them with letters for these Spanish captives. He likewise sent two of our smallest vessels, under the command of Diego de Ordas, with twenty musketeers and cross-bows; directing one of these ships to remain eight days at Cape Cotoche, waiting the return of the messengers, while the other was to return with a report of the proceedings. The place where the Spaniards were said to live at was only about four leagues from Cape Cotoche, and Cortes sent a letter by the Indian messengers, requesting these captive Christians to join him. The ships with the Indian merchants crossed the gulf to Cotoche, and the letters were delivered two days afterwards to one of these Spaniards, Jeronimo de Aguilar, together with beads for his ransom. Jeronimo immediately procured his liberty, and then went to his companion in captivity, Alonso Guerrero, whom he solicited to go along with him; but he, having a wife and children, could not be prevailed upon to desert them; and so much time had been lost in this fruitless attempt, that when Jeronimo came with the Indian messengers to the coast, the ships had already sailed, having waited one day beyond the eight, so that Aguilar was forced to return to his master.
   There was a temple in the island of Cozumel containing some hideous idols, to which the Indians used often to repair in solemn procession. Observing the courts of this temple to be filled with Indians one morning, many of us were excited by curiosity to go among them to observe their ceremonies. We found them burning odoriferous resins, as we do incense; after which an old priest, clad in a large loose gown or mantle, went up to the highest part of the temple, whence he made a long discourse to the people. Cortes was present on this occasion, and questioned Melchorejo respecting the purport of the old mans harangue: After which he convened the native chiefs, and explained to them as well as he could, partly by signs and partly by means of his interpreter, that they worshipped devils which would draw their souls to hell; and that, if they wished to preserve our friendship, they must destroy their accursed idols, and plant the holy cross of the Lord, through which they would procure good harvests and the salvation of their souls. The priests and chiefs answered, that they worshipped the gods of their forefathers, and if we attempted to injure them, their gods would destroy us in the sea. But Cortes desired us to throw the idols down the steps of the temple, and sending for lime, of which there was plenty in the island, the Indian masons built by our direction a very handsome altar, on which an image of the Holy Virgin was placed, and a crucifix was erected in a small chapel or oratory close to the altar. After these preparations were completed, the mass was celebrated in great order by the reverend Father Juan Diaz215, to which ceremony the chiefs, priests, and natives all listened with great attention.
   Cortes now regulated the order of our fleet, appointing captains for all the ships, of which the following is a list. The admirals ship was commanded in person by Cortes, and the others as follow: Alvarado, Puertocarrero, Montejo, de Oli216, Ordas, Velasquez de Leon, Escalente, de Morla, Escobar, and Nortes. Pilots were appointed for all the ships, night signals were agreed upon, and every captain received a copy of the sailing orders and instructions. All things being properly regulated, and having taken a friendly leave of the natives, who promised to take great care of the altar and crucifix, and presented Cortes with some fowls and honey, we set sail from the island of Cozumel, in the beginning of March 1519. When we had only proceeded a few hours on our voyage, we learned by a signal-gun that the ship of Juan de Escalente, in which the bread of the whole fleet was embarked, was in imminent danger, having sprung a leak. This forced us to return to Cozumel, where the Indians gave us every assistance, bringing their canoes to take out the lading of the vessel; and we had the satisfaction to find, that so far from injuring our altar and crucifix, they had placed incense before them.
   On hearing of our return to Cozumel, the Indian messengers and Aguilar hired a canoe in which they crossed the gulf and joined us. Aguilar on his arrival was hardly to be distinguished from one of the natives, his colour was so dark, and he was even marked like them, being dressed in some old rags on his shoulders and round his waist, carrying an oar or paddle in his hand, and the remnant of an old prayer-book tied in a bundle on his back. He had almost forgot the use of his native tongue, and in coming into the presence of the general, he squatted down on his hams like his companions, so that no one knew which was the Spaniard. At length announcing himself, he was provided with proper clothes, and gave the following account of himself. He was a native of Ecija, and had been ordained for the church; but had been wrecked eight years before, while on a voyage from Darien to Hispaniola. He and his companions endeavoured to reach Cuba or Jamaica in their boat, but were drifted by the current on the coast, where the chiefs of the country had reduced them to slavery. Many had been sacrificed, others had died of disease, and two women who were with them had soon sunk under hard labour. Aguilar had at one time been doomed to be sacrificed, but had made his escape to a cacique with whom he had remained ever since, and of the whole who had escaped from the wreck, he and Guerrero were only now alive. He knew little of the country, having never been farther than four leagues from the coast, being employed in procuring wood and water, and digging in the maize fields. He said that Guerrero exactly resembled the Indians, by whom he was considered as a brave man; and that, about a year before217, when three ships were on the coast, he had planned the attack on the Spaniards, and even led the Indian warriors in person; on which account Cortes regretted much that he had not been able to get hold of him. Aguilar was well used by the inhabitants of Cozumel, who gave him plenty of provisions; in return for which he exhorted them to continue in our holy faith, and advised them to get letters of protection from Cortes, in case of any Spanish ship arriving on their coast, which was granted, and became afterwards of great use.
   The fleet, put to sea again on the 4th of March, and was separated by a storm that same night; but they all joined again next day, except that which was commanded by Velasquez de Leon, on which Cortes made for a certain bay, where as the pilot expected, that ship had taken shelter from the storm. At this place several of our company landed, and found four temples in a neighbouring town, containing many female idols, on which account the place was named Punta de Las Mugeres, or Cape Women. Aguilar informed the general that he had been once sent to this place with some goods, the place where he resided being only about four leagues distant, and that the residence of Guerrero was not far off. He added that this country produced a small quantity of gold, and that he was willing to serve as a guide if our general thought proper to send a party on shore. But Cortes said that his object was not in search of trifles, but to serve God and the king in an effectual manner. Our general here ordered Escobar to examine the Boca de Terminos, and, as the fleet was at this time separated, to leave beacons or directions on the coast for the direction of the other ships, or to cruize off that inlet till the missing ships should arrive; for he was led to believe this a favourable place for the settlement of a colony, from the description of the harbour, and the abundance of game which was reported to be in its neighbourhood. On Escobar landing at this place, he found the greyhound left by Grijalva on the shore, which was accordingly taken on board; but when the rest of the fleet arrived, as Escobars ship had been forced out to sea by a strong gale from the south, she was not to be found. We found, however, a letter on shore, in which Escobar gave a minute account of the state of this harbour, representing the country in a favourable point of view; and we had the good fortune to rejoin his ship next day. We were now off the point of Pontonchan, the natives of which place Cortes and many of us were much inclined to punish for their conduct in the two former expeditions. But this was strongly objected to by the pilots, because the coast was extremely shallow, insomuch that our vessels could not come nearer the land than two leagues, on which account we continued our voyage to the river of Grijalva, or Tabasco218, where we arrived on the 13th of March 1519. Being aware that the mouth of this river was too shallow for ships of large burthen, those of light draught were selected, in which, and the boats, our troops proceeded towards the shore, and were landed at Point Palmares, about half a league from the Indian town of Tabasco.
   The sides of this river were covered with mangrove trees, among which were many canoes filled with armed Indians, above 12,000 warriors being assembled in the town of Tabasco, which at that time enjoyed an extensive dominion over the neighbouring country. We who had been formerly received at this place in a friendly manner, were astonished at the present appearance of hostilities; but we learned afterwards, that the neighbouring nations of Pontonchan and Lazarus, as we called it, had reproached the timidity of the Tabascans for receiving us amicably, instead of falling upon us as they had done, and they had resolved, therefore, to take the present opportunity of regaining their character. On perceiving these demonstrations of hostility, Cortes desired Aguilar to inquire the reason from some native chiefs who were passing near us in a canoe, and to inform them that they would have sore cause to repent any hostilities they might attempt against us. In reply, they threatened to put us all to death if we dared to come near their town, which was fortified with parapets and palisades. Aguilar then desired an interview between their chiefs and our general, saying that he had matters of high importance, and of a holy nature to inform them of, and requested permission to supply our fleet with wood and water: But they only repeated their former threats. Seeing no other alternative but retreat or war, Cortes ordered three guns to be placed in each vessel, and divided the musketeers and cross-bows among them. We who had been here before recollected a narrow path which led from the point of Palmares, through some marshes and across several brooks to the town of Tabasco, of which we informed Cortes; who accordingly detached early next morning 100 soldiers under Alonzo de Avila, with orders to march into the rear of the town by that path; and, as soon as he heard the discharge of artillery, he was to attack the town on that side, while the main body did the same on the other side. Cortes then proceeded up the river with the vessels, intending to disembark as near as possible to the town; and as soon as the enemy saw us approaching, they sallied out in their canoes from among the mangroves, and a vast multitude collected against us at the place where we meant to land, making a prodigious noise of trumpets, horns, and drums. Before commencing the attack, Cortes ordered Diego de Godoy, a royal notary, to make a formal demand of liberty to supply ourselves with wood and water, and to listen to what we had to communicate in the service of GOD and our king, protesting that in case of violence, they should be held responsible for all the mischief that might follow. But, after all this was explained to them, they remained inflexibly determined to oppose us. They made the signal with their drums to commence a general attack, and immediately assailed us with a flight of arrows. They then closed round us in their canoes, fighting with lances and bows and arrows, and we had great difficulty to force our way to the shore, fighting up to our middles in the water, and struggling to extricate ourselves from deep mud, in which Cortes lost one of his buskins, and had to land barefooted. As soon as we got on dry ground, Cortes placed himself at our head, calling out St Jago, and we fell upon the enemy with great violence, whom we forced to retreat within some circular entrenchments which they had constructed of large timber. We soon drove them from these works, and made our way into the town by certain small gateways, forcing them before us up the main street to a second barricade, where they withstood us manfully, calling out al calachioni, or kill the captain. While engaged at this barricade, de Avila and the party which had marched from Point Palmares, came up very opportunely to our assistance. He had been much retarded in his march, as he had to break down several barricades in the path through the marsh, so that he now arrived at the critical moment, for we too had been detained a considerable time in making the formal summons by the notary. We now drove the enemy before us, fighting manfully and never turning their backs, to a large enclosed court, in which were three idol-houses and several large halls. They had here collected all their most valuable effects, and made a brave resistance at this last post, but were at last obliged to evacuate it also.
   Cortes now ordered the troops to halt, not thinking it prudent to pursue the natives. Having called us together in the area of this enclosure, he took formal possession of the country for his majesty, and giving three cuts with his sword into a great ceiba tree which grew beside him, he declared himself ready to defend and maintain his majesty's right of sovereignty against all gainsayers. This step was generally approved of among us, yet it gave cause of secret murmurs among those who were attached to Velasquez, as his name was not mentioned in the act of possession, which was formally recorded and witnessed by a royal notary. In the course of this action, fourteen of our soldiers were wounded, among whom I had a slight wound. Of the enemy eighteen were found dead. Having posted strong guards, we took up our quarters here for the night. Next day, Alvarado was detached with 100 men to reconnoitre the country for two leagues round our post; and on seeking Melchorejo to attend as interpreter, he was discovered to have deserted during the night, leaving his clothes behind. A second detachment of equal strength was sent in a different direction under Francisco de Lugo, who had not gone far when he was attacked by several large bodies of the enemy so furiously that he was obliged to fall back, which he did in perfect order, sending a swift-running Indian of Cuba to quarters to procure succour. Alvarado, who had advanced about a league from the town, was obliged to change the direction of his march by a river or creek, by which means he came within hearing of the musketry, and of the instruments and shouts of the Indians who were engaged with Lugo, and immediately hastened to his relief. These two united were able to repulse the enemy, and made good their retreat to the town; where we too were attacked by large bodies of the Indians, whom we soon obliged to retreat by means of our muskets and cross-bows, and the superiority of our good swords. Receiving intelligence that his detachments were hard pressed by the enemy, Cortes now sallied out with all of us who could carry arms, and met our companions on their retreat about half a league from the town. Two soldiers of the detachment belonging to Lugo were slain in this battle, and eleven were wounded. We brought in three prisoners, one of whom appeared to be a chief, by whom we were informed that Melchorejo had advised them to harrass us by continual attacks, day and night, as our numbers were few, and they would be sure to destroy us in the end. The native who gave us this information was sent off with an amicable message to his countrymen, but he never returned; and Aguilar was informed by the other natives, that the whole warriors of the country were collecting to attack us.
   Understanding the formidable preparations which were making to attack us, Cortes ordered all the wounded men who were able to march to stand to their arms, and brought the horses on shore, which were very dull and spiritless at first, but recovered themselves in the course of the day. Several of our ablest young men were at this time taken ill with a weakness in their loins, by which they were unable to stand, owing, it was supposed to the sudden change in their way of living, and to the weight of their arms in very hot weather. These were sent on board ship. The horses were distributed among the best riders, and each horse was provided with a breast-plate hung with bells. He likewise directed his small body of cavalry, while engaged with the enemy, to point their lances at the faces of the natives, and on no account to stop for the purpose of making thrusts, but always to ride straight onwards, bearing down all before them. Of this body he took the command in person for the approaching battle, being twelve in all besides himself. The infantry were placed under the chief command of Diego de Ordas, the artillery under the charge of Mesa, and the colours were carried by Antonio de Villareal. The army thus arranged, marched out early in the morning of Lady-day, 25th March, after hearing mass, and proceeded to the plain of Cintia219, where the enemy awaited us, our cavalry making a detour to avoid some marshy ground, and on purpose to gain the rear of the enemy. After marching about a league, we saw the enemy advancing towards us in the plain, making a vast noise of trumpets, horns, and drums. They wore plumes of feathers on their heads, having their faces painted black, red, and white, all wearing defensive armour of quilted cotton with large shields, and bearing lances, two-handed swords or maces, darts, large bows and arrows, and slings. Their numbers covered the whole plain, and they immediately rushed forwards to the attack, wounding above seventy of our soldiers at the first discharge of their arrows, and one man named Saldana, was slain outright by an arrow which pierced him under the ear. They closed upon us with great bravery, fighting us hand to hand, while we maintained our ground with firmness, using our cannon, muskets, cross-bows, and swords as well as we could. After some time, they drew off a little, but in this they had rather the advantage by means of their bows and arrows, though our cannon made vast havock among their crowded bodies, which were at such a distance as enabled our gunners to fire among them to the greatest possible advantage. At every discharge of the cannon, they shouted, whistled, and sounded all their warlike instruments, calling out lala! lala ! and throwing straw and dust in the air, as if to prevent our seeing the destruction produced among them by our artillery. I advised de Ordas to close with the enemy, which he objected to, saying that they outnumbered us thirty for one; yet we did advance, and as they wished to avoid encountering our sharp swords, they inclined towards a marsh. We were all this time exceedingly anxious for the arrival of Cortes and the cavalry, being afraid that he had met with some disaster; and were at length rejoiced when we saw him approaching to our relief on the rear of the Indians, who were so entirely occupied in their attack on us that they did not perceive him till he came dashing among them. The ground was quite level and open, most of the horses strong and active, and the riders brave and expert; so that they charged through among the crowded Indians in every direction, and we renewed our efforts to make them give way, encouraged by this seasonable assistance. The Indians were astonished beyond measure at this novel and unexpected attack, believing the horse and rider to be one strange ferocious animal, and instantly fled into the adjacent woods and marshes, leaving the field of battle to us.

   Cortes informed us after the battle, that his march had been much retarded by bad ground, and by the attacks of some detached bodies of the enemy, who had wounded five of his men and eight horses. Being thus victorious, the cavalry dismounted, and we assembled under a grove of trees, where we gave thanks to GOD and his blessed mother for our victory. A town was afterwards founded on the field of battle, named Santa Maria della Vittoria220, in memory of this victory. After binding up our wounds and those of the horses, which we dressed with the fat of dead Indians, we examined the field of battle, where we found upwards of 800 of the enemy dead or dying of their wounds, the slain being particularly numerous where the cavalry had charged. After burying two of our soldiers, one of whom was killed by a wound in the ear, and the other by one in the throat, we retired to our quarters at Tabasco towards evening, where we eat our suppers, and having placed sufficient guards, we went to sleep.
   Gomara relates that in this battle, previous to the arrival of Cortes with the cavalry, one of the holy apostles, either St Jago or Peter, appeared on a dapple-grey horse under the semblance of Francisco de Morla. All our victories were assuredly guided by the hand of the Lord Jesus Christ; but if this were the case, I, a poor sinner, was not worthy to be permitted to see it, neither was it seen by any of our army, above 400 in number. I certainly saw Francisco de Morla along with Cortes, but he rode a chesnut horse that day. We certainly were bad Christians indeed, if, according to the account of Gomara, GOD sent one of his holy apostles to fight at our head, and we ungratefully neglected to give thanks for so great a mercy: But, till I read the chronicle of Gomara, I never heard of this miracle, neither was it ever mentioned by any of the conquerors who were present in the battle.
   In the battle we took only five prisoners, two of whom appeared to be chiefs. These were kindly treated by Cortes, who exhorted them by means of Aguilar to induce their countrymen to enter into terms of peace and friendship with us; and having given them a number of beads and artificial diamonds, he set them at liberty. These Indians faithfully executed the commission with which they were entrusted; insomuch that the chiefs immediately sent fifteen Indians, in wretched habits, and with their faces blackened in token of contrition, and bearing a present of fowls, roasted fish, and maize, Cortes received them with kindness; but Aguilar spoke to them sharply, saying that we were disposed to treat with the chiefs, and not with slaves. Next day thirty natives of rank came in good dresses with another present, and begged permission to bury their dead, that they might not be eaten by lions and tigers221. This was immediately granted, and they proceeded to bury and inter the slain. On the following day, ten chiefs arrived in great ceremony in rich dresses, who respectfully saluted Cortes and the rest of us, fumigating us with fragrant gums; after which they asked pardon for their hostilities, and promised to behave well for the future. Cortes told them with a severe countenance, that they deserved death for having rejected our former offers of peace; but that Don Carlos, our great sovereign, had ordered us to favour them in all things if they would now deserve it by peace and submission, and they might be sure to feel the effects of our vengeance if they again revolted. He then ordered a cannon to be fired off, the noise of which, and the effects of its ball among the adjoining woods, filled them with terror, as they believed it to be some terrible living creature. The most spirited of our horses was then brought before them, so managed as to display his fierceness and action to the best advantage, which impressed the natives with astonishment and awe. Shortly after twenty Indians arrived, who were loaded with provisions for our use; and after a long conference, the chiefs took leave of Cortes and withdrew, much satisfied with their visit. We were visited on the following day by many chiefs of the neighbouring districts, who brought with them presents of golden toys in various shapes; some like human faces, and others in the shape of various animals, as lizards, dogs, and ducks. They presented at the same time three diadems or coronets, and two pieces of gold resembling the sole of a shoe or sandal, with some other articles of small value, as also some very large mantles. But the present which we considered as most valuable, was twenty women; among whom was the excellent Donna Marina, so called after her baptism. Cortes thanked the chiefs for the presents, but told them that the most certain sign of peace would be the return of the inhabitants to the town, which he desired might be in two days; and this was done accordingly. He likewise exhorted them to renounce their idolatry, explaining the mysteries of our holy faith, especially those parts of it which are represented by the cross, and the image of the holy virgin. They gave a ready assent to this, the caciques declaring their admiration of the Tecleciquata, which signifies the great princess in their language.
   The chiefs excused their late hostilities, alleging that they had been instigated to attack us by the cacique of Champoton, and by our interpreter Melchoreja who had deserted. Cortes was anxious to have this man delivered up to him, but was told that he had fled; we learned afterwards that he had been sacrificed. On being questioned whence they procured their gold, they answered that it came from the west, frequently repeating Culchua and Mexico, words we did not then understand; but an interpreter, named Franciso, who had been along with Grijalva, though he did not understand the language of Tabasco, said that he knew Culchua, which he alleged lay far inland. On the day following, having erected a crucifix and built an altar, the name of Tabasco was changed to that of Santa Maria de la Vittoria; and on this occasion, the twenty Indian women who had been presented to Cortes by the chiefs were baptized by our chaplain, Olmedo, who preached to them many good things of our holy faith, Aguilar serving as interpreter. Cortes gave one of these women to each of his captains. These were the first Christian women in New Spain.
   The young native who was baptised by the name of Donna Marina was a woman of high rank, which she shewed in her and appearance, of a beautiful person and countenance, a quick genius and high spirit, and rendered very essential services in the sequel of our expedition. She was a native of the village of Painalla, in the province of Guacacualca, or Coatzacualco222. Her father was prince or cacique of Painalla and several other districts, under subjection to the empire of Mexico; but dying while she was an infant, her mother married another cacique, by whom she had a son, to whom they wished to give the succession which ought to have belonged to Marina. For this purpose they gave her away privately to some merchants of Xicallanco, a place on the borders of Tabasco in Yucutan, giving out that she was dead, and going into mourning for the daughter of one of their slaves who died at this time, and was much of the same age. These merchants sold her to some chief in Tabasco, by whom she was afterwards presented to Cortes, who presented her to Puertocarrero; and when that cavalier returned to Spain, Cortes took her to himself, and had a son by her, named Don Martin Cortes, who became a knight of St Jago. She afterwards married, during our expedition to Higueras, a cavalier named Juan Xaramillo. During the expedition to Higueras in Honduras, in the year 1524, in which she accompanied Cortes, she had occasion to see her mother and brother; as Cortes summoned all the neighbouring caciques to meet him at Coatzacualco, among whom they came, as they now governed their territory conjunctly, the second husband being dead. On seeing Donna Marina, the old lady and her son cried bitterly, being afraid of being put to death; but Marina assured them of her forgiveness, saying that she thanked GOD their intended injury had been the means of drawing her from the worship of idols to the true faith, and was happier in having a son by her lord and master Cortes, and in the husband she then possessed, than if she had been sovereign of all New Spain, and gave them at parting a handsome present of gold. I was personally acquainted with her mother and half brother, who were both afterwards baptized, the mother by the name of Martha, and the brother by that of Lazarus. Donna Marina perfectly understood her native language of Coatzacualco, which is the same with that of Mexico; and as she could likewise converse with Aguilar in the Maja language, which is spoken in Yucutan and Tabasco, we thus acquired a medium of intercourse with the Mexicans, Tlascalans, and other nations of Anahuac or New Spain, which was of infinite importance to us in the sequel. In a little time she learnt the Spanish, by which the circuitous means of double interpretation was avoided. She was always faithful to the Spaniards, to whom her services were of the very highest importance; as she not only was the instrument of their negotiations with the various nations of Anahuac, but often saved their lives by giving them notice of dangers, and suggesting the means of avoiding them. Don Martin Cortes, her son, was afterwards most unjustly put to the torture at Mexico in 1568, on some unfounded suspicion of intended rebellion, his iniquitous and barbarous judges, paying no regard to the memory of the unequalled services rendered by his parents to the Catholic king and the Spanish nation.
   We remained five days longer in Tabasco, taking care of our sick and wounded, during, which time Cortes used his endeavours to conciliate the natives, whom he enjoined to preserve their allegiance to his Catholic majesty, by which they would secure his protection. They promised faithfully to perform all that he had enjoined, and thus became the first native vassals of the Spanish monarchy in New Spain. On Palm Sunday, with the assistance of the natives, we erected a cross made of a large cieba tree, on the field where the late battle was fought, as a lasting memorial of our victory, as this tree has the power of reproducing its bark. The natives attended us in our procession to adore the holy image of the cross, and they likewise assisted us in our preparations to reimbark, our pilots wishing to get away from this part of the coast, the anchorage being unsafe for the ships, as the wind blew strongly on the shore. Every thing being in readiness, and Cortes having taken leave of the natives, we all embarked on the evening of Palm Sunday, and set sail next morning for St Juan de Ulua. While we proceeded along the coast, such of us as had been there before along with Grijalva, pointed out to Cortes the different places which we recollected; saying here is la Rambla, there Tonala, or St Antonio, there the river of Coatzacualco, the Sierra Nevada, or Snowy Mountains, and those of St Martin, the Roca Partida, or Pierced Rock, the rivers of Alvarado, and the Vanderas, Isla Blanca, Isla Verda, Isla de los Sacrificios, and early in the evening of Holy Thursday, 21st April, we arrived at the harbour of St Juan de Ulua. While we were pointing out these places to the general, Puertocarrero came up to him, saying: "These gentlemen seem to make an exhibition, as who should say, here you have the Montesinos of France, here you see the great and flourishing city of Paris, and so forth: But I say, here you have the land of riches, and look well to your measures." Cortes perfectly understood the meaning of his words, to which he answered: "GOD grant us good fortune in arms like the paladin Orlando; for having such gentlemen as you under my command, I shall know well how to bring our enterprize to a happy conclusion."

SECTION IV. Arrival of the Armament at St Juan de Ulua, and account of Occurrences at that Place
   As already mentioned, we arrived at the port of St Juan de Ulua on the evening of Holy Thursday, the 21st April 1519, where we came to anchor, Cortes hoisting the royal standard of Spain. In about half an hour after our arrival, two large canoes or piraguas full of Mexicans were seen coming off from the shore towards the flag-ship223. On coming aboard, they inquired for the Tlatoan, or general, who was pointed out to them by Donna Marina, who acted as interpreter on the occasion with the aid of Aguilar. She translated the speech of the Mexicans to Aguilar in the Maja language of Yucatan, who again translated that to Cortes in Spanish. The reply of Cortes was translated by Aguilar to Marina in Maja, which she again retranslated to the Mexicans in their language. The Mexicans, approaching Cortes with much respect, said that they were sent to wait upon him by a servant of their sovereign Montezuma, to inquire who we were, and what was our business; and that, if we were in want of any thing, they had orders to supply us. Cortes thanked them for their attention, making them a present of some cut glass and other toys, and invited them to partake of some refreshments, stating that he had come to trade with them, and to confer with their king on affairs of the highest importance, assuring them that no one should receive any injury, but that all should have reason to be satisfied with his visit to their country.
   Next day being Good Friday, we disembarked the cavalry, artillery, and infantry, on the sand hills where the city of New Vera Cruz now stands, where we constructed huts for the troops, posting the artillery for the protection of our cantonment, and erected an altar for public performance of our devotions. Many of the natives came to visit us next day, bringing hatchets with them, and assisted us in making our huts more comfortable, more especially that of our general; they also brought a present of many large cloths or mantles to protect us from the sun, and made us a considerable present of fowls, bread, and plumbs, and some gold. The bearers of this present informed Cortes that the governor of the province intended to wait upon him on the second day after, being Easter Sunday, the 24th of April. Accordingly Teuchtlile, the governor, came at the time specified, accompanied by a chief named Quitlatpitoc224, who was afterwards named Ovandillo, with a great retinue bearing various articles of provisions with much ceremony and respect. These men advanced, making three profound reverences to Cortes and the soldiers who were with him; and, after exchanging civilities, Cortes ordered mass to be performed in their presence, after which he and the two Mexican lords with several Spanish officers, sat down to dinner. When this was over, he informed the Mexican chiefs, that he was the servant of the greatest king in the world, who had sent him to visit their sovereign, whose fame had reached him, and who had ordered him to communicate some affairs of the greatest importance. To this Teuchtlile answered somewhat haughtily: "You are only just arrived in this land, and yet speak already of seeing our king: receive in the meantime this present which he has sent you, and we shall speak of other things hereafter." He then took from a petlacalli, or basket of reeds, many admirably wrought toys of gold, with various artificial works in coloured feathers, which he presented to Cortes, together with ten loads of fine garments of white cotton, and an abundant supply of provisions, such as fowls, fruit, and roasted fish. There were many other articles in the present made on this occasion which I do not now remember the particulars of, as it is long ago. Cortes presented them in return with artificial diamonds, and requested they would encourage the natives to barter with us, which they engaged to do. We afterwards learnt that these Mexican chiefs were the governors Cuetlachtlan, Tustepeque, Cuetzpaltepec, Tlacatlalpan, and other districts, which had been lately reduced under the Mexican empire. Cortes then produced a richly carved and painted arm-chair, some artificial jewels called margajitas225 enveloped in perfumed cotton, a string of artificial diamonds, and a crimson velvet montero cap ornamented with a gold medal of St George killing the dragon; which he requested Teuchtlile to convey to Montezuma as a present from the king of Spain, and to signify his request to be permitted to wait upon him. The chief made answer, that his sovereign would assuredly be happy to hold intercourse with ours, and that he should convey a true report of this request to Montezuma, who would instruct him what answer he should make.
   Some able Mexican painters accompanied the two chiefs on this occasion, who drew accurate representations of Cortes and the other Spanish officers and soldiers, of Donna Marina, Aguilar, and every circumstance that seemed worthy of remark, even our dogs, guns, and balls, in order to convey exact information to Montezuma. On perceiving this, Cortes ordered the cannon to be loaded, and ordered the cavalry to be exercised in their presence under Alvarado. He drew off the attention of the chiefs as if by accident, and had the cannon discharged without any previous notice. The prodigious noise of the explosion, and the strange effects of the balls among the trees, impressed the natives with terror and amazement, yet their painters endeavoured to represent even this for the information of their king. Teuchtlile happened to notice a partly gilt helmet226 on one of our soldiers, which he said resembled one which had belonged to their ancestors, and which was now placed on the head of Huitzilopochtli, their god of war, and which he wished to carry along with them to Montezuma. Cortes immediately complied with his request, saying that it would be proper to return it full of grains of gold, as a fit present for our emperor, in order to see whether the gold of Mexico was the same with that of Spain. Teuchtlile now took leave of Cortes, assuring him that he would very soon return with an answer from Montezuma. Our presents, and intelligence of all that had passed at this interview, were conveyed with amazing rapidity to Montezuma by this officer, who was as much distinguished for swiftness of foot as for his high rank. Montezuma was particularly struck with the appearance of the helmet, as it impressed him strongly with the opinion that we were destined by heaven to acquire the rule over his empire227. On the departure of Teuchtlile, the other chief, Cuitlalpitoc, took up his residence in a temporary building near the camp, whence his people supplied the table of Cortes with provisions, and our soldiers procured subsistence by means of barter with the natives.
   At the end of six or seven days, Teuchtlile returned to the camp, accompanied by more than an hundred men bearing presents from Montezuma. He had another Mexican chief along with him, named Quintalbor228, who had so strong a resemblance to our general, that the soldiers always called him the other Cortes. On coming into the presence of Cortes, the ambassadors touched the ground with their hands, which they kissed in token of respect, and then fumigated him and the rest of the Spaniards with incense. After some conversation, the presents were displayed on mats and mantles spread out on the ground. The first was a plate of gold, as large as a coach wheel, most admirably wrought, and representing the sun229, said to exceed the value of 20,000 crowns. The next was an equally well wrought plate of silver, but larger, representing the moon. The helmet was returned as desired, full of native grains of gold to the value of 3000 crowns; but the information with this circumstance conveyed to us of the richness of the mines of this country was inestimable. There were then displayed a number of toys or ornaments of gold, remarkably well executed, resembling various animals, as deers, dogs, lions, tigers, apes, ducks, &c. twelve arrows, a bow with its cord, two rods like those used by officers of justice, five palms long, ten collars, and many other ornaments, all cast or moulded in fine gold. There were likewise several representations of plumes of feathers in fillagree work, some of gold and others of silver, with several fans of the same materials, and some beautiful plumes of green feathers. There were likewise thirty loads of the finest cotton cloth, and many other articles which I do not now remember. The ambassadors then made a speech, in which they desired Cortes to accept this present in the same spirit of good will in which it was sent by their sovereign, and to divide it among the teules230 who accompanied him. They also delivered the following message from Montezuma: "He rejoiced to hear of the arrival of so many valiant men in his empire; should be happy to see our sovereign and to interchange presents with him, and would render us every service in his power; but that a visit to his court would be attended with numerous difficulties, as the way to it is through barren deserts and the countries of inimical nations, and he could not therefore wish us to attempt the journey." Cortes received this message with the appearance of much good humour, and presented the ambassadors with fine Holland shirts and other articles of small value; but made them the following reply: "That, after having passed so great an extent of sea, he could not possibly return without executing the orders of his sovereign, which were to wait upon the great Montezuma in person, and to communicate to him matters of great importance which he was commanded to deliver." The ambassadors replied, that they would convey his message to their sovereign, but gave no hopes of bringing back a favourable answer. Cortes made up a second present for Montezuma out of our small means, consisting of a Venice drinking glass, curiously gilt and ornamented with figures, three fine shirts, and some other articles of European manufacture, with which the ambassadors returned to Mexico, leaving Quitlalpitoc, as formerly, to supply our camp with provisions.
   As the uninhabited sand banks on which we were encamped were much infested with mosquitos, and seemed unfit for a settlement, Cortes sent Francisco de Montejo with two small ships, to examine the coast in search of a port in a better situation for a colony. He accordingly proceeded along the coast as far as the river of Panuco, which the currents prevented him from passing, and on his return he reported that the only place he could find for the purpose, was a town or fortress called Quiabuistlan231, twelve leagues from St Juan de Ulua, near which there was a harbour which his pilot said was sheltered from the north wind. This place was afterwards called Puerto del Nombre Feo, from its resemblance to a harbour of that name in Spain. Montejo employed ten or twelve days in this expedition, in which time Quitlalpitoc became exceedingly remiss in supplying our wants, so that we began to be in great distress for provisions. The bread and bacon we had brought from Cuba became rotten, and we must have starved but for our success in fishing, as the few natives who occasionally brought fowls for sale valued them much higher than they had done at the first. After waiting a long time with much impatience, Teuchtlile returned to the camp alone, the other ambassador having fallen ill by the way. He delivered a present of ten loads of the finest cotton garments, four jewels resembling emeralds, called calchihuis, so highly valued by the Mexicans, that he said each was worth more than a load of gold, and besides these, some gold ornaments to the value of 3000 crowns, and some ornamental work in feathers. After delivering this present, Teuhtlile said, that Montezuma desired to have no more messages, and that henceforth all farther intercourse between the Spaniards and Mexico must cease. Though much mortified at this refusal, Cortes made a polite answer; after which, turning to some of us who were present, he said, "Assuredly this is a great and rich king; and, with the permission of God, we must see him." To which we all answered that we were ready to march at his command. At this moment the bell tolled for the Ave Maria, and we all fell on our knees before the holy cross. The Mexican chiefs were curious to know the meaning of all this, and asked why we adored that piece of wood. On this, at the suggestion of Cortes, Father Olmedo explained the mystery of the cross, by virtue of which the evil spirits were chased away, and endeavoured to instruct them in the principles of Christianity, representing the abomination of their idolatry, and the barbarity of their human sacrifices, the putting a stop to which was the principal object of our voyage to their country. He then shewed them an image of the Holy Virgin with the child Jesus in her arms, desiring them to take it with them and adore it, and to plant similar crosses to that they now saw in their temples instead of their accursed images. Teuhtlile promised that he would relate every thing he had seen and heard to his sovereign, and went his way.
   At this time considerable quantities of gold were brought by the natives to barter with the soldiers for toys, but very few provisions, so that we were forced to pay away this gold again to our mariners for fish, as otherwise we should have been reduced to absolute want. Cortes was perfectly aware of this private traffic, which however he considered as tending to advance his own schemes, although he carefully concealed his opinions on the subject; but the adherents of Velasquez began to express much displeasure at the practice, and demanded of Cortes to take such measures as might bring all the gold into a public stock under the charge of a common treasurer, for the benefit of all concerned. Cortes immediately complied with their requisition, and appointed Gonzalo Mexia to this office; but said angrily to those who had insisted on this regulation, "Our brave companions are suffering under a scarcity of provisions, and I connived therefore at the trifling traffic in gold which they have been carrying on, because we have great prospects before as of acquiring much wealth. I have now proclaimed the regulations which you have demanded; and we shall see in future how the soldiers will be able to procure food." Soon afterwards we found that all the Mexicans had quitted our neighbourhood without taking leave, which we learned in the sequel had been done by orders from Montezuma, who had resolved to allow of no farther intercourse between us and his empire. This sovereign was extremely bigotted to the idolatrous worship, established in his dominions, sacrificing boys every day to his false gods, that they might direct his proceedings. The priests accordingly pretended, that the gods had prohibited the reception of the cross into Mexico, and had forbidden any farther intercourse with the Spaniards. This gave occasion to the removal of Quitlalpitoc and his attendants, on which we deemed it necessary to prepare against approaching hostilities, all our remaining provisions being removed to the ships for security, and the utmost vigilance enjoined in the camp in case of any sudden attack.
   While in this state of uncertainty and alarm, I and another soldier happened one day to be standing on guard on the sands at some distance from the camp, when we observed five natives approaching towards us. As they were so few, we did not choose to occasion any unnecessary alarm, and allowed them to draw near. They saluted us in a friendly manner, and desired by signs to be conducted to our general. Leaving my comrade at the outpost, I attended them to the camp, being then young and active, though now old and worn down with fatigues. These Indians were very different in their appearance from the Mexicans, and spoke a different language called the Totanaquean. They wore large rings of stone painted blue in their ears, and had some fine leaves of gold depending from their lips. When I presented them before Cortes, they saluted him with great reverence, giving the title of Lopelucio, which signifies lord in their language. But as their language was not understood by any of our interpreters, Donna Marina asked in Mexican if any of them could speak that tongue, on which two of them said they did. They now delivered their message in the Mexican language, saying, That their lord, who was chief of the city of Chempoalla, had sent them to congratulate us on our arrival, and would be proud to serve such valiant men as he was told we were, and would have waited upon us sooner, but had not dared to approach the camp from dread of the people of Culchua, who were with us. Cortes was much pleased to discover by this embassy, that Montezuma had enemies in the country, who bore his yoke with impatience; he treated these people therefore with much kindness, and dismissed them with presents, desiring them to return thanks to their chief for his courtesy, and that he would pay him an amicable visit as soon as possible.
   The sands on which we had so long encamped were much infested by the small mosquito or sand-fly, which is the most troublesome of all, and would hardly ever allow us to sleep; our bread was all spoiled, and our bacon became rotten, and we had hardly now any thing to eat. The faction of Velasquez, and those who had left comfortable plantations in the island of Cuba, became very impatient of our present situation, which certainly required a speedy change, and Cortes therefore proposed to take possession of the fortified town of Chiahuitztla, near the new harbour which Montejo had discovered. The persons already mentioned were much dissatisfied with this intended movement, complaining that our force was inadequate to encounter the natives of this vast country, having already lost more than thirty-five of our number; and that the proper proceeding under the existing circumstances, was to return to Cuba, and report to Velasquez all that had been done hitherto. Cortes replied to these remonstrances, That we had no cause as yet to complain of fortune, the deaths that had happened being the ordinary fate of war; that it was our own fault if we wanted provisions in a land of plenty; and that it would be disgraceful to quit the country without seeing more of it, which, with the blessing of God, he was resolved to attempt. This reply somewhat calmed the remonstrants, but by no means extinguished the spirit of the malcontent party. Cortes had obtained the concurrence of many of the officers and companions in a scheme for appointing him to the independent command of the expedition, among whom were Puertocarrero, the Alvarados, De Oli, Escalente, De Lugo, and myself; but this was suspected by Montejo, who closely watched all our proceedings. One night, Puertocarrero, Escalente, and De Lugo, who was my distant relation, came very late to my hut, desiring me to take my arms and join Cortes who was going his rounds. On leaving the hut, these gentlemen informed me they wished to have some conversation with me out of hearing of my comrades, who belonged to the party of Velasquez, saying, "Senior del Castillo, you have now visited this country a third time to your great loss. Cortes has deceived us, having represented in Cuba that he was authorised to establish a colony; whereas it now appears he has only powers to trade, and means to return to Cuba, when all the wealth we have acquired will be given up to Velasquez. Many of us have resolved to take possession of this country under Cortes for his majesty, electing Cortes for our general until the royal pleasure is made known, and we expect your vote on this occasion." I concurred with them heartily in this plan; and we went through all the huts of the camp, canvassing votes for Cortes.
   This affair became soon known to the party of Velasquez, which was more numerous than ours, and its leaders haughtily demanded of Cortes to desist from these underhand dealings, as it was his duty to return to Velasquez, because we were not provided for the establishment of a colony. Cortes answered mildly, that he would return immediately; but we of the other party exclaimed against this resolution; saying that he had deceived us by pretending to have a commission to colonize, when it now appeared he only meant to trade, and we now demanded him to fulfil his original engagement with us, as most conducive to the service of God and the king. We asserted that more soldiers would soon join us, if we were once established; and that he and Velasquez had drawn us to our ruin, by giving us hopes of a settlement, which was now denied; and we insisted on Cortes accepting the command of us, who were determined to try our fortunes in this new country, while such as chose to return to Cuba were welcome to depart. Cortes, after affecting for some time to refuse our offer, at length complied, and was appointed by us captain-general and supreme magistrate, in the name of the king, and without dependence on Velasquez. The worst part of the business was, that we assigned him a fifth part at all the gold which might be acquired, after deducting the share belonging to the king. Being now formally invested by us with the supreme authority, of which a formal instrument was drawn up by Diego de Godoy, the royal notary, Cortes proceeded immediately to the settlement of a town, which was denominated Villa Rica, de la Vera Cruz. It was called Villa Rica, because of the words of Puertocarrero formerly mentioned, "behold the rich lands;" and de la Vera Cruz, because he arrived at this place on Holy Thursday and disembarked on Good Friday. On this occasion we elected civil magistrates of the new colony; Puertocarrero and Montejo being the two first alcaldes, Pedro de Alvarado captain of the expeditions, Christoval de Oli maestrй de campo, Juan de Escalente alguazil major, Gonzalo Mexia treasurer, Alonzo de Avila contador, Corral standard-bearer, Ochoa Viscanio and Alonzo Romero military alguazils.
   These steps gave great offence to the faction of Velasquez, insomuch that they used many mutinous expressions, and were almost ready to proceed to acts of violence. They declared that they would not submit to the usurped authority of Cortes, being resolved to return to Cuba, according to the orders and instructions of Velasquez. Cortes declared that he had no desire to detain any against their inclinations, even if he should remain alone. This pacified many of the malcontents; but Juan Velasquez de Leon, Diego de Ordas, Escobar, Escudero, and some others were so violent in their opposition, that Cortes was obliged to have them arrested, and they were detained for some time in irons. By a private concert with Cortes, Juan de Escalente demanded by our authority, that the instructions from Velasquez should be produced, that we might be enabled to lay a detailed account of the whole proceedings before the king for our justification. The tenor of these was, "To return as soon as we had procured all the gold which could be had." This appeared afterwards to have been a very necessary precaution, from the steps which were taken against us by Don Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, bishop of Burgos and archbishop of Rossano.

SECTION V. The Spanish Army advances into the Country, and an account of their Proceedings before commencing the March to Mexico
   The hardships we now endured for want of provisions required immediate relief, and Alvarado was detached with a party of an hundred soldiers, to search the country for maize and other provisions. These now sent were mostly of the party of Velasquez, as it was thought prudent that the adherents of Cortes should remain with him in a body. Alvarado marched to several small villages belonging to the district of Costitlan, which he found deserted by the inhabitants, who had retired on his approach. In the temples he found several bodies of men and boys recently sacrificed, and the stone knives yet smoking with which the horrible ceremony had been performed. The limbs had been severed from the bodies, and taken away to be eaten, as our people were informed. Our soldiers were exceedingly shocked at these abominable scenes; but such were seen by us everywhere in our after-progress through the country. In these villages, abundance of provisions were procured, which were brought to the camp; but nothing else was brought away, as Cortes had strictly forbidden them to touch any thing else. They returned with the provisions and two prisoners to the camp, where we were all rejoiced in the novelty of good fare. Cortes, by his address and good management, soon drew over many of the adherents of Velasquez to his interest, gaining some by the unfailing influence of gold, and others by promises. By these means, having brought the prisoners from the ships, in which they had been hitherto confined, he attached most of them sincerely to his party, and in a few days set them all at liberty. We now proceeded towards the fortress of Chiahuitztla, and passed, during the march, a large fish which had been cast ashore. We arrived at a river where the town of Vera Cruz now stands, and crossed to a village on the opposite side in the district dependent on the town of Chempoalla. In some temples belonging to this village, we found the instruments and remains of human sacrifices, large quantities of parrots feathers, and certain books made of a kind of paper, folded up like Spanish cloth. From this village we altered our line of march, which had been hitherto along the coast, and advanced inland towards the west, when we came into an extensive plain without any beaten track, where we saw several herds of deer. Alvarado, on his swift chesnut mare, gave chace to one of the deer, which he wounded with his lance, but it escaped from him into the woods. Having advanced some way into the plain, we were met by twelve Indians bringing a present of provisions, who had been sent by the chief of a town a days journey from us, inviting us to come to his residence. Cortes returned thanks for the provisions, and we proceeded to a village where we halted for the night, finding as usual the remains of human victims, both male and female; but as this was universal, I shall not disgust my readers by repeating the horrid details.
   Early next morning we resumed our march, guided by the friendly Indians who had joined us the preceding day, and sent forwards some of them to apprize the chief of Chempoalla of our approach. When about a league from that place, we were met by twenty principal inhabitants, who presented Cortes and the cavalry with bouquets of very odoriferous flowers, apologizing for the absence of the cacique, as he was too fat and unwieldy to be able to come so far in person. Continuing our march, we arrived at the town of Chempoalla, viewing with admiration the beauty of its situation and buildings, and the elegant plantations of trees in its neighbourhood. Our advanced guard preceded us to the great square, which had been recently plastered and white-washed, and one of our horsemen was so amazed at its splendid appearance, that he rode back at full speed to inform Cortes that the walls of the houses were all of silver. We used afterwards to laugh at this man, saying that every thing white was silver in his eyes. The buildings in this square were appointed for our quarters, where we were all well lodged in spacious apartments, and where the natives had provided a plentiful entertainment for us, with baskets of plumbs and bread made of maize. We were much pleased with the place and our reception; some of the soldiers calling it Seville, and others Villa Viciosa, on account of its pleasantness232. When the fat cacique of Chempoalla understood that we had finished our repast, he caused Cortes to be informed that he intended paying him a visit, and came accordingly, attended by many principal natives of the town, dressed in their richest mantles, and ornamented with gold. Cortes received him with great ceremony, embracing him in sign of respect, and they sat down together. The cacique ordered a present to be laid before Cortes, consisting of mantles and some gold, but of small value, making an apology for its worthlessness, because he had lately been forced to submit to the dominion of Montezuma, who had stripped him of all his gold, and now held him completely enthralled. Cortes promised to repay his present with good services, and would soon take measures to free him of the thraldom of which he complained, having been sent hither by a great emperor to redress wrongs, to punish the wicked, and to put a stop to human sacrifices, adding many things concerning our holy religion. The cacique then made a polite answer, and took his leave.
   We resumed our march next morning, attended by above 400 natives who were appointed to carry our baggage. These Indian porters are called tamenes in the language of the country, who carry a burthen of about fifty pounds weight, being relieved at the end of every five leagues; and we were informed that every cacique is bound to provide such men on demand, for the service of every respectable person who passes through their territories. We arrived at night in a village near the town of Chiahuitztla, where we found an abundant supply of provisions, provided for our use by order from the cacique of Chempoalla. At ten o'clock of the following morning, we entered the fortified town of Chiahuitztla, which is situated upon a high rock of very difficult ascent, marching in close order with our artillery in front. At this time, one Villanueva happened to quit his rank, on which his captain Alonso de Avilla, a harsh tempered officer, gave him a thrust of his lance in the arm, which lamed him ever after. We advanced to the middle of this city, not only without any resistance, but even without meeting a single individual; but on approaching the temples in the great square, fifteen persons in rich dresses came to meet Cortes, carrying pans of incense, who excused the absence of the people from fear, requesting us to stop and refresh ourselves in their city, and promising that the inhabitants should return before night. Cortes gave a similar account of the object of our mission, with that already given to the cacique of Chempoalla, and made them a present of some trifles, desiring them to supply us with provisions, which was immediately complied with. Soon after our arrival, Cortes received notice of the approach of the fat cacique of Chempoalla in a litter, in which he was carried by his principal nobles. On his arrival, he and the chiefs of Chiahuitztla, made bitter complaints of the tyranny of Montezuma over the whole district of the Totonacas, which contained above thirty towns, having engrossed all the gold, and oppressed them by heavy tributes, but particularly by taking away their sons for sacrifices to the idols, and their daughters as slaves. Cortes consoled them as well as he could, promising the redress of all their grievances; and while they were thus conferring, notice was brought that five Mexican collectors of the tribute had just arrived. This intelligence greatly alarmed the natives, who went away trembling to receive them, leaving Cortes quite alone.
   As the Mexican officers went to their apartments, they passed us in great state, without deigning even to look towards Cortes. They were dressed in finely wrought mantles and trowsers, having their shining black hair tied up on the top of their heads, each carrying a bunch of roses in their hands; and they were attended by many servants, who fanned them, every one of whom carried a cord and a hooked stick. On coming to their apartments, where chocolate had been made ready for their refreshment, they were attended by a numerous company of the principal people of the place; and, having taken their chocolate, they sent for the fat cacique of Chempoalla and the chiefs of Chiahuitztla, whom they severely reprimanded for having received and entertained us, contrary to the orders of Montezuma; and after threatening severe punishments, they made a demand of twenty men and women, to be offered as sacrifices to the Mexican idols, to expiate this heavy offence. On Cortes being informed of their barbarous exaction, he proposed to the chiefs to seize these officers, till Montezuma might be informed of their tyrannical conduct to his subjects; but they were terrified at the proposal, and refused their concurrence. But Cortes made them be seized, and ordered them to be fastened by the neck to some large staves and collars, like a pillory, so that they were unable to move, even ordering one of them to be soundly beaten, who proved refractory. Cortes then caused a proclamation to be made, that no tribute or obedience was in future to be paid to Montezuma, and that every one of his officers who entered the district should be imprisoned. This intelligence soon spread over the country; and the natives said that such measures could only be attempted by teules, or superior beings, by which name they distinguished their idols, but ever afterwards applied to the Spaniards. The native chiefs were now bent upon sacrificing to their idols those officers whom before they dared hardly look at, meaning thereby to prevent them from carrying intelligence to Mexico of what had been done; but Cortes prevented this by placing them under a guard of our soldiers. He made two of them be brought before him at midnight, whom he caused to be unbound; and, pretending ignorance of what had happened, he asked who they were and why they had been made prisoners. They answered that they were Mexican officers, who had been made prisoners by the chiefs of that town by his encouragement. He pretended to know nothing of the matter, and expressed sorrow for what had befallen them. Then ordering food to be given them, he treated them kindly, and desired them to inform Montezuma, that he was exceedingly desirous of becoming his friend and servant, and that he was much displeased with the Totonacas for having used them ill. He promised likewise to set their companions free, and to reprimand the caciques for their conduct. He then desired them to go their ways as quickly as possible; but they said they would assuredly be destroyed in attempting to pass through the country of the Totonacas; on which he sent them in a boat with six sailors, who were ordered to land them beyond the territory of Chempoalla.
   When the caciques discovered next morning that two of their prisoners had escaped, they were anxious to sacrifice the others immediately: But Cortes, pretending to be angry at the escape of the two whom he had released, ordered the others to be sent in chains on board one of the ships, to get them out of the power of the Totonacas, directing them to be freed from their chains immediately on getting aboard, with assurance of being soon allowed to return to Mexico. The caciques now consulted with Cortes in what manner to defend themselves from the resentment of Montezuma, who must soon learn the evil treatment of his officers, and would speedily overwhelm them under the force of his innumerable armies. With a cheerful countenance, Cortes assured them that he and his valiant companions would defend them from all attacks of the Mexicans; and the caciques, in return, engaged to support us with all their forces. They likewise at this time entered into promise of allegiance to the king of Spain, of which a formal instrument was drawn up before the royal notary, Godoy, and proclamation of this change of dominion was made through the province, to the great joy of the natives for being relieved from the vexatious exactions of the Mexican officers.
   No time was lost in taking advantage of this important alliance, and we immediately proceeded to lay the foundations of a colony in a plain about half a league from Chiahuitztla, where we now were. The foundations of a church, square, fort, and arsenal were traced out, and all the buildings were raised to the first story, as also the walls and parapets of the fort, which were provided with loop-holes and barbicans. Cortes gave an example of industry, in carrying earth and stones for the buildings, and in digging out the foundations, and was imitated by all the officers and soldiers; some in digging, others in constructing the walls of clay, some in carrying water, or in making bricks and tiles, while others prepared the timber, and the smiths were busy in making ready the iron work. By these means, and by the aid of the natives, we soon nearly completed the fort, with the church and houses.
   In the meantime, on receiving information of the rebellion of the Totonacas, and the usage his officers had received, Montezuma was enraged against Cortes, and ordered two armies to march, one for the punishment of the rebels, and the other against us. But when they were ready to march, the two officers arrived who had been liberated by Cortes, and gave a favourable report of the treatment they had received while in our hands. This lessened his anger, and induced him to send us an amicable message, which was brought by two of his nephews, under the care of four old nobles of the highest rank belonging to his court. These brought a present of gold and mantles, worth about 2000 crowns, and delivered a complimentary message to Cortes, thanking him for liberating the officers, yet complaining of him for instigating the Totonacas to rebel whom he would severely punish hereafter, yet refrained from doing so while we were among them, since he believed we were of the same ancestors with himself, and were the people of whom their ancient prophesies had made mention. Cortes desired the ambassadors to believe that he and all his people were entirely devoted to the service of the great Montezuma, on whose account he had protected the officers; and causing the other three who were on board ship to be brought, he delivered them to the ambassadors. He then complained of the unkindness of Montezuma, in ordering Cuitlalpitoc and the natives to desert us, by which incivility we had been deprived of provisions, and had been under the necessity of coming into the country of the Totonacas, who had received us with much kindness. He farther trusted that Montezuma would pardon what had happened, who could not now look for tribute from that province, the inhabitants of which had become vassals to the king of Spain. He desired them likewise to say, that he hoped soon to have it in his power to pay his respects in person to the great Montezuma, when he had no doubt of settling everything to his entire satisfaction. He then presented glass diamonds and coloured beads to the young princes, and ordered out the cavalry to perform their evolutions in his presence, at which they were extraordinarily astonished and much pleased. After all this, the ambassadors returned to Mexico, much satisfied with their reception. This embassy had a great effect on the natives of the country in our favour, as they concluded we must certainly be very formidable indeed, since even the great Montezuma seemed afraid of us.
   At this time the fat cacique of Chempoalla complained to Cortes of certain outrages committed by the soldiers of a Mexican garrison in a town called Cincapacinga, nine leagues off Chiahuitztla, where we were then quartered, and requested his assistance. Turning to some of the Spaniards who were about him, Cortes said jocularly: "You see that these people esteem us as superior beings; let us encourage their prejudice, and make them believe that one of us can drive an army of the natives before him. I will send old Heredia the musketeer, whose fierce scarred countenance, great beard, one eye, and lame leg, will terrify them." Heredia had served in the wars of Italy, and was ordered by Cortes to proceed only to the river, where he was to fire a musket as a signal, meaning only to try how far the credulity of the Indians would carry them. As Heredia was present, Cortes pointed him out to the Indians, and desired him to go with his teule, who would kill or make prisoners of all their enemies. The caciques set out accordingly with their warriors, headed by Heredia, who went firing his musket before them. As soon as they reached the river, the old soldier made the appointed signal, and Cortes sent to recal them, having sufficiently tried their faith, and informed them that he would march against their enemies with all his troops. When the soldiers were ordered to prepare for this duty, those who were of the party of Velasquez refused to obey, and insisted on returning to Cuba. The mutineers who avowed themselves on this occasion were only seven in number; and on being reprimanded by Cortes, they insolently replied, that they wondered at his temerity, in attempting to establish a colony among such prodigious multitudes of natives with so small a force; that they were already tired of being so dragged about, and were resolved to go back to their plantations in Cuba. Though he disapproved their conduct, Cortes declared he would not oppose them; on which they embarked, taking on board their provision of bread, vegetables, and oil for the voyage, and one of them named Moron sold a good horse to Juan Ruano, receiving its price in an assignment over some property in Cuba. When the vessel was about to sail, we all waited on Cortes, having the civil officers of the colony at our head, and requested that no one should be allowed to quit their colours, for which these men rather deserved to die, than to be thus permitted to depart. Cortes appeared at first unwilling to recal his permission, but at last acceded to our wishes, and the seven deserters were obliged to return, under the ridicule of us all. Moron in particular was most laughed at, as having lost his horse, which Ruano refused to return, referring to the assignment in Cuba for the agreed payment.
   The discontents being for the present appeased, Cortes set out against Cincapacinga with 400 soldiers, and was joined at Chempoalla by 1000 of our allied natives, divided into four companies. We marched five leagues the first day, and reached the outskirts of Cincapacinga next day, which we found situated among steep rocks of difficult access. Eight of the principal inhabitants of the place waited on Cortes, whom they asked with tears in their eyes what misconduct of theirs had induced him to destroy them; adding, that the ill will of our allies of Chempoalla proceeded from an ancient dispute about boundaries, and they now took the advantage of our assistance to rob and murder them unjustly. They acknowledged that a Mexican garrison had been in their town, but assured him that it had retired when the officers of Montezuma were arrested at Chiahuitztla, and earnestly entreated to be admitted into favour. Cortes gave immediate orders, forbidding the allies to advance; but they were already engaged in plundering the suburbs, at which Cortes was very angry, and ordering the Chempoallan captains into his presence, he reproached them for their misrepresentations, when their obvious purpose was to employ us, who were bound to prevent and redress injustice, to aid them in plundering their neighbours. He commanded them therefore, on pain of death, instantly to liberate all their prisoners, to restore their plunder, and to withdraw for the night with all their men from the town; with all which orders they immediately complied. By this just conduct, Cortes won the hearts of the people in this district to our cause, and the chiefs and priests listened attentively to his exhortations to abandon their abominable idolatry and barbarous human sacrifices, coming under engagements of allegiance to our king, and making heavy complaints against the tyranny of the Mexican government. Next morning, Cortes brought the chiefs of Chempoalla and Cincapacinga together, and effectuated a complete reconciliation between the two districts. We then set out on our return, taking a different route from that by which we advanced, and halted after a fatiguing march, in a village belonging to the district of Cincapacinga. While here, one of our soldiers took two fowls from one of the inhabitants, and Cortes got notice of the transaction, who was so highly incensed at the commission of such an outrage in a peaceable district, that he immediately ordered the soldier to be hanged; but captain Alvarado cut the rope with his sword in time to save his life. We proceeded from that village to another in the district of our first allies, where the cacique of Chempoalla waited for us with a supply of provisions, and next day marched back to our quarters at Chiahuitztla, into which we were escorted by all the chiefs. Our conduct on this expedition raised us higher than ever in the esteem of the natives, who could distinguish the excellence of justice, though untaught, and saw that the behaviour of Cortes corresponded with his professions of having come into their country to redress injuries, and to put an end to tyranny.
   The natives were now under great terror of the power and vengeance of Montezuma for revolting from his authority. They proposed therefore to fix our abode in their country by inducing us to marry their women; and for this purpose, eight young women of the principal families of the district were introduced, all richly dressed and decorated with gold collars and ear-rings, attended by many female slaves. The fat cacique then made a speech to our general, in which he said that seven of these women were intended for the captains of our army, and the eighth, who was his own niece and proprietor of several villages and many vassals, was meant for himself. Cortes received this offer with thanks; but observed, that in order to establish an entire friendship between them and us, they must first renounce their gross idolatry, the shameful custom of male youths appearing in female attire, and their barbarous human sacrifices; as we were daily shocked by seeing four or five horrid murders, the miserable victims being cut up and exposed as beef is in our public markets. The chiefs and priests replied that they could not consent to renounce the accustomed worship of their gods, but were willing to abolish the other evil customs of which he complained. We were by no means satisfied with this answer, and having made sure of our hearty co-operation, Cortes ordered us all under arms, and informed the chiefs that we were determined upon suppressing their idolatrous worship by force at the hazard even of our lives. On hearing this resolution, the fat cacique ordered all his people to arm for the defence of the temple; and when we were about to ascend the great flight of steps, he expostulated with Cortes for attempting a measure which would ensure the destruction both of them and us, by incensing their gods. Cortes replied that their remonstrances were all in vain, as he was determined to hurl their pretended gods down the steps of the temple. Then fifty of us went up to the summit of the temple, whence we threw down and dashed in pieces all the abominable idols we could find, some like dragons, others having half human figures, and others again like dogs. At this sight, the chiefs and priests wept and prayed us to desist, but the warriors seemed ready to attack us; on which we immediately seized the fat cacique and six other chiefs and priests, exclaiming that we would put them all instantly to death, if any resistance or outrage was attempted. The cacique then ordered his warriors to desist, and the tumult being appeased, Cortes made them a long harangue on the subject of religion. He then gave orders that the fragments of the broken idols should be burnt; on which eight priests, who were accustomed to take care of them, brought all their fragments into the temple, where they were consumed to ashes. These priests were dressed in long black mantles like sheets, hanging down to the ground, with hoods hanging on their shoulders like our cannons, and other smaller hoods resembling those of our Dominican friars. Their long hair was matted together with clotted blood, some of them having it so long as to hang down to their feet, and others only to the waist. Their ears were all torn and cut, and they smelt horribly of putrid flesh. These priests were said to be all of noble families.

   When all this was ended, Cortes made a harangue to the people, saying, That we were now really brothers, and that Montezuma should not oppress them any more, for he would place them under the protection of the Mother of God, whom we adored; and he added many good and holy arguments exceedingly well expressed, to all of which the people listened most attentively. He then had the walls of the temple cleared of blood and new plastered, employing a number of Indian masons for this purpose, using lime which the place afforded in plenty. After having thus cleaned and purified the temple, he ordered a new altar to be erected, which he hung all round with rich mantles, and adorned it with wreaths of odoriferous flowers; and ordering four native priests to cut off their hair and to put on white garments, he committed the altar to their care, on which he planted the holy cross, before which our chaplain Olmedo celebrated the mass. He also instructed the natives to make wax candles, and enjoined the four priests to keep some of these always burning before the altar. All these things being arranged, he placed a lame old soldier named Juan de Torres, to reside in the temple as a hermit, and to keep the native priests to their new duty. In this first Christian church of New Spain, the principal persons of the surrounding districts attended divine service, and the eight native ladies, already mentioned, having been previously instucted in our holy faith, were solemnly baptized. The niece of the fat cacique of Chempoalla, who was as ugly as possible, was named Donna Catalina; yet the general took her by the hand very affectionately. Puertocarrero was more fortunate, as his lady, who was called Donna Francisco, was very handsome for an Indian, and her father, named Cuesco, was a cacique of considerable power. Having thus cemented a firm friendship with the Totonacas, we returned to our new settlement of Villa rica. We found there a vessel newly arrived from Cuba, under the command of Francisco Sauceda, called el pulido or the beau, from his affectation of finery and high manners. In this vessel there had arrived an able officer named Luis Marin, accompanied by ten soldiers and two horses. He brought intelligence that Velasquez had received the appointment of adelantado of Cuba, with authority to barter and colonize in New Spain. This news gave much satisfaction to the friends of Velasquez in our army, but made no change in the plans of Cortes.
   As the works of Villa Rica were nearly completed, many of us became eager for the proposed visit to Montezuma, and expressed our wishes to Cortes that we might try our fortune in that expedition. It was resolved in the first place in a grand consultation, to send a deputation to Old Spain, to give an account to his majesty of all our proceedings, together with all the gold and other articles of value which we had hitherto obtained. For this purpose Ordas and Montejo went through among all the officers and soldiers, and persuaded them to allow of the whole treasure being sent to the king, as it was for the general interest to renounce our claim for a partition. Puertocarrera and Montejo were appointed agents for Cortes and the army, our general having gained Montejo to his party by a present of 2000 crowns. By these gentlemen Cortes sent a letter to his majesty, the contents of which we were not made acquainted with. The cabilda or council of the new settlement wrote also a letter to the king, in conjunction with those soldiers who were most solicitous for the settlement of the colony, and had voted in the election of Cortes as captain-general. Nothing was omitted in this letter which seemed calculated to establish our cause at court, and my name was signed to it along with the rest.
   Beginning with expressions of our most profound respect, we related all the events which had occurred from our setting out on the expedition, down to the election of Cortes as our captain-general, till the pleasure of his majesty might be made known on the subject, together with our engagement to allow Cortes a fifth part of the treasure, after deducting the kings part. We gave an account of our having discovered two Spaniards in the country; of our having procured two excellent interpreters; of our war in Tabasco; of the interviews with the messengers of Montezuma; our march into the country, and our alliance with the natives, who had renounced their allegiance to Montezuma and submitted themselves and their country to his majesty; of our expedition to Cincapacinga; the abolition of idolatry at Chiahuitztla, and the establishment of Christianity; the construction of our fortress of Villa Rica; and of our present determination to march to the court of Montezuma, the great sovereign of Mexico. We gave likewise a succinct account of the military establishment and religious observances of the natives, an enumeration of the articles of treasure we had transmitted to his majesty by our agents, and that we had sent over four natives, whom we had rescued from the cages at Chempoalla, where they were fattening for victims to the false gods of the country. We then stated that we were only 450 soldiers, surrounded by innumerable multitudes of enemies, yet ready to sacrifice our lives for the glory of God and the service of his majesty; and we earnestly entreated that he would be graciously pleased not to bestow the government of this great and rich country upon an unworthy person, expressing our fears of what Velasquez might attempt to our prejudice, by means of his patron the bishop of Burgos, whom he had secured in his interest by grants of valuable estates in Cuba which ought to have belonged to his majesty. In conclusion, we awaited the return of his gracious answer with the most profound reverence; yet humbly assured his majesty, if the bishop of Burgos sent over any person to assume the command, we were resolved to suspend our obedience till his majesty's pleasure were clearly made known to us, remaining in the mean time, as now, under the command of his majesties most faithful servant and our general Hernando Cortes, whose merits we painted in glowing colours. When this was extended in due form, Cortes asked permission to read it, and expressed his perfect satisfaction with the whole, excepting two articles, the mention of his share of the treasure, and the names of Cordova and Grijalva as having previously discovered this country; as he assumed the whole merit to himself in his private letter. He wished therefore to have these passages expunged, but some of us roundly told him, that his majesty must not only be informed of the truth, but of the whole truth.
   When this important affair was completed, our agents set sail from Villa Rica on the 26th July 1519233, with strict injunctions not to touch at the Havanna or the port of el Marien, as we wished to keep the whole from being known to Velasquez. Yet they went directly to the Havanna, the pilot Alaminos being over-persuaded into this measure, under pretence of Puertocarrero being sick, and that Montejo wanted to procure provisions from his estate of El Marien. As soon as the ship came to anchor, Montejo sent letters on shore to Velasquez, giving an account of all that had taken place during the expedition; and as the messenger went through the island, he everywhere communicated the news of all that had occurred to our army. On receiving this intelligence from Montejo, Velasquez was highly enraged against Cortes, and heartily cursed his secretary and contador, who had persuaded him to confide the expedition to his guidance. He immediately dispatched two armed vessels to detain our ship, but soon got the unwelcome news that she was considerably advanced on her voyage to Europe. Besides writing to his patron the bishop of Burgos, he lodged a complaint against Cortes before the royal audience at St Domingo; but the members sent him an answer highly favourable to us, with whose good services they were already acquainted. All these untoward circumstances gave the adelantado infinite vexation, insomuch that from being very fat, he became quite lean. But he used every exertion to collect a powerful armament on purpose to overwhelm us as rebels against his legitimate authority, going about the whole island in person to incite the settlers to take up arms in his cause, and prepared a fleet of eighteen sail of vessels for the expedition against us, which was confided to the command of Pamphilo de Narvaez, of which we shall give an account hereafter.
   Our agents passed through the Bahama channel, under the direction of the pilot Alaminos, being the first ship which took that passage from the West Indies for Europe. After touching at the island of Tercera for refreshments, they proceeded for Seville, and arrived a few days afterwards at Valladolid, where the court was then held. Our agents immediately waited on the bishop of Burgos, who was president of the council of the Indies, expecting a favourable reception, and requested him to transmit our letters and present them with all speed to the emperor, who was then in Flanders. The bishop gave them a haughty and repulsive answer, saying, That he would make a proper representation of our conduct, for having thrown off our obedience to Velasquez. The arrival of Benito Martinez, chaplain to the governor of Cuba, contributed to place our affairs in an unfavourable light; and as Puertocarrero made a remonstrance to the bishop, he caused him to be thrown into prison, on a frivolous charge of having taken away with him a woman from Medellin to the Indies. The bishop made a represention of our affairs to his majesty, stating every thing in the most favourable light for Velasquez, and as much as he possibly could against us, suppressing all mention of our letters and present, and even appropriated a great part of the latter to his own use. But our agents concerted matters with Martin Cortes, our generals father, and the licentiate Nunez, his near relation, who had an office in the royal council, and by means of some noblemen who were jealous of the bishop and disgusted with his haughty demeanour, they procured duplicates of all our letters to be transmitted to his majesty, together with complaints of the partiality of the bishop. These letters got safe to his majesty, with which he was well pleased; and for a long time his court was full of the praises of Cortes and of us his soldiers. The emperor conceived much displeasure against the bishop of Burgos for his conduct on this occasion; who became quite furious against Cortes and the rest of us, when he heard of the light in which our affairs had been seen at the court; but about two years afterwards the bishop became quite crest-fallen, as he was censured by the emperor, while we continued to be esteemed as loyal subjects. On receiving these duplicates of our letters, the emperor was pleased to say, That he would soon return to Spain, when he would attend to our memorials, and would reward our faithful services.
   Four days after the departure of our agents, a plot was discovered which had been concerted among the enemies of Cortes, for seizing a vessel to carry over intelligence to Velasquez of the departure of our agents, and of the measures which had been taken by us against the authority of the adelantado. Among the conspirators were, Escudero, Cermeno, Umbria a pilot, Bernardino de Coria, a clergyman named Juan Diaz, and some sailors who had been whipped at the island of Cozumel; but the plan had been suggested by some persons of consequence, who were enraged at Cortes for preventing their return to Cuba, and for having been deprived of their shares of the treasure which was sent to the emperor. This plot was revealed only a few hours before the vessel was to have sailed, by the repentance of de Coria. All the before-mentioned conspirators were immediately seized, and having confessed the whole plot, they were all condemned to die except the priest, who was in a terrible fright. Escudero and Cermeno were hanged; Umbria had his feet cut off, and each of the sailors received 200 lashes. When Cortes signed the ratification of this sentence, he exclaimed with a sigh: "Happy is he who cannot write, that he may not have occasion to sign the death-warrants of other men." In my opinion, this sentiment is often affected by judges, in imitation of Nero, at the time he counterfeited the appearance of clemency. As soon as the sentence was put in execution, Cortes set off full speed for Chempoalla, ordering 200 soldiers and all the cavalry to follow him to that place, where likewise he sent orders for a detachment that was then out under Alvarado to march.
   In a consultation respecting our intended expedition to Mexico, Cortes was advised by his friends to destroy the fleet, in order to prevent all possibility of the adherents of Velasquez deserting to Cuba, and likewise to procure a considerable augmentation to our force, as there were above an hundred sailors. In my opinion, Cortes had already determined on this measure, but wished the proposal to originate with us, that we might all become equally responsible for the loss. This being resolved upon, Cortes ordered his friend Escalente to dismantle all the ships and then sink them, preserving only the boats for the purpose of fishing. Escalente bore inveterate enmity against Velasquez, who had refused him a good district in Cuba, and went immediately to Villa Rica where he executed this service effectually. All the sails, cordage, and every thing else that could be useful were brought on shore, and the whole of the ships sunk. Escalente then came back to Chempoalla with a company formed of the mariners, many of whom became excellent soldiers. Cortes now summoned all the chiefs who had renounced their allegiance to Montezuma into his presence, whom he exhorted to give every service in their power to the detachment he meant to leave in Villa Rica, and to assist them in completing the town: Then taking Escalente by the hand, whom he had appointed to command there in his absence, he presented him to the caciques as his brother, desiring them to obey him in every thing, and assuring them that he would protect them against their enemies. The chiefs all engaged to perform every thing, he had enjoined. Escalente was left in charge of this port as a person in whom Cortes could entirely confide, to repel any attempts that might be made against him by Velasquez, while absent on the expedition to Mexico. Soon after the destruction of the vessels, Cortes assembled us one morning after mass; and, after some discourse on military affairs, he said, That we now knew the business in which we were engaged, wherein we had no other alternative but conquest or death; for in case of defeat we had no means of escape, and must depend entirely, under GOD, on our own valour; afterwards adding many comparisons of our present situation with incidents drawn from the Roman history. We unanimously answered, That we were prepared to obey and follow him wherever he chose to lead, the lot being now cast, as Caesar said on passing the Rubicon, and we devoted ourselves to the service of God and our emperor. He then addressed us in an eloquent speech; after which he called for the fat cacique, whom he informed of our intended march to Mexico, and gave him strict injunctions to take great care of the holy cross and the church we had established.
   When we were ready to depart on our expedition to Mexico, a letter was brought from Escalente, informing Cortes that a strange ship had come to anchor in a river about three leagues from Villa Rica, from which he could get no answer to his signals. Cortes left the command of the army during his absence to Alvarado and Sandoval, and set out with four horsemen for Villa Rica, leaving orders for thirty of the lightest armed infantry to follow, who accordingly arrived that night. Escalente offered to go with twenty men to the vessel, lest she might escape; but Cortes set out along the coast without delay, and fell in with four Spaniards on the road, who had been sent on shore by Alonzo Alvarez de Pineda, the captain of the vessel, to take formal possession of the country. One of these was a notary, named Guillen de la Loa, and the rest attended him to witness the act. From these men Cortes was informed that Francisco de Garay, governor of Jamaica, had procured a commission from the court as adelantado of such districts as he might discover on this coast to the north of the river of St Peter and St Paul, and had sent three ships with 270 soldiers under Pineda, who was then in the river of Panuco. Cortes wished to have got possession of the ship, but no signals could induce the people to land, as we were informed by de la Loa that their captain was aware of our being on the coast. As a stratagem to decoy them on shore, Cortes dressed four of his soldiers in the clothes of the Spaniards he had taken, and left them on the spot, returning along-shore towards Villa Rica, that he might be noticed from the ship; but after we had got out of sight, we made a secret detour through the woods, and got back about midnight to the rivulet where we had left our disguised companions, where we carefully concealed ourselves. Early in the morning, our disguised men went down to the shore, making signals to the people of the ship, in consequence of which a boat put off with six sailors, two of whom landed with casks to take in water. Our men held down their faces to avoid being noticed, pretending to wash their hands; but on being spoken to by the men in the boat, one of them desired them to come on shore; when alarmed by the strange voice, they put off. We were going to fire upon them, but Cortes would not permit, and they escaped. We thus missed our object, and returned to Villa Rica, having procured six men as a reinforcement to our small force.
   END OF VOLUME THIRD

Notes

1

   Churchills Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. II. 479.

2

   From Pinkertons Modern Geography.

3

   This must be understood as referring to voyages in the Mediterranean, in respect of the port of Genoa. –E.

4

   Supposing Columbus to have been 14 years of age on first going to sea, it may be concluded that he was born in 1447. He must therefore have been 45 years old when he set out in 1492 for the discovery of America; and 59 years old at his death, in 1506. –E.

5

   Or rather Cape Carthago, on the coast of Barbary near Tunis. –E.

6

   It is highly probable that the original translator may have here mistaken the braccio of 1.913 English feet, for the fathom of 6 feet. In fathoms, this tide rises to the incredible height of 156 feet; whereas in braccios, it amounts only to 49 feet: And besides there are braccios considerably shorter than the one here assumed. –E.

7

   There is some inexplicable ambiguity in this passage, which the original translator must have misunderstood, and which cannot now be explained. –E.

8

   In his reasoning, by some error which cannot be now corrected, a twenty-fourth part, or one hour, is omitted. –E.

9

   Paul here evidently speaks of the empire of China, and the port here named Zacton or Zaiton, may be that now called Canton, although spice certainly is not the produce of that country. –E.

10

   Cathay seems here to denote northern China. –E.

11

   This is obviously the Quinsay of Marco Polo. –E.

12

   Mangi or southern China. –E.

13

   The island Antilia, the name of which has been since adopted by the French for the smaller West India islands, was, like the more modern Terra Australia incognita, a gratuitous supposition for preserving the balance of the earth, before the actual discovery of America. Cipango was the name by which Japan was then known in Europe, from the relations of Marco Polo. –E.

14

   Such appeared to the early travellers the richly gilt and lackered tile used in Japan and other parts of India. –E.

15

   This report must have proceeded from some very erroneous account of Iceland, as it is the only place in the northern part of the Atlantic which contains a volcano. –E.

16

   Don Ferdinand, or his translator, has forgot here that, in the extract from Ferrarius, beyond the straits, and in the Atlantic, are the distinctly expressed situation of the island. –E.

17

   There is a good deal more in the original, totally uninteresting to the reader, in the same querulous strain of invective against Oviedo, but which is here abridged as conveying no information. –E.

18

   Our author falls into a mistake in this chapter, supposing the Azores to have been the Cassiterides of the ancients, well known to have been the Scilly islands. –E.

19

   By error of the press, a considerable part of this Section is marked in the running title as Section V. and the next is numbered Section VI. so that, numerically only, Section V; is entirely omitted.

20

   Rabo de junco is explained to signify Rush-tailed: Rabo being a tail and Junco a rush in the Spanish language. –E.

21

   Don Ferdinand compliments his father too largely in this place by supposing Cipango and Hispaniola the same. The original design of Columbus to sail westwards to India, which he erroneously supposed to be vastly nearer in that direction, led him accidentally almost to discover Hispaniola on the supposed route to Cipango or Japan. -E

22

   The dates of the voyage may be here recapitulated. Columbus sailed from Palos on the third of August 1492, and reached the island of Gomera, one of the Canary islands, on the ninth of August, or in six days. He remained there and at Gran Canaria, refitting and replenishing his stores, till the sixth of September, when he began his passage due west across the Atlantic; and the first land of America was discovered on Friday the twelfth of October at two in the morning: thirty-six days after leaving Gran Canaria, and seventy days after leaving Palos in Spain. –E.

23

   This would seem to be a great exaggeration, perhaps an error of the press; but now impossible to be rectified. -E

24

   Nothing can be more ambiguous than the interpretation of signs between people who are utterly ignorant of each others language: But the signs on this occasion seem rather to imply that the cacique requested the Spaniards to declare themselves his friends, by participating in hostile demonstrations against the people from Tortuga. –E.

25

   This term evidently expresses a person unused to the sea, as contradistinguished from an experienced seaman. –E.

26

   Cazabi seems to have been what is now called casada in the British West Indies, or prepared manioc root; and axi in some other parts of this voyage is mentioned as the spice of the West Indies; probably either pimento or capsicum, and used as a condiment to relish the insipidity of the casada. –E.

27

   The meaning of this term is nowhere explained in this voyage: but in the account of the discovery of America by Herrera, it is said to signify pale gold. From its application in the text, it is probably the Indian name of gold, the perpetual object of inquiry by the Spaniards. –E.

28

   Such absurd fables have in all ages been the consequence of credulous intercourse of ill-informed men, ignorant of the languages of newly discovered nations. The Amazons of antiquity are here supposed to be rediscovered; but were afterwards transferred to the interior marshy plains of South America. –E.

29

   The author probably alludes here to the various-shaped pods of different species or varieties of capsicum. –E.

30

   This apparently ambiguous expression, probably means all contraveners in the premises, or all who might in any way obstruct the full execution of the offices and their privileges here granted to Columbus and his heirs. –E.

31

   This is certainly the greatest hereditary grant that ever was conceded by sovereign to subject. Had it taken effect in its clear extent, the family of Columbus must long ere now have become prodigiously too powerful and wealthy to have remained hereditary admirals, viceroys, and governors of the whole new world. They must either have become independent sovereigns, or must have sunk under the consequences of rebellion. If they still exist, they owe their existence, or their still subjected state, to the at first gross injustice of the court of Spain, and its subsequent indispensably necessary policy to preserve the prodigious acquisition acquired for them by the genius of this great man. –E.

32

   The author mentions that he and his elder brother, the sons of Columbus, were present on this occasion, probably to take leave of their father. It appears afterwards that James the admirals brother, accompanied him on this second voyage. –E.

33

   The phenomenon here alluded to is now well known to be electricity, proceeding from or to pointed projections and in a continued stream, resembling flame. –E.

34

   These three additional islands probably were successively, Marigalante, Petite Terre, and Deseado or Desirade. –E.

35

   The origin of this may have been one of the people saying he had seen a pan or vessel of a substance like iron, while in the progress of the story to the admiral the qualifying circumstance of resemblance was omitted. –E.

36

   The meaning of this passage is quite inexplicable. –E.

37

   Those here called cinnamon trees must only have had some distant resemblance to true cinnamon in flavour; probably what is now called Canella alba, which is only used to give a flavour to nauseous medicines. –E.

38

   By the description of the route in the foregoing narrative, the distances appear to have been, from Isabella to the pass of Hidalgos 3 leagues; from Hidalgos to the pass of Cibao 11 leagues; and from this latter pass to the Castle of St Thomas 4 leagues: in all 18 leagues as in the text. –E.

39

   This story, like the iron pan in Dominica formerly mentioned, seems to have gained circumstances in its passage to the author. Such collections of balls or round stones are not uncommon in mines, and are termed nests: The hay and straw seem an embellishment. –E.

40

   In a former passage he was said to have waited for the convoy of provisions before going to Cibao, which must have been an oversight in the author. –E.

41

   All these mighty promises of mines turned out only torrents and rivulets, in the beds of which gold dust and grains were found with infinite labour, and which, after the destruction of the natives, were all abandoned as unprofitable. –E.

42

   Flamingos.

43

   The remarkable whiteness of these three natives might have proceeded from the use of white pigments, which, as well as red and black, were used by the natives of the West India islands. –E.

44

   There must be a gross error here in the original translation, as the circumstance of towing ships in such shallow water is impossible. The passage ought probably to be thus understood: "There was not a foot of water to spare, and the wind being foul the channel was too narrow to turn through, which occasioned the necessity of towing." As expressed in the text, the boats could not have floated. –E.

45

   These strong descriptive epithets seem to have been colloquial exaggerations of the recounter to Don Ferdinand Columbus. –E.

46

   Columbus seems now to have changed his course, back again the way be came, though not clearly so expressed in the text. –E.

47

   Probably alluding to the dress of the Spanish priest who had said mass, and explanatory of the clothed natives who had been seen in that place during this voyage. –E.

48

   This bread, which is called cassada or cassava in the British West Indies, is made from the roots of Manioca pounded or grated, and carefully pressed free from its juice, which is alleged to be poisonous. The process will be found minutely described in other parts of this collection. –E.

49

   It is not competent in the bounds of a note to enter upon philosophical discussions. But it may be shortly mentioned that the regular evening rains can be easily accounted for upon Dr Huttons ingenious theory of rain. The heated land air loaded to saturation with water, by the periodical change of the land and sea breezes, meets and mixes with the colder sea air, likewise saturated. The reduced mean temperature of the mixture is no longer able to hold the same quantity of water in solution, and the superabundant quantity precipitates in rain. Hence likewise the prodigious rains in all warm latitudes at the changes of the monsoon. The observation of Columbus respecting clearing away the woods has been verified in several West India islands. –E.

50

   The longitude of Cadiz is 6°18' W. from Greenwich. That of Saono, the modern name of Adamanoi, is 68°30'. The difference between these is only 62°12', or four hours five minutes. The calculation in the text therefore is one hour and eighteen minutes erroneous in point of time, and 12°15' in longitude; and would remove the east end of Hispaniola, to long 80°45' west from Greenwich, considerably beyond the west end of Jamaica. –E.

51

   Our author forgets what he had said a few pages before, that the admiral had previously resolved to return to Isabella, on account of wanting provisions to continue the voyage. –E.

52

   This is probably the first instance of a civilized nation employing the horrid alliance of ferocious animals to hunt down their brethren like beasts of chase. Once only were the British arms disgraced by a demonstration of using this savage mode of warfare, which it is to be hoped will never be again heard of in our annals. –E.

53

   The measure of gold dust in the text seems enormous, and I am disposed to believe that instead of the large horse bell, mentioned in the text, a large hawks bell ought to be substituted. It is difficult, perhaps impossible to estimate the population of St Domingo at this period, and thence to form a conjecture as to the amount of the tribute. From the preceding account of the number of subordinate caciques, and the large force opposed to Columbus, perhaps Hispaniola might then contain 500,000 inhabitants of all ages, half of whom, or 250,000, might be liable to the tax. Supposing 50,000 of these employed as gold finders, and to pay one ounce each annually, worth L. 4 the ounce, this would produce L. 200,000. The remaining 200,000 paying 100 libs. of cotton each, would give twenty million of pounds; and this rated at sixpence a pound would produce L. 500,000, making the whole revenue L. 700,000 a-year, a prodigious sum in those days; but out of which the expences of government and the admirals share were to be defrayed. All this can only be considered as an approximation or mere conjecture. –E.

54

   It is a singularly perverted devotion that praises the Almighty for success in murder, rapine, and injustice; and doubtless a devout Spaniard of those days would sing Te Deum for the comfortable exhibition of an auto de fe, in which those who differed from the dogmas of the holy Catholic church were burnt for the glory of GOD. The ways of Providence are inscrutable, and are best viewed by human ignorance in silent humility and reverential awe. –E.

55

   It is surely possible that a good Catholic, accustomed to the worship of images, might not see idolatry in the ceremonies of the Hispaniolans; but the sentiment seems darkly expressed. –E.

56

   This prolix, diffuse, uninteresting, and confused disquisition, on the superstitious beliefs and ceremonies of the original natives of Haiti or Hispaniola, is so inexplicably and inexpressibly unintelligible and absurd, partly because the original translator was unable to render the miserable sense or nonsense of the author into English, but chiefly owing to the innate stupidity and gross ignorance of the poor anchorite, that the present editor was much inclined to have expunged the whole as unsatisfactory and uninteresting: But it seemed incumbent to give the whole of this most important voyage to the public. The Editor however, has used the freedom to compress the scrambling detail of the original of this section into a smaller compass; to omit the uselessly prolix titles of its subdivisions; and, where possible, to make the intended meaning somewhat intelligible; always carefully retaining every material circumstance. It was formerly divided into chapters like a regular treatise, and these are here marked by corresponding figures. The author repeatedly acknowledges that his account is very imperfect, which he attributes to the confused and contradictory reports of the natives, and allows that he may even have set down the information he collected in wrong order, and may have omitted many circumstances for want of paper at the time of collecting materials. –E.

57

   Some of these are so unintelligibly related, owing to ignorance in the translator, that it were unnecessary to insert them in this place. –E.

58

   The poor anchorite relates all these absurdities gravely, as actually proceeding from sorcery. –E.

59

   In this paragraph, marked 20-24. the substance of five prolix chapters by F. Roman is compressed. –E.

60

   Though not expressed in the text, these were probably the manico root, of which the cassada bread is made. -E

61

   It is singular that the author should not have endeavoured to account for the origin of these iron hatchets; probably procured in the plundering excursions of these Carib natives of Guadaloupe from Hispaniola. –E.

62

   This surely means no more than that their rude looms were upright or perpendicular. –E.

63

   The probable use of these swaths may have been to defend the legs in forcing their way through the thorny brakes of the forests. –E.

64

   The author seems to have forgotten that he had only a little before mentioned this very woman as the wife of a caceque. The absurd notion of these women being Amazons probably proceeded from the Spaniards not understanding the language of these islanders, who appear to have been Caribs. The truth seems to have been that during the long absences of their husbands in piratical and plundering excursions to the other islands, these Carib women were driven to the necessity of providing for their own defence. –E.

65

   There must be some inaccuracy in this place. Columbus had evidently supposed himself farther west when he altered his course than he really was, for the Caribbee islands were not upon the north, and never could be in the latitude of 7°; as he fell in with Trinidada he must only have altered his course to the N.W. or the north of west. Had he continued in a west course in 7° N. he would have fallen in with the continent of Guiana, about the mouth of the Esquivo, or Isiquibo river: His original course in the parallel of 5° N. would have led him to Cayenne. –E.

66

   There is a want of sufficient precision in the dates of the text. It would appear that Columbus altered his course from W. to the northwards on Tuesday 31st July, 1498, and discovered Trinidada the same day; and that the ships anchored at Funta de la Plaga on Wednesday the 1st of August, or the immediately following day. –E.

67

   The country here named Paria is now called on our maps Cumana, or the Spanish Main; but the gulf or large basin between the island of Trinidada and the main still retains the name of the Gulf of Paria. –E.

68

   This must have been the low lying Delta of Cumana, lying between the principal mouth of the Oronoka and the western branch. –E.

69

   The white liquor was probably the milk of the coco nut, and perhaps the blackish vinous liquor might be the same fermented. –E.

70

   This is an obvious error which cannot be corrected, Don James Columbus being no cacique. It is possible that one of the native caciques may have embraced Christianity, receiving those names in baptism, but of this the text gives no intelligence. –E.

71

   In the original translation, the number of the appointed fleet is said to have been eighteen; but this must be a typographical error, as with the six ships he had with himself, and these two previously dispatched, there were just eight in all. –E.

72

   This must be an error for September. –E.

73

   They certainly were not apprehended or made prisoners; the word used is probably a mistake of the original translator, as a conference was the only consequence. –E.

74

   The minute technical forms of this agreement, as altogether uninteresting, are here abridged. –E.

75

   Certainly alluding to D. Juan de Fonseca, archdeacon of Castile, and bishop of Burgos, formerly mentioned as obstructing the equipment of the admirals ship, and afterwards as the principal mover of the injurious treatment experienced by the admiral. –E.

76

   This article is nowhere explained, but was said on a former occasion to be made of very low or impure gold. –E.

77

   This reported produce is prodigious, and must have only been temporary or accidental. Forty ounces of gold a-day, allowing but L.4 the ounce, as perhaps inferior to standard, amount to L.160. The piece of gold, mentioned in the text was worth about L.88. These mines, once so rich, have been long abandoned. The original natives of Hispaniola died out, and negroes have been found unequal to the hardships of mining. Hispaniola long remained a mere depot of adventurers, whence the great conquests of Mexico and Peru were supplied with men and arms. –E.

78

   The original, or rather the old translation, is most miserably defective and confused in its dates about this period, bandying 1499 and 1500 backwards and forwards most ridiculously. This error it has been anxiously endeavoured to correct in the present version. –E.

79

   This is a most imperfect account of an insurrection which appears to have broke out against the lieutenant, who seems to have been very unfit for his situation. –E.

80

   This obviously means trial after condemnation, a procedure which has been long proverbial in Scotland under the name of Jedwarth justice. Some similar expression relative to Spain must have been used in the original, which the translator chose to express by an English proverbial saying of the same import. –E.

81

   Upon a former occasion, the author had stated that there were four principal caciques in Hispaniola, each of whom commanded over seventy or eighty inferior chiefs, so that there may have been 300 caciques originally. The particulars of the death or massacre of the eighty caciques here mentioned are nowhere mentioned by our author; who, confining himself to the actions of his illustrious father, says very little more about the affairs of Hispaniola. –E.

82

   D. Ferdinand is surely mistaken here. Martinico, the island probably indicated by the name of Matinino, is about ten leagues distant from Dominca; but the course from the former to the latter is to the north, with a very alight western tendency. –E.

83

   Now called Porto Rico. –E.

84

   He was formerly called Obando; and is named Nicholas de Ovando by Herrera: Perhaps he had a commandary of the above name. –E.

85

   The historian of Columbus does not appear to have been at all conversant in zoology. What the Saavina was cannot be conjectured from his slight notices, unless a basking shark. The other, no way allied to fish except by living in the water, is a real mammiferous quadruped, the Trichechus Manati of naturalists, or the sea cow. –E.

86

   The author or his original translator, falls into a great error here. The land first discovered in this voyage was the island of Guanaia off Cape Casinas or Cape Honduras, therefore W.S.W. from Jamaica, not south. Guanaia seems to be the island named Bonaea in our maps, about ten leagues west from the isle of Ratan. –E.

87

   A blank is left here in the edition of this voyage published by Churchill. –E.

88

   This is an obvious error, as New Spain is to the west of Cape Casinas, off which the admiral now was. If bounds for New Spain, the canoe must have come from the eastwards; if going with commodities from the westwards it was bound from New Spain. –E.

89

   The papal authority for subjugating the Indians to the holy church, prevented D. Ferdinand from perceiving either avarice or robbery in the conduct of the Christians. –E.

90

   It would appear, though not distinctly enunciated, that Columbus had learnt from some of the natives, perhaps from Giumbe, that a great sea lay beyond or to the westwards of this newly discovered continent, by which he imagined he was now in the way to accomplish the original object of his researches, the route westwards to India. –E.

91

   Now called the Mosquito shore, inhabited by a bold race of savage Indians, whom the Spaniards have never been able to subdue. –E.

92

   It is utterly impossible that these people could have the smallest idea whatever of the European art of writing. But they might have heard of the Mexican representations of people and things by a rude painting, and of their frequent and distant excursions in quest of human victims to sacrifice upon their savage altars. This may possibly have been the origin of the terror evinced by the inhabitants of Cariari at the sight of the materials of writing, conceiving that the Spaniards were emissaries from the sanguinary Mexicans, and about to record the measure of the tribute in human blood. –E.

93

   A more charitable construction might be put on all this. The refusal to accept presents, perhaps proceeded from manly pride because their own had been refused. The powder and the smoke might be marks of honour to the strangers, like the rose water and other honorary perfumings of the east. –E.

94

   The similitude is not obvious, but may have been intended to comprae this mountain with the lofty sharp pinnacle on which the hermitage is built near St Jago de Compostella in Spain. –E.

95

   This is probably the first time that Europeans had seen tobacco chewed and the use of snuff; practices which have now become almost necessaries of life among many millions of the inhabitants of Europe and its colonies. –E.

96

   It is probable that the fish, here called pilchards were of one of the kinds of flying fish, which is of the same genus with the herring and pilchard. Voyagers ignorant of natural history are extremely apt to name new objects after corresponding resemblances in their own country. –E.

97

   This appears to have been near Panama, or the western point of the Gulf of Darien in 78° 40' W. long. The pilots seem to have been extremely ignorant, and the admiral to have yielded to their importunity. The harbour of St Domingo being in 69° 50' W. long they ought to have proceeded about nine degrees, or 180 marine leagues farther east, to have insured their run across the trade winds and currents of the Caribbean sea. –E.

98

   Though not mentioned in the text, this vessel would certainly bring refreshments of various kinds, but was probably too small to bring off the people. Mendez appears to have remained at St Domingo in order to fit out a larger vessel, which he accordingly carried to Jamaica in June, as will be seen in the sequel. –E.

99

   Churchills Collection, V. 591. All that has been attempted in the present article is to soften the asperity of the language, and to illustrate the text by a few notes where these seemed necessary. –E.

100

   Trapobana, or rather Taprobana, is assuredly Ceylon, not Sumatra. –E.

101

   This is the person usually called Behain. –E.

102

   Rather Newfoundland. –E.

103

   We have here omitted two sections of very uninteresting cosmographical observations on the antipodes, the torrid zone, the climate of the Western hemisphere, and the peopling of America. –E.

104

   The author or translator has here committed a material arithmetical error; as 180 degrees, multiplied by 17-1/2, only produce 3150 leagues. –E.

105

   This sum does not much exceed ten pounds of our present money; yet in these days was thought a gift worthy of a queen. -Churchill.
   The value of money must then have been much greater than now, perhaps ten times; in which case this supply may have been equal to about 22 hundred guineas in effective value. –E.

106

   This is little above L.520 of our money, according to the present computation. -Churchill.
   Probably equal in effective value to L.5200 in the present time. –E.

107

   This is about L.260. -Churchill
   Equal to about L.2600 of our present money in effective value: But is difficult to conceive how the eighth part of this small armament should require so large a sum, which would extend the total amount to L.2080 of solid money, equal in efficacy to L.20,800 in our times: and, besides the crown had advanced L.520, equally to L.5200, as its contribution for seven eighths. -E

108

   The actual difference of longitude, between Ferro in 17° 45' 50", and the eastern side of Guanahani in 75° 40', both west, is 57° 54' 11" or almost 58 degrees; which at 17-1/2 Spanish leagues to the degree, the computation previously established by our present author, would extend to 1015 leagues. –E.

109

   Some error has crept into the text, easily corrected. Columbus took his departure from Gomera on Thursday the 6th September, and landed on Guanahani on Friday the 12th October, both 1492. The time, therefore, which was employed in this first passage across the Atlantic, not including the 12th, because the land was observed in the night before, was exactly 36 days. Had Columbus held a direct course west from Gomera, in latitude 27° 47' N. he would have fallen in with one of the desert sandy islands on the coast of Florida, near a place now called Hummock, or might have been wrecked on the Montanilla reef, at the north end of the Bahama banks: his deflection therefore, to the S.W. on the 7th October, was fortunate for the success of his great expedition. –E.

110

   How infinitely better it had been for Columbus, and his precursors the Portuguese, to have retained the native names, where these could be learnt; or, otherwise, to have imposed single significant new names like the Norwegian navigators of the ninth century, instead of these clumsy long winded superstitious appellations. This island of St Mary of the Conception seems to have been what is now called Long-island, S.S.E. from St Salvador or Guanahani, now Cat-island. –E.

111

   A small Portuguese coin worth less than twopence. -Churchill.

112

   This sentence is quite inexplicable, and is assuredly erroneously translated. It is possible the original meant, that Columbus was misled by the opinion of Paul, to disregard the indications of the Indians; and instead of sailing directly west, which would have led him to the coast of Mexico, induced him to coast eastwards along Cuba, which brought him to Hispaniola, always searching for Cipango or Japan. –E.

113

   The author seems here not clear or well informed, as Haiti was the real Indian name of the island now called Hispaniola or St Domingo. –E.

114

   In the original, the current is said to have made "so loud a noise that it might have been heard a league off." This circumstance is quite inconsistent with the careless security of the whole crew; as it must necessarily have indicated their approach to rocks or shoals; and is therefore omitted in the text. –E.

115

   Almost seven months and a half; or more precisely thirty-two weeks, being seven kalendar months and twelve days. –E.

116

   In this bull, following the vague language of Columbus, the great discoverer, the New World is called the Indies, slightly distinguished, in grammatical number only, from India in south-eastern Asia. –E.

117

   In the bull, as reported by Herrera, all that should be discovered to the west and south of the meridianal line from pole to pole is granted to the crown of Castile and Leon. It is hard to say what portion of the globe was conceived to be to the south of such a demarcation. But it is obvious that in granting all to the west of this line to Spain, and all to the east of it to Portugal, the pope and cardinals granted the whole circumference of the globe reciprocally to both crowns. The sacred college had not hitherto adopted the geographical heresy of Galileo, and still entertained vague notions of the true figure of the earth. –E.

118

   This probably alludes to the foul means then employed in Spain for converting the Moors and Jews, by means of the holy office of the Inquisition. –E.

119

   Perhaps this expression mean knights, or fidalgos; men of family and substance: yet it probably means nothing more than that twenty volunteer cavalry formed part of the military force of the expedition. –E.

120

   I am apt to suspect the real sense of this passage ought to be, "requiring the court of Spain not to send off Columbus for sixty days."-E.

121

   One hundred leagues, at 17-1/2 to the degree, west from the Azores, would fix the boundary about Long. 42° W. and would include within the Portuguese boundary a small portion of Brazil. By compact between the two crowns, this line was afterwards extended to 370 leagues west from the islands of Cabo Verde, giving considerably more of Brazil, then unknown, to Portugal: But the boundaries of that colony have been several times changed and regulated by treaties between the two crowns, without any rigid adherence to the papal grant. –E.

122

   This negociation, which is confusedly interspersed in the original among the transactions of Columbus, is here thrown together: But, as very indefinitely narrated, and exceedingly uninteresting, is somewhat compressed in this place. –E.

123

   This date is assuredly erroneous, as we afterwards learn that nothing had been finally settled with Portugal on the fifth of September. –E.

124

   The words marked with inverted commas, however equivocal in their meaning, are expressed so in Churchill's Collection, from which this article is adopted. The meaning of Herrera probably is, "That having ordered the nature of their crime, and the sentence which it merited to be proclaimed, he pardoned them at the desire of the friendly cacique."-E.

125

   The eastern point of Cuba, in Lat. 20° 22' N. Long. 74° 3' W. is now named Cape Maize. –E.

126

   Now called Cumberland Bay. –E.

127

   At 17-1/2 leagues to the degree, the distance between the Isle of Pines and Isabella is only 192 leagues: Or even counting twenty to the degree, only 220 marine leagues. –E.

128

   We are to suppose Columbus was now at the east end of the Isle of Pines, from whence Cape St Antonia, the western point of Cuba, is about 52 Spanish leagues. –E.

129

   The numbers in the translation of Herrera are inextricably corrupt, and quite irreconcileable with each other, or with truth. –E.

130

   Cadiz is in Long. 6° 18' W. from Greenwich, the east end of the Isle of Pines 82° W. Hence the difference of longitude is 75° 42' W. very near the same as in the text. –E.

131

   The text, or its original translation, is here obscure; but Columbus appears not to have been aware that this island, to which he gave the name of St Jago was the same which he had before visited as Jamaica. The extent in the text is exceedingly erroneous, as the length of Jamaica is only thirty-five Spanish leagues, and its greatest breadth thirteen leagues. –E.

132

   From the sequel it would appear that this Cape Ferol belonged to Jamaica, and is probably that now called North-East Cape-E.

133

   The distance from Cape North-East in Jamaica, to Cape Tiberoon in Hispaniola is thirty-three Spanish leagues. –E.

134

   Beata is the most southern point of Hispaniola, directly to the west of Juliana Bay; and Alto Vela does not exceed 3-1/2 leagues from that port. –E.

135

   Near the eastern end of the south side of Hispaniola, there is a small island called Santa Catalina, near which a considerable extent of the main island is called the Plains. –E.

136

   This would give a difference of 80° 45', and would place Saona in 87° 3' W. But it is only in 68° 30' W. leaving an error in the text of 19° 30' or an hour and eighteen minutes in time. –E.

137

   Now called Cape Engano. –E.

138

   Herrera is exceedingly inaccurate in his measures, as the real direct distance is only 55 Spanish leagues. –E.

139

   Trinidad, which is now subject to Britain, is on the coast of Cumana, or the Spanish main, on the north-eastern shoulder of South America, between Lat. 10° and 10° 50' N. Long. 61° and nearly 62° W. –E.

140

   Novus Orbis, p. 111.

141

   Vol. I. 262, and Vol. V. 479.

142

   Nov. Orb. 87.

143

   Mod. Geogr. III. 8.

144

   Harris, Col. of Voy. and Trav. II. 167.

145

   Harris, Coll. of Voy. and Trav. II. 62.

146

   Id. II. 87.

147

   Harris, II. 33.

148

   Harris, II. 38.

149

   Hakluyt, III. 25.

150

   Hakluyt, III. 27.

151

   Hakl. III. 28.

152

   Id. III. 29.

153

   Id. ib.

154

   Id. ib.

155

   Hakl. III. 591.

156

   Hakl. III. 31.

157

   It is highly probable that the date is here falsified by error, or rather purposely to give a pretext for having discovered the continent of the New World before Columbus; for we are assured by Harris, II. 37, that the real date of this voyage was 1499. Alonzo Hojeda and Americus Vespucius were furnished by Fonseca, bishop of Burgos, with charts and projects of discovery made by Columbus, whose honour and interest the bishop was eager to destroy by this surreptitious invasion of his rights as admiral and viceroy of the West Indies. –E.

158

   In the original, having the wind between south and south-west. It is often impossible to ascertain, as here, from the equivocal language of the original, whether the author intends to express the course of the voyage or the direction of the wind. The course of the voyage from Cadiz to the Cananaries, whither Americus was now bound, certainly was towards the direction expressed in the text, and to this course the wind indicated is adverse.

159

   In the original, per Ponentem, sumpta una Lebeccio quarta. Ponente is the West in Italian, and Lebeccio the south-west; but it is difficult to express in English nautical language the precise meaning of the original, which is literally translated in the text. –E.

160

   The latitude and longitude of the text would indicate the eastern coast of Yucutan, near the bay of Honduras; but from other circumstances, it is probable the coast now visited by Americus was that of Paria or the Spanish main, between the latitudes of 10° and 12° N. and perhaps twenty-five degrees less to the west than expressed in the text. But the geographical notices in this work of Americus are scanty and uncertain. –E.

161

   Praeterquam regiuncula illa anterior, quam verecundiore vocabulo pectusculum imum vocamus.

162

   The author appears to mean here that they were entirely destitute of religious belief. –E.

163

   The expression of the author seems here ambiguous. He probably means towns or collections of huts as containing such large numbers; and it is hard to say whether he meant to say that these eight populous habitations had 10,000 each, or altogether. –E.

164

   The expression of the original serpens, here translated serpent, had been better expressed, perhaps, by the fabulous term dragon. The animal in question was probably the lacerto iguana, or it may have been a young alligator. –E.

165

   This is a most singularly mistaken account of the situation of the coast of Paria, now Cumana or the Spanish main; which, beginning on the east at the island of Trinidad, about lat. 10° N. joins Carthagena in the west about the same latitude, and never reaches above 12° N. Were it not that the author immediately afterwards distinctly names the coast of Paria, the latitude of the text would lead us to suppose that he had been exploring the northern coast of Cuba. –E.

166

   Even supposing Americus to have coasted along the whole northern shore of South America, from Trinidad to Costa-rica, the distance does not exceed twenty-three degrees of longitude, and the coast of Paria or Cumana is scarce 15 degrees. The number of leagues, therefore, in the text is greatly exaggerated, unless we suppose them only to have been Italian miles. –E.

167

   The relation of this voyage is so exceedingly vague that we have no means of determining any of the places which were touched at. From the resemblance of the name in the text to Haiti, or Aiti, this island may possibly have been Hispaniola. –E.

168

   The author affects classical names for modern fire-arms, naming what we have translated hand-guns balistae colubrinae. Cannon are sometimes called tormenta bellica, and at other times machina saxivoma -E.

169

   This latitude of 5° S. would lead to Cape St Roquo on the coast of Brazil; but the indications given by Americus during his several voyages are exceedingly vague and uncertain. –E.

170

   The sun on the 27th of June has just passed to the south side of the equator, and is in the tropic of cancer on the 23d of March. –E.

171

   Called in the text myrrh-apples, Poma myrrhae, perhaps meant to imply mirabolans. –E.

172

   This appears to refer to chewing tobacco, and gives a strong picture of that custom carried to excess. –E.

173

   This person was probably a noted giant, or remarkably tall man, then well known in the south of Europe: Or it may refer to a colossal image of St Francis. –E.

174

   The island of Hispaniola is certainly here meant, to which Americus has chosen to give the fabulous or hypothetical name of Antilia, formerly mentioned; perhaps with the concealed intention of depreciating the grand discovery of Columbus, by insinuating that the Antilles were known long before his voyage. –E.

175

   Though not mentioned in the text, this date must have been of the year 1500; or at least intended to be so understood by Americus-E.

176

   Assuredly Brasil is here meant, yet the latitude is absurdly erroneous. –E.

177

   This must necessarily be an error, as he now sailed in the service of the king of Portugal. –E.

178

   Perhaps malefactors, who have been formerly mentioned in the early Portuguese voyages to India, as employed in such hazardous commissions. –E.

179

   Could we trust to the position in the text, lat. 8° S. this voyage must have been upon the coast of Brazil, and the cape named St Vincent by Americus ought to be that now called St Augustine: Indeed in a subsequent passage of this same voyage he gives this cape that name. –E.

180

   Lat. 32° S. as in the text, would bring this voyage of Americus all down the coast of Brazil almost to the mouth of the Rio Grande, or of St Pedro, now the boundary between Portuguese America and the Spanish viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres. –E.

181

   Obviously the same cape which was called St Vincent only a little way before, and which now receives its true name. –E.

182

   The difference of latitude between Cape St Augustine and the Rio Grande, is 24 degrees, or 480 leagues, and their difference of longitude 17 degrees or 340 leagues. –E.

183

   The circumstances in the text would indicate that Americus had now run down the eastern coast of South America, almost to the entrance of the Straits of Magellan. –E.

184

   The tempest has been already stated as beginning on the 3d of April, whence we must presume the present date in the text to be a typographical error, perhaps for the twenty -second. –E.

185

   From the high latitude of 52° S. in which they were at the commencement of the storm, and the direction of the wind from the S.W. it seems highly probable that this barren land was what is now called the Falkland Islands. –E.

186

   Though not mentioned in the text, we may conclude, from the time occupied in this voyage, as indicated a little farther on, that Americus returned to Lisbon in August 1502, the voyage having commenced in May 1501, and lasted sixteen months. –E.

187

   Such is the expression in the original, the eastern horizon being so named apparently by way of eminence. –E.

188

   As written by an Italian, Melcha has the sound of Melka, and the place here indicated is obviously the city of Malacca in the Malayan peninsula, long a famous emporium for the trade of eastern India and China. –E.

189

   The Bay of Bengal and sea of China. –E.

190

   In the original these positions are thus unaccountably misrepresented, as literally translated: "Melcha is more to the west, and Calicut more to the south; being situated 33° from the Antarctic pole."-E.
   It would appear from some circumstances in the sequel, that this fleet was directed to visit Brazil on its way to India; and that the ultimate object of the voyage was frustrated through its early misfortunes. –E.

191

   Per suduestium, qui ventus est inter meridiem et lebeccium: Between the S. and S.W. or S.S.W. –E.

192

   Perhaps the island of St Matthew, which is nearly in the latitude indicated in the text, and about the distance mentioned from Sierra Leone; yet it is difficult to conceive how they could get there with a storm at S.S.W. as the course is S.S.E. from Sierra Leone. –E.

193

   Such is the literal meaning of the original, yet I suspect Americus here means his largest boat. –E.

194

   In the original, Omnium Sanctorum Abbatium, but which must assuredly be Bahia dos todos los Santos, in lat 13° S. on the coast of Brazil. –E.

195

   The distance between the island of St Matthew, and the Bay of All Saints, is not less than 600 leagues, or thirty degrees; yet that distance might certainly be run in seventeen days with a fair wind. –E.

196

   The number of leagues mentioned in the text would lead us to the Bay of Santos on the coast of Brazil, in latitude twenty-four degrees S. but in the text this first attempt to colonize Brazil is said to have been in latitude eighteen degrees S. near which the harbour now named Abrolhos is situated. –E.

197

   Harris, II. 49.

198

   Harris, II. 62. This introduction is transposed from Harris, who places it at the end instead of the beginning of his summary. –E.

199

   We learn from the history of the conquest of Mexico, by Bernal Diaz del Castillo, one of the conquerors, that the government of the province of Tierra Firma, in which Darien and Nombre de Dios were situated, was afterwards granted by the court of Spain to Pedro Arias de Avila, in 1514, who gave his daughter in marriage to Vasco Nugnez de Balboa; yet caused him afterwards to be beheaded; on suspicion that he intended to revolt. –E.

200

   The account of this voyage is often contradictory, and almost always unintelligible. In this instance, De Leon is made, with a southern course, to increase his latitude almost nine degrees to the north. –E.

201

   This account of the island of Bimini is perfectly ridiculous, as its whole extent does not exceed twenty miles in length, and not exceeding one mile broad; it is one of the smallest of the Bahama or Lucayo islands, and the largest of them cannot possibly contain any stream of water beyond the size of a brook. –E.

202

   We shall afterwards have occasion to give an account of this and other Spanish Expeditions of Discovery and Conquest, written by Bernal Diaz del Castillo, who was actually engaged in all those which he described. –E.

203

   The Sue Tajassu of Naturalists, or the Pecary. This singular species of the hog tribe, has an open glandular orifice in the hinder part of the back, which discharges an unctuous foetid liquor, which must be cut out immediately after the death of the animal, otherwise the whole carcase is soon tainted with an intolerable odour. –E.

204

   This is probably an error for the Sierra Nevada, or Snowy Mountains. –E.

205

   Clavigero, History of Mexico, translated by C. Cullen, I. xiii.

206

   The present voyage of Cordova was in 1517: that of Ponce de Leon in 1512, only five years before. –E.

207

   Nothing can be more ridiculous than this fancy of the Americans being descended from the Jews: Without stopping to controvert this absurd opinion, it need only be noticed that the Jews, at least after their return from captivity, have uniformly rejected the use of images, even under the severest persecutions; except perhaps in Spain, where the modern Jews are said to worship the Catholic idols with much apparent devotion, to avoid the terrors of the Inquisition. –E.

208

   This seems the place named Pontonchan in the former voyage. –E.

209

   These were probably swivel guns mounted on the bows of their boats. –E.

210

   According to Clavigero, I. 240, the proper name of this Mexican sovereign was Moteuczoma. –E.

211

   Named Tezcatlipoca by Clavigero, and said to be the god of providence, the soul of the world, and the creator of all things. –E.

212

   By Clavigero called Acolhua, the name given by all the distant inhabitants of the empire to the people of the Vale of Mexico, or Anahuac. –E.

213

   Diaz minutely enumerates and describes all the horses, mentioning who they all belonged to. –E.

214

   According to Clavigero, II. 7. this armament, by which a great and populous empire was subverted, consisted of eleven vessels, carrying 1O9 mariners, 508 soldiers, divided into eleven companies, ten field-pieces, four falconets, and sixteen horses. Alaminos, who had been pilot to Cordavo and Grijalva, was chief pilot of this expedition. –E.

215

   On a former occasion, the chaplain of the expedition was named Bartholome de Olmedo, but this other clergyman appears likewise to have attended the expedition. –E.

216

   In Clavigero and other Spanish authors, this person is named de Olid, but Diaz uniformly gives him the name in the text. –E.

217

   Diaz says that this was the expedition of Cordova; but that was in 1517, two years before. According to Clavigero, Aguilar had learnt the Maja language, which was spoken by the inhabitants of Yucutan and Cozumel, and became very useful to Cortes as his interpreter. –E.

218

   This river is called Chiapa by Clavigero. –E.

219

   Clavigero calls the field of battle the plain of Ceutla, where he says there was another Indian town not far distant from Tabasco. –E.

220

   According to Clavigero, this place was named Madona della Vittoria, which was destroyed by the English about the middle of the seventeenth century, the inhabitants removing to Villahermosa, at a greater distance from the coast. –E.

221

   There are no lions or tigers in America, but Europeans have loosely given these names to other species of the same genus, such as the felis onca, or jaguar; F. discolor or jaguarate; and F. concolor, or puma; which last is often called the American lion, and the jaguar is the Mexican tiger. –E.

222

   In this account of Donna Marina, the information given by Clavigero, II. 9. is here combined with that of Bernal Diaz, and the orthography of the Mexican names of places has been corrected throughout from the former writer, a native of New Spain, and intimately acquainted with its language. As the Mexicans do not pronounce the letter r, they used to call her Malintzin, tzin being an affix of dignity; from which she is still remembered in Mexico by the name of Malinchi. –E.

223

   Clavigero denominates this part of the Mexican empire by the incommunicable name of Chalchiuhcuecan. –E.

224

   In the work of Bernal Diaz, the names of these two Mexican chiefs are Tendile and Pitaipitoque. We have here adopted the orthography of Clavigero in preference, because he appears to have perfectly understood the Mexican language; and shall continue to do so in the sequel without farther notice, as often as his work enables us to do it with certainty-E.

225

   Perhaps mock-pearls, or the word may possibly be the same with what we term marcasites. –E.

226

   Clavigero calls this a gilt mask or vizor. –E.

227

   According to Clavigero, there was an ancient tradition current among the Mexicans, that Quetzalcoatl, their god of the air, had disappeared long ago, promising to return after a certain period, and to govern them in peace and happiness; and on the first appearance of the Spaniards on their coast, observing certain marks of resemblance between them and their mythological notions of this god, they believed their god of the air had returned, and was about to resume the government. –E.

228

   Clavigero alleges that this name neither is nor can be Mexican, but does not correct the orthography. –E.

229

   According to Clavigero, this plate was thirty palms of Toledo in circumference and was worth 10,000 sequins, representing what he calls the Mexican centary, or rather cycle of fifty-two years, and having the sun in the centre. –E.

230

   By Clavigero this expression is made Teuctin, which he says signifies lords or gentlemen as applied to all the Spaniards; and that this word having some resemblance to Teteo, the Mexican term for gods, made them believe that they were considered as gods by the Mexicans. –E.

231

   Chiahuitztla, near which Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz, the first Spanish settlement in Mexico was built; but which was afterwards removed to the dry sands at St Juan de Ulua, where Vera Cruz, the port of Mexico, now stands. –E.

232

   Chempoalla appears to have been a place of considerable size, both from the testimony of eye-witnesses and the extent of its ruins. Torquimada in one place says its inhabitants amounted to twenty or thirty thousand; in another place he extends their number to 50,111, and in his index to 150,000. Like many others of the Indian cities in New Spain, it dwindled down, by the diseases and vexations of the sixteenth century, and at length became entirely depopulated. -Clavigero, II. 21.

233

   Bernal Diaz has given no dates of the transactions of Cortes in Mexico, from the 21st of April till now, the 26th of July, a period of 3 months and 5 days. –E.

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol.IV

Robert Kerr


A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, #4

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol.IV
PART II.
BOOK II.
CHAPTER V.
CHAPTER VI.
CHAPTER VII.

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol.IV
by Robert Kerr

   A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,
   ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:
   FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE PRESENT TIME.
   BY
   ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.
   ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.
   VOL. IV.
   WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH; AND T. CADELL, LONDON. MDCCCXXIV.


ADVERTISEMENT TO THE FOURTH VOLUME
   Twelve months have now elapsed since the first half volume of this work was offered to the public. The favourable reception it has experienced gives the Editor reason to hope that he has fulfilled the engagements which he came under at its first appearance, and is a powerful inducement to continue his utmost exertions to preserve and improve the character of the work. In the four volumes which are now published, several extensive and important original articles are introduced, which have not hitherto appeared in any similar collection, and had not even been previously translated into English. These materially contribute towards the ample information which was formerly announced, in the Preface to the first Volume, as a leading object in this Collection. In the subsequent parts of the work, every effort shall be made to fill up its several divisions with original articles of similar interest and equal importance.
   Encouraged by a satisfactory and increasing sale, the progress of publication has been somewhat hastened, beyond what was originally promised in the Prospectus and Conditions; as the whole of the fourth Volume is now published, at the period when only its first half was to have appeared. It is intended to repeat this anticipation occasionally, by the publication of two numbers or half-volumes at once, when opportunity offers. While this may gratify one portion of our readers, it is not meant to preclude others from continuing to be supplied, as before, with the numbers or half volumes at regular intervals, in their own option.
   EDINBURGH, 1st Jan, 1812.
   (Illustration: Viceroyalty of Mexico Published 1 Jan'y 1812 by W'm Blackwood Edin'r.)

PART II.
(CONTINUED)

BOOK II.
(CONTINUED)

CHAPTER V.
HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF MEXICO, WRITTEN IN THE YEAR 1568, BY CAPTAIN BERNAL DIAZ DEL CASTILLO, ONE OF THE CONQUERORS – (Continued)



SECTION VI. The Spaniards commence their March to Mexico; with an account of the War in Tlascala, and the submission of that Nation
   Everything being in readiness for our march to Mexico, we were advised by our allies of Chempoalla to proceed by way of Tlascala, the inhabitants of that province being in friendship with them and constantly at war with the Mexicans; and at our requisition, we were joined by fifty of the principal warriors of the Totanacas1, who likewise gave us 200 tlamama, or men of burden, to draw our guns and to transport our baggage and ammunition2. Our first day's march on the 16th of August 1519, was to Xalapan, and our second to Socochima, a place of difficult approach, surrounded by vines. During the whole of this march, the main body was kept in compact order, being always preceded by an advance of light infantry, and patroles of cavalry. Our interpreters informed the people of this place, that we were subjects of the great emperor Don Carlos, who had sent us to abolish human sacrifices and various other abuses; and as these people were allies of Chempoalla and independent of Montezuma, they treated us in a friendly manner. We erected a cross at this place, explaining its signification and giving them information of many things belonging to our holy faith, and exhorting them to reverence the cross. From this place we proceeded by a difficult pass among lofty mountains to Texotla, the people of which place were well disposed to us, as they also paid no tribute to Montezuma. Continuing our march through desert lofty mountains, we experienced excessive cold, with heavy falls of hail, and came next day to a pass, where there were some houses and large temples, and great piles of wood intended for the service of the idols. Provisions were scarce during the two last days, and we now approached the confines of the Mexican empire, at a place called Xocotlan; to the cacique of which place Cortes sent a message informing him of our arrival. The appearance of this place evinced that we were entering upon a new and richer country. The temples and other buildings were lofty, with terraced roofs, and had a magnificent appearance, being all plastered and white-washed, so as to resemble some of our towns in Spain; on which account we called this place Castel blanco.
   In consequence of our message, the cacique and other principal persons of the town came out to meet us, and conducted us to our quarters, where they gave us a very poor entertainment. After supper, Cortes inquired respecting the military power of Montezuma, and was told that he was able to bring prodigious armies into the field. The city of Mexico was represented as of uncommon strength, being built on the water, with no communication between the houses, houses, except by means of boats or bridges, each house being terraced, and only needing the addition of a parapet to become a fortress. The only access to the city was by means of three causeways or piers, each of which had four or five apertures for the passage of the waters, having wooden bridges which could be raised up, so as to preclude all access. We were likewise informed of the vast wealth possessed by Montezuma, in gold, silver, and jewels, which filled us with astonishment; and although the account we had already received of the military resources of the empire and the inaccessible strength of the capital might have filled us with dismay, yet we were eager to try our fortunes. The cacique expatiated in praise of Montezuma, and expressed his apprehension of having offended him by receiving us into his government without his leave. To this Cortes replied, That we had come from a far distant country by command of our sovereign, to exhort Montezuma and his subjects to desist from human sacrifices and other outrages; adding: "I now require all who hear me, to renounce your inhuman sacrifices, cannibal feasts, and other abominable customs; for such is the command of GOD, whom we adore." The natives listened to all this in profound silence, and Cortes proposed to the soldiers to destroy the idols and plant the holy cross, as had been already done at Chempoalla; but Father Olmedo recommended that this should be postponed to a fitter opportunity, lest the ignorance and barbarism of the people might incite them to offer indignity against that holy symbol of our blessed religion.
   We happened to have a very large dog along with us, which belonged to Francisco de Lugo, which used to bark very loud during the night, to the great surprise of the natives, who asked our Chempoallan allies if that terrible animal was a lion or tiger which we had brought to devour them. They answered that this creature attacked and devoured whoever offended us; that our guns discharged stones which destroyed our enemies, and that our horses were exceedingly swift and caught whoever we pursued. On this the others observed that with such astonishing powers we certainly were teules. Our allies also advised them to beware of practising any thing against us, as we could read their hidden thoughts, and recommended them to conciliate our favour by a present. They accordingly brought us several ornaments of much debased gold, and gave us four women to make bread, and a load of mantles. Near some of the temples belonging to this place I saw a vast number of human skeletons arranged in such exact order that they might easily be counted with perfect accuracy, and I am certain there were above an hundred thousand. In another part immense quantities of human bones were heaped up in endless confusion. In a third, great numbers of skulls were suspended from beams, and watched by three priests. Similar collections were to be seen everywhere as we marched through this district and the territories of Tlascala.
   On consulting the cacique of Xocotla respecting the road to Mexico, he advised us to go through Cholula; but our allies strongly dissuaded us from that route, alleging that the people were very treacherous, and that the town was always occupied by a Mexican garrison, and repeated the former advice of going by Tlascala, assuring us of a friendly reception there. Cortes accordingly sent messengers before us to Tlascala announcing our approach, and bearing a crimson velvet cap as a present. Although these people were ignorant of writing, yet Cortes sent a letter by his messengers, as it was generally understood to carry a sanction of the message which was to be delivered. We now set out for Tlascala, in our accustomed order of march, attended by twenty principal inhabitants of Xocotla. On arriving at a village in the territory of Xalacingo3, where we received intelligence that the whole nation of the Tlascalans were in arms to oppose us, believing as to be in alliance with their inveterate enemies the Mexicans, on account of the number of Mexican subjects who attended our army. So great was their suspicion on this account, that they imprisoned our two messengers, for whose return we waited two days very impatiently. Cortes employed the time in exhorting the Indians to abandon their idolatry and to reconcile themselves to our holy church. At the end of these two days, we resumed our march, accompanied by two of the principal people of this place whom Cortes demanded to attend us, and we soon afterwards met our messengers who had made their escape, either owing to the negligence or connivance of their guards. These messengers were in extreme terror, as the people of Tlascala threatened to destroy us and every one who should adhere to us. As a battle was therefore to be expected, the standard was advanced to the front, and Cortes instructed the cavalry to charge by threes to the front, never halting to give thrusts with their lances, but urging on at speed with couched lances levelled at the faces of the enemy. He directed them also, when their lance was seized by the enemy, to force it from them by the efforts of the horse, firmly grasping the butt under the arm. At about two leagues from the last resting-place, we came to a fortification built of stone and lime, excellently constructed for defence, and so well cemented that nothing but iron tools could make an impression on it. We halted for a short time to examine this work, which had been built by the Tlascalans to defend their territory against the incursions of their Mexican enemies; and on Cortes ordering us to march on, saying, "Gentlemen follow your standard the holy cross, through which we shall conquer;" we all replied, "Forward in the name of God, in whom is our only confidence."
   After passing this barrier some distance, our advanced guard descried about thirty of the Tlascalan troops, who had been sent to observe us. Cortes sent on the cavalry to endeavour to take some of these men prisoners, while the infantry advanced at a quick pace to support the advanced guard. Our cavalry immediately attacked, but the Tlascalans defended themselves bravely with their swords, wounding some of the horses severely, on which our people had to kill five of them, but were unable to make any prisoners. A body of three thousand warriors now sallied out upon us with great fury from an ambush, and began to discharge their arrows at our cavalry; but as our artillery and musquetry were now ready to bear upon them, we soon compelled them to give way, though in a regular manner, and fighting as they retreated; leaving seventeen of their men dead on the field; and one of our men was so severely wounded as to die a few days after. As the day was near a close, we did not attempt any pursuit; but continued our march, in which we soon descended from the hills into a flat country, thickly set with farm-houses, among fields of maize and the Maguay plant. We halted for the night on the banks of a brook, where we dressed our wounds with the grease of a fat Indian who was slain in the skirmish; and though the natives had carried away all their provisions, we caught their dogs when they returned at night to the houses, and made a comfortable supper of that unusual fare. Next day, after recommending ourselves to God, we resumed our march against the Tlascalan army; both cavalry and infantry being duly instructed how to act when we came to battle; the cavalry to charge right through, and the infantry to preserve a firm array. We soon fell in with the enemy, to the number of about 6000 men in two bodies, who immediately attacked us with great spirit, discharging their arrows, shouting, and sounding their martial instruments. Cortes halted the army, and sent three prisoners to demand a peaceable conference, and to assure them we wished to treat them as brothers; ordering at the same time the notary Godoy, to witness this message officially. This message had no effect, as they attacked us more fiercely than before, on which Cortes gave the word, St Jago, and on them. We accordingly made a furious onset, slaying many with the first discharges of our artillery, three of their chiefs falling on this occasion. They now retreated to some uneven ground, where the whole army of the state of Tlascala, 40,000 in number, were posted under cover, commanded by Xicotencatl, the general in chief of the republic. As the cavalry could not act in this uneven ground, we were forced to fight our way through as well as we were able in a compact column, assailed on every side by the enemy, who were exceedingly expert archers. They were all clothed in white and red, with devices of the same colours, being the uniform of their general. Besides the multitudes who discharged continual flights of arrows, many of them who were armed with lances closed upon us while we were embarrassed by the inequality of the ground; but as soon as we got again into the plain, we made a good use of our cavalry and artillery. Yet they fought incessantly against us with astonishing intrepidity, closing upon us all around, so that we were in the utmost danger at every step, but God supported and assisted us. While closely environed in this manner, a number of their strongest warriors, armed with tremendous two-handed swords, made a combined attack on Pedro de Moron, an expert horseman, who was charging through them accompanied by other three of our cavalry. They seized his lance and wounded himself dangerously, and one of them cut through the neck of his horse with a blow of a two-handed sword, so that he fell down dead. We rescued Moron from the enemy with the utmost difficulty, even cutting the girths and bringing off his saddle, but ten of our number were wounded in the attempt, and believe we then slew ten of their chiefs, while fighting hand to hand. They at length began to retire, taking with them the body of the horse, which they cut in pieces, and distributed through all the districts of Tlascala as a trophy of victory. Moron died soon after of his wounds, at least I have no remembrance of seeing him afterwards. After a severe and close conflict of above an hour, during which our artillery swept down multitudes out of the numerous and crowded bodies of the enemy, they drew off in a regular manner, leaving the field to us, who were too much fatigued to pursue. We took up our quarters, therefore, in the nearest village, named Teoatzinco, where we found numbers of subterraneous dwellings. This battle was fought on the 2d September 1519. The loss of the enemy on this occasion was very considerable, eight of their principal chiefs being slain, but how many others we know not, as whenever an Indian is wounded or slain, he is immediately carried off by his companions. Fifteen of them were made prisoners, of whom two were chiefs. On our side fifteen men were wounded, one only of whom died. As soon as we got clear of the enemy, we gave thanks to God for his merciful preservation, and took post in a strong and spacious temple, where we dressed our wounds with the fat of Indians. We obtained a plentiful supply of food from the fowls and dogs which we found in the houses of the village, and posted strong guards on every side for our security.
   We continued quietly in the temple for one day, to repose after the fatigues of the battle, occupying ourselves in repairing our cross-bows, and making arrows. Next day Cortes sent out seven of our cavalry with two hundred infantry and all our allies, to scour the country, which is very flat and well adapted for the movements of cavalry, and this detachment brought in twenty prisoners, some of whom were women, without meeting with any injury from the enemy, neither did the Spaniards do any mischief; but our allies, being very cruel, made great havoc, and came back loaded with dogs and fowls. Immediately on our return, Cortes released all the prisoners, after giving them food and kind treatment, desiring them to expostulate with their companions on the madness of resisting our arms. He likewise released the two chiefs who had been taken in the preceding battle, with a letter in token of credence, desiring them to inform their countrymen that he only asked to pass through their country in his way to Mexico. These chiefs waited accordingly on Xicotencatl, whose army was posted about two leagues from our quarters, at a place called Tehuacinpacingo, and delivered the message of Cortes. To this the Tlascalan general replied, "Tell them to go to Tlascala, where we shall give them peace by offering their hearts and blood to our gods, and by feasting on their bodies." After what we had already experienced of the number and valour of the enemy, this horrible answer did not afford us much consolation; but Cortes concealed his fears, and treated the messengers more kindly than ever, to induce them to carry a fresh message. By inquiry from them he got the following account of the number of the enemy and of the nature of the command enjoyed by its general. The army now opposed to us consisted of the troops or quotas of five great chiefs, each consisting of 10,000 men. These chiefs were Xicotencatl the elder, father to the general, Maxicotzin, Chichimecatecle, Tecapaneca cacique of Topeyanco, and a cacique named Guaxocinga4. Thus 50,000 men were now collected against us under the banner of Xicotencatl, which was a white bird like an ostrich with its wings spread out5. The other divisions had each its distinguishing banner, every cacique bearing these cognizances like our Spanish nobles, a circumstance we could not credit when so informed by our prisoners. This formidable intelligence did not tend to lessen the fears which the terrible answer of Xicotencatl had occasioned, and we prepared for the expected battle of the next day, by confessing our sins to our reverend fathers, who were occupied in this holy office during the whole night6.
   On the 5th of September, we marched out with our whole force, the wounded not excepted, having our colours flying and guarded by four soldiers appointed for that purpose. The crossbow-men and musketeers were ordered to fire alternately, so that some of them might be always loaded: The soldiers carrying swords and bucklers were directed to use their points only, thrusting home through the bodies of the enemy, by which they were less exposed to missile weapons; and the cavalry were ordered to charge at half speed, levelling their lances at the eyes of the enemy, and charging clear through without halting to make thrusts. We had hardly marched half a quarter of a league, when we observed the whole army of the enemy, covering the plain on every side as far as the eye could reach, each separate body displaying its particular device or standard, and all advancing to the sound of martial music. A great deal might be said of this tremendous and long doubtful battle, in which four hundred of us were opposed to prodigious hosts, which surrounded us on every side, filling all the plains to the extent of two leagues. Their first discharges of arrows, stones, and double-headed darts covered the whole ground which we occupied, and they advanced continually till closed upon us all around, attacking us with the utmost resolution with lances and two-handed swords, encouraging each other by continual shouts. Our artillery, musketry, and cross-bows plied them with incessant discharges, and made prodigious havoc among the crowded masses of the enemy, and the home thrusts of our infantry with their swords, prevented them from closing up so near as they had done in the former battle. Yet with all our efforts, our battalion was at one time completely broken into and separated, and all the exertions of our general was for some time unable to get us again into order; at length, however, by the diligent use of our swords, we forced them from among us, and were able again to close our ranks. During the whole battle our cavalry produced admirable effects, by incessant charges through the thickest of the enemy. We in some measure owed our safety, under God, to the unwieldy multitude of the enemy, so that some of the divisions could never get up to the attack. One of the grand divisions, composed of the warriors dependant on Guaxocinga, was prevented from taking any share in the battle by Chichemecatecle7, their commander, who had been provoked by some insulting language by Xicotencatl respecting his conduct in the preceding engagement, of which circumstance we received information afterwords. The circumstance of these divisions not joining in the battle, slackened the ardour of the rest, more especially after they had experienced the terrible effects of our cavalry, artillery, and other offensive weapons; and one of their greatest chiefs being killed, they at length drew off from the fight, and were pursued to a short distance by our cavalry. In this great battle, one only of our soldiers was killed, but seventy men and all our horses were wounded. I had two wounds, one by an arrow and the other by a stone, but they were not sufficient to make me unfit for duty. Thus again masters of the field, we gave thanks to God for his merciful preservation, and returned to our former post, first burying our dead companion in one of the subterraneous houses, which was filled up and levelled, that his body might not be discovered by the enemy. We passed the ensuing night in a most comfortless situation, not being able to procure even oil and salt, and exposed to excessive cold winds from the snowy mountains.
   Cortes sent a fresh message by three of our prisoners and those who had carried his former message, demanding a free passage to Mexico, and threatening to destroy the whole country in case of refusal. On their arrival at Tlascala, they found the chiefs much cast down at their repeated losses, yet unwilling to listen to our proposals. They sent for their priests and wizards, who pretended to foretel future events by casting lots, desiring them to say if the Spaniards were vincible, and what were the best means of conquering us; likewise demanding whether we were men or superior beings, and what was our food. The wizards answered, that we were men like themselves, subsisting upon ordinary food, but did not devour the hearts of our enemies as had been reported; alleging that though invincible by day, we might be conquered at night, as we derived all our power from the influence of the sun. Giving credit to this response, Xicotencatl received orders to make an immediate attack on our quarters during the night. He marched accordingly with ten thousand warriors, and made a night attack on our post in three places at once: But our outposts kept too good guard to be taken by surprise, and we were under arms in a moment to receive them. They met with so warm a reception, that they were soon forced to turn their backs; and as it was clear moon-light, our cavalry pursued them with great effect, so that they returned to their camp heartily repenting of their night attack; insomuch that it was reported they sacrificed two of their priests for deceiving them to their hurt. In this action one only of our allies was killed, and two Spaniards wounded; but our situation was far from consolatory. Besides being dreadfully hard harassed by fatigue, we had lost fifty-five of our soldiers from wounds, sickness, and severity of the weather, and several were sick. Our general and Father Olmedo were both ill of fevers: And we began to think it would be impossible for us to reach Mexico, after the determined resistance we had experienced from the Tlascalans.
   In this extremity several of the officers and soldiers, among whom I was one, waited on Cortes, and advised him to release his prisoners and to make a fresh offer of friendship with the Tlascalans through these people. He, who acted on all occasions like a good captain, never failing to consult with us on affairs of importance, agreed with our present advice, and gave orders accordingly. Donna Marina, whose noble spirit and excellent judgment supported her on all occasions of danger, was now of most essential service to us, as indeed she often was; as she explained in the most forcible terms to these messengers, that if their countrymen did not immediately enter into a treaty of peace with us, that we were resolved to march against their capital, and would utterly destroy it and their whole nation. Our messengers accordingly went to Tlascala, where they waited on the chiefs of the republic, the principal messenger bearing our letter in one hand, as a token of peace, and a dart in the other as a signal of war, as if giving them their choice of either. Having delivered our resolute message, it pleased GOD to incline the hearts of these Tlascalan rulers to enter into terms of accommodation with us. The two principal chiefs, named Maxicatzin and Xicotencatl the elder8, immediately summoned the other chiefs of the republic to council, together with the cacique of Guaxocingo the ally of the republic, to whom they represented that all the attacks which they had made against us had been ineffectual, yet exceedingly destructive to them; that the strangers were hostile to their inveterate enemies the Mexicans, who had been continually at war against their republic for upwards of an hundred years, and had so hemmed them in as to deprive them of procuring cotton or salt; and therefore that it would be highly conducive to the interests of the republic to enter into an alliance with these strangers against their common enemies, and to offer us the daughters of their principal families for wives, in order to strengthen and perpetuate the alliance between us. This proposal was unanimously agreed upon by the council, and notice was immediately sent to the general of this determination, with orders to cease from hostilities. Xicotencatl was much offended at this order, and insisted on making another nocturnal attack on our quarters. On learning this determination of their general, the council of Tlascala sent orders to supersede him in the command, but the captains and warriors of the army refused obedience to this order, and even prevented four of the principal chiefs of the republic from waiting upon us with an invitation to come to their city.
   After waiting two days for the result of our message without receiving any return, we proposed to march to Zumpacingo, the chief town of the district in which we then were, the principal people of which had been summoned to attend at our quarters, but had neglected our message. We accordingly began our march for that place early of a morning, having Cortes at our head, who was not quite recovered from his late illness. The morning was so excessively cold, that two of our horses became so exceedingly ill that we expected them to have died, and we were all like to perish from the effects of the piercing winds of the Sierra Nevada, or Snowy Mountains. This occasioned us to accelerate our march to bring us into heat, and we arrived at Zumpacingo before daybreak; but the inhabitants, immediately on getting notice of our approach, fled precipitately from their houses, exclaiming that the teules were coming to kill them. We halted in a place surrounded with walls till day, when some priests and old men came to us from the temples, making an apology for neglecting to obey our summons, as they had been prevented by the threats of their general Xicotencatl. Cortes ordered them to send us an immediate supply of provisions, with which they complied, and then sent them with a message to Tlascala, commanding the chiefs of the republic to attend him at this place to establish a peace, as we were still ignorant of what had taken place in consequence of our former message. The Indians of the country began to entertain a favourable opinion of us, and orders were given by the Tlascalan senate that the people in our neighbourhood should supply us plentifully with provisions.
   At this time some of the soldiers resumed their mutinous complaints, particularly those who had good houses and plantations in Cuba, who murmured at the hardships they had undergone and the manifold dangers with which we were surrounded. Seven of their ringleaders now waited on Cortes, having a spokesman at their head, who addressed the general in a studied oration, representing, "That above fifty-five of our companions had already perished during the expedition, and we were now ignorant of the situation of those we had left at Villa Rica. That we were so surrounded by enemies, it was hardly possible to escape from being sacrificed to the idols of the barbarians, if we persisted in our present hopeless enterprize. Our situation, they said, was worse than beasts of burden, who had food and rest when forced to labour, while we were oppressed with fatigue, and could neither procure sleep or provisions. As therefore the country now seemed peaceable and the enemy had withdrawn, the present opportunity ought to be taken for returning immediately to Villa Rica, on purpose to construct a vessel to send for reinforcements from Cuba; adding, that they lamented the destruction of our shipping, a rash and imprudent step, which could not be paralleled in history," Cortes answered them with great mildness; "That he was satisfied no soldiers ever exhibited more valour than we, and that by perseverance alone could we hope to preserve our lives amidst those great perils which God hitherto delivered us from, and that he hoped for a continuance of the same mercy. He appealed to them to say if he had ever shrunk from sharing in all their dangers; which indeed he might well do, as he never spared himself on any occasion. As to the destruction of the ships, it was done advisably, and for most substantial reasons; and as the most illustrious of our countrymen had never ventured on so bold a measure, it was better to look forward with trust in God, than to repine at what could not now be remedied. That although the natives we had left behind were at present friendly, all would assuredly rise against us the moment we began to retreat; and if our situation were now bad, it would then be desperate. We were now in a plentiful country; and as for our losses by death and fatigue, such was the fortune of war, and we had not come to this country to enjoy sports and pastimes. I desire therefore of you, who are all gentlemen, that you no longer think of retreat, but that you henceforwards shew an example to the rest, by doing your duty like brave soldiers, which I have always found you hitherto." They still continued to urge the danger of persisting in the march to Mexico; but Cortes cut them short, saying, That it was better to die at once than live dishonoured: And being supported by all his friends, the malcontents were obliged to stifle their dissatisfaction, as we all exclaimed that nothing more should be said on the subject.
   Our deputation from Zumpacingo to Tlascala was at length successful; as after four repeated messages from the chiefs of the republic, their general Xicotencatl was obliged to cease hostilities. Accordingly forty Indians were sent by him to our quarters with a present of fowls, bread, and fruit. They also brought four old women in tattered clothes, some incense, and a quantity of parrots feathers. After offering incense to Cortes, one of the messengers addressed him as follows: "Our general sends these things to you. If ye are teules, as is reported, and desire human victims, take the hearts and blood of these women as food: We have not sacrificed them to you, as you have not hitherto made known your pleasure. If ye are men, we offer you fowls, bread, and fruit; if benignant teules, who do not desire human sacrifices, here are incense and parrots feathers." Cortes replied, That we were men like themselves, and never put any one to death except in our own defence: That he had repeatedly required them to make peace with us, which offer he now renewed, advising them no longer to continue their mad resistance, which must end in their own ruin and the destruction of their country: That our only object in coming among them, was to manifest the truths of our holy religion, and to put an end to human sacrifices, by command from God and our emperor. These men were spies, who had been sent by Xicotencatl to gain information of the strength and disposition of our quarters; and we were informed of this by our Chempoallan allies, who had learnt from the people of Zumpacingo that Xicotencatl intended to attack us. On this information, Cortes seized four of the messengers, whom he forced by threats to confess, that their general only waited for their report to attack us that night in our quarters. He then caused seventeen of the Tlascalan messengers to be arrested, cutting off the hands of some and the thumbs of others, and sent them back in that condition to Xicotencatl with a message, that he would wait his attack for two days, after which, if he heard nothing farther from him, he would march with his Spaniards to seek him in his post. On the return of his spies in a mutilated state, Xicotencatl, who was prepared to march against us, lost all his haughtiness and resolution, and we were informed that the chief with whom he had quarrelled, now quitted the army with his division.
   The approach of a numerous train of Indians by the road from Tlascala was announced by one of our videts, from which we all conceived hopes of an embassy of peace, which it actually was. Cortes ordered us all immediately under arms, and on the arrival of the embassy, four old men advanced to our general, and after making three several reverences, touching the ground with their hands and kissing them, they offered incense, and said: That they were sent by the chiefs of Tlascala to put themselves henceforwards under our protection, and declared that they would on no account have made war upon us, if they had not believed we were allies of Montezuma, their ancient and inveterate enemy. They assured him that the first attack had been made upon us by the Otomies without their approbation, who believed they might easily have brought our small number as prisoners to their lords of Tlascala. They concluded by soliciting pardon for what had passed, assuring us that their general and the other chiefs of Tlascala would soon wait upon us to conclude a durable peace. Cortes in his answer, assumed a severe countenance, reproaching them for the violence they had been guilty of, yet, in consideration of their repentance, he accepted their presents, and was willing to receive them to favour, as he wished for peace; but desired them to inform their chiefs, if they delayed waiting upon him, he would continue his hostilities till be had ruined their whole country. The four ambassadors returned with this message to their employers, leaving their attendants with the provisions in our quarters. We now began to entertain hopes of their sincerity, to our great satisfaction, as we were heartily tired of the severe and hopeless war in which we had been so long engaged.
   The news of the great victories which we had gained over the Tlascalans soon spread over the whole country, and came to the knowledge of Montezuma, who sent five principal nobles of his court to congratulate us on our success. These men brought a present of various articles of gold, to the value of 1000 crowns, with twenty loads of rich mantles, and a message, declaring his desire to become a vassal of our sovereign, to whom he was willing to pay an yearly tribute. He added a wish to see our general in Mexico, but, owing to the poverty of the country and the badness of the roads, he found himself under the necessity to deprive himself of that great pleasure. Cortes expressed his gratitude for the present, and his satisfaction at the offer of their sovereign to become tributary to our emperor; but requested the Mexican ambassadors to remain with him till he had concluded his arrangements with the Tlascalans, after which he would give them a definitive answer to the message of Montezuma. While conversing with the Mexican ambassadors, Xicotencatl, with fifty of his principal warriors all in uniform habits of white and red, came to wait upon Cortes with great respect, who received them very courteously, causing the Tlascalan general to sit down beside him. Xicotencatl then said, That he came in the name of his father and the other chiefs of the Tlascalan nation, to solicit peace and friendship, to submit themselves to our sovereign, and to ask pardon for having taken up arms against us, which had proceeded from their dread of the machinations of Montezuma, who was always desirous of reducing their nation to slavery. Their country, he said, was very poor, as it possessed neither gold, jewels, cotton, nor salt; the two latter they were prevented from obtaining by Montezuma, who had also deprived them of all the gold their fathers had collected. Their poverty, therefore, must plead their excuse, for not bringing satisfactory presents. He made many other complaints against the oppressions of Montezuma, and concluded by earnestly soliciting our friendship and alliance. Xicotencatl was strong made, tall, and well proportioned, having a broad and somewhat wrinkled face, and grave aspect, appearing to be about thirty-five years old. Cortes treated him with every mark of respect, and expressed his high satisfaction that so brave and respectable a nation should become our allies, and subjects to our sovereign; but warned them seriously to beware of repeating the offences they had been guilty of towards us, lest it should occasion an exemplary punishment. The Tlascalan chief promised the utmost fidelity and obedience, and invited us to come to their city; which Cortes promised to do as soon as he had concluded his business with the Mexican ambassadors, and Xicotencatl took his leave.
   The ambassadors of Montezuma endeavoured to impress Cortes with distrust of the sincerity of the Tlascalans; asserting that their professions of peace and friendship were only meant to betray us, as they would certainly murder us while in their city. To these representations Cortes answered that he was resolved to go to Tlascala, that he might ascertain the sincerity of their professions; and that any such attempt as the Mexicans surmised would only bring on its own condign punishment. The ambassadors then requested Cortes to delay his march for six days, that they might receive fresh instructions from their sovereign, to which he acceded for two reasons, because of the state of his own health, and that the observations of the ambassadors seemed to require serious consideration. He now sent a messenger to Juan Escalente at Villa Rica, informing him of all that had happened, and requiring him to send some vessels of sacramental wine, and some consecrated bread, all that we had brought with us having been used. We at this time got the people of Zumpacingo to purify and white wash one of their temples, in which we erected a lofty cross. Our new friends the Tlascalans supplied us amply with provisions, particularly fowls and tunas, or Indian figs; and repeatedly invited us to their capital, but with this last we could not immediately comply, owing to the engagement with the Mexican ambassadors. At the end of the sixth day, as agreed upon, six nobles arrived from Montezuma, with a present of gold to the value of 3000 crowns, and 200 rich mantles; with a complimentary message, desiring us on no account to trust the Tlascalans or to go to their capital. Cortes returned thanks for the present, and the warning respecting the Tlascalans, whom he said he would severely punish if they attempted any treachery: and as he was just informed of the approach of the chiefs of Tlascala, he requested the Mexican ambassadors to wait three days for his final answer.

   The ancient chiefs of Tlascala now arrived at our quarters, borne in litters or hammocks, and attended by a large train of followers. These were Maxicatzin, Xicotencatl the elder, who was blind, Guaxocinga, Chichimecatecle, and Tecapaneca the allied cacique of Topeyanco. After saluting Cortes with great respect, the old blind chief Xicotencatl addressed him to the following effect: "We have often sent to request pardon for our hostilities, which were caused by our suspicions that you were in alliance with our enemy Montezuma. Had we known who and what you were, we would have gone down to the coast to invite you from your ships, and would have swept the roads clean before you. All we can now do is to invite you to our city, where we shall serve you in every thing within our power; and we beg you may not listen to the misrepresentations of the Mexicans, who are our enemies, and are influenced by malice against us." Cortes returned thanks for their courtesy, saying that he would have visited them ere now, but wanted men to draw his cannons. On learning this, five hundred of the natives were assembled for this service in less than half an hour, and Cortes promised to visit their capital next day. We accordingly began our march early next morning, the Mexican ambassadors accompanying us at the desire of Cortes, and keeping always near his person that they might not be insulted by their Tlascalan enemies. From this time the natives always gave Cortes the name of Malintzin, signifying the lord or captain of Marina, because she always interpreted for him in their language. We entered the city of Tlascala on the 23d September 1519, thirty-four days after our arrival in the territories of the republic. As soon as we began our march, the chiefs went before to provide quarters for us; and on our approach to the city, they came out to meet us, accompanied by their daughters and other female relations: each tribe separately, as this nation consisted of four distinct tribes, besides that which was governed by the cacique of Topeyanco. These tribes were distinguished from each other by different uniforms, of cloth made of nequen, as cotton did not grow in their country. The priests, came likewise to meet us, in long loose white garments, having their long hair all clotted with blood proceeding from recent cuts in the ears, and having remarkably long nails on their fingers; they carried pots of incense, with which they fumigated us. On our arrival, the chiefs saluted Cortes with much respect, and the people crowded to see us in such numbers that we could hardly make our way through the streets, presenting Cortes and the cavalry with garlands of beautiful and sweet smelling flowers.
   We at length arrived at some large enclosed courts, in the apartments, around which our lodgings were appointed; when the two principal chiefs took Cortes by the hand and conducted him into the apartment which was destined for his use. Every one of our soldiers were provided with a mat and bed-clothes made of nequen cloth. Our allies were lodged close by us, and the Mexican ambassadors were accommodated, by desire of Cortes, in the apartment next his own. Though we had every reason to confide in the Tlascalans, Cortes used the most rigid military precautions for our safety; which, being observed by the chiefs, they complained of as indicating suspicion of their sincerity; but Cortes assured them this was the uniform custom of our country, and that he had the most perfect reliance on their truth. As soon as an altar could be got ready, Cortes ordered Juan Diaz to celebrate the mass, as Olmeda was ill of a fever. Many of the native chiefs were present on this occasion, whom Cortes took along with him after the service into his own apartment, attended by those soldiers who usually accompanied him. The elder Xicotencatl then offered a present, consisting of a small quantity of gold and some pieces of cloth, not worth twenty crowns altogether, and expressed his fear that he might despise so paltry a present, which he excused on account of the poverty of their nation, occasioned by the extortions of Montezuma, from whom they were forced to purchase peace at the expence of every thing valuable belonging to them. Cortes assured them that he valued their gift, small as it was, more than he would a house full of gold from others, as it was a testimony of their friendship, which he greatly valued. Xicotencatl then proposed that a strict alliance should be formed between the two nations, and that our chiefs should accept their daughters in marriage, offering his own to Cortes, who thanked him for these marks of friendship. The chiefs remained with Cortes a whole day, and as Xicotencatl was blind, Cortes permitted him to examine his head, face, and beard with his hands, which he did with much attention.
   Next day the chiefs brought five daughters of their principal caciques, who were much handsomer than the other women of the country, each attended by a female slave. On this occasion Xicotencatl presented his own daughter to Cortes, and desired him to assign the others among his principal officers. Cortes thanked him for the mark of regard, but that for the present the ladies must remain with their parents, as we must first obey the commands of our God, and the orders of our sovereign, by abolishing human sacrifices and other abominations, and by teaching them the true faith in the adoration of one only God. He then shewed them a beautiful image of the holy Mary, the queen of heaven, the mother of our Lord by the power of the Holy Ghost, conceived without sin, adding, That if they wished to become our brethren, and that we should marry their daughters, they must renounce their idolatry, and worship our God, by which they would not only benefit their temporal concerns, but would secure an eternal happiness in heaven; whereas by persisting in the worship of their idols, which were representations of the devils, they would consign themselves to hell, where they would be plunged eternally into flames of fire. This and a great deal more excellently to the purpose, being well explained to them by our interpreters, the chiefs made answer to the following effect: That they readily believed all they had now heard respecting the excellence of our God and his saints, and might in time be able to understand the subject of his exhortations; but that if they were now to renounce the religion of their ancestors in their old age to please us, the priests and people would rebel against them; more especially as the priests had already consulted their gods, who had commanded them on no account to omit the human sacrifices and other ancient customs, as otherwise they would send famine, pestilence, and war into their country: They requested, therefore that nothing more might be said on this subject, as they could not renounce their gods but with their lives. When the subject of this conference was reported to father Olmedo, who was a wise and good man, he advised the general not to urge the matter any farther for the present, as he was adverse to forced conversions, such as had been already attempted at Chempoalla; and that to destroy the idols were a needless act of violence, unless the principles of idolatry were eradicated from their minds by argument as they would easily procure other idols to continue their worship. Three of our cavaliers, Alvarado, de Leon, and De Lugo, gave a similar advice to Cortes, and the subject was judiciously dropped, which might have again excited the Tlascalans to inveterate enmity.
   Soon after this we got permission to clear out and purify one of the temples, which was converted into a Christian church, and had an altar and cross erected. Here the ladies who were destined to be the brides of our officers, having been instructed in the principles of the Christian religion were baptized. The daughter of Xicotencatl was named Donna Luisa, and being taken by the hand by Cortes, was presented by him to Alvarado, saying to her rather that this officer was his brother, with which arrangement the old cacique seemed perfectly satisfied. Almost the whole province of Tlascala came afterwards to depend upon this lady, paying rent and homage to her. She had a son by Alvarado named Don Pedro, and a daughter Donna Leonora, who inherited her mothers domains, and is now the wife of Don Francisco de la Cueva, cousin to the Duke of Albuquerque, by whom she has four or five sons. In right of his wife Donna Luisa, Alvarado became lord, and almost sovereign of Tlascala. As far as I can remember, the niece, or daughter of Maxicatzin, named Donna Leonora, and remarkably handsome, was given to Velasquez de Leon. I have forgotten the names of the other ladies, all stiled Donnas, but they were assigned to De Oli, Sandoval, and Avila. After the ceremonies were concluded, the natives were informed that the crosses were erected in order to expel the evil spirits which they had been in use to worship.
   Cortes obtained considerable information from the two principal chiefs of Tlascala, Xicotencatl, and Maxicatzin, relative to the military and political state of Mexico. They said that Montezuma had an army of an hundred thousand warriors, occupying all the cities of the neighbouring states, which were subject to his dominions, with strong garrisons, and forcing them to pay heavy tributes in gold, manufactures, productions of the soil, and victims for sacrifice, so that his wealth and power were exceedingly great; but that all the districts which were under subjection to him were exceedingly dissatisfied with his tyranny, and inclined to take part with his enemies. Their own state of Tlascala had been in almost continual wars with the Mexicans for above an hundred years, and formed a league for mutual defence with the people of Guaxocingo9; but were principally vexed by inroads from the Mexican garrison in Cholula, from which city the troops of Montezuma were able to come by surprise on the Tlascalan territories. They described the city of Mexico as of great strength, being built in the lake, and only accessible by narrow causeways, with wooden bridges, and having no access to most of its houses but by drawbridges or boats. They described the arms of the Mexicans as consisting of double-headed darts, which were projected by a kind of slings, lances having stone heads, an ell in length, and both edges as sharp as a razor, and two-handed swords, edged likewise with sharp stones, besides shields and other defensive armour. The chiefs shewed large nequen cloths, on which their various battles were represented, with all those different kinds of weapons. They alleged that their country was anciently inhabited by a people of great stature and very barbarous manners, who had been extirpated by their ancestors, and produced a thigh-bone which they said had belonged to one of these giants. I stood by it, and it equalled my height, though I am as tall as most men. We sent this bone to Spain for the inspection of his majesty. The chiefs told us that their idols had long ago predicted, that a people was to arrive from the distant lands where the sun rises, and to subdue their country, and they believed we were those to whom the prediction applied. Cortes said that this was certainly the case, and that our great emperor had sent us to establish a lasting friendship between our nation and them, and to be the instruments of shewing them the only way of Salvation: To which we all said Amen!
   While we were in Tlascala a volcano near Guaxocingo threw out great quantities of flames, and Diego de Ordas went up to examine it, attended by two Spanish soldiers, and some of the principal Indians. The natives declined going any nearer to the volcano than the temples of Popocatepeque, but De Ordas and his two Spanish comrades ascended to the summit of the mountain, and looked down into the crater, which is a circle of near a quarter of a league diameter. From this peak also, they had a distant view of the city of Mexico, which was twelve or thirteen leagues from the mountain. This was considered as a great feat, and De Ordas, on his return to Spain, got royal authority to bear this volcano in his arms, which is now borne by his nephew who dwells in La Puebla. This volcano did not throw out flames for a good many years afterwards, but it flamed with great violence in 1530. We observed many wooden cages in the city of Tlascala, in which the victims intended for sacrifice were confined and fattened; but we destroyed all these, releasing the unhappy prisoners, who remained along with us, as they dared not to return to their own homes. Cortes spoke very angrily to the Tlascalan chiefs, exhorting them to abolish this horrible custom of human sacrifices, and they promised amendment; but immediately, on our backs being turned, they resumed their ancient abominations.