SECTION II. Discovery of the Madeira Islands
   After some time usefully employed in acquiring and diffusing a competent knowledge of cosmopographical, nautical, and astronomical science, Don Henry resolved to devote a considerable portion of the revenue which he enjoyed as Grand Master of the Order of Christ, in continuing and extending those projects of nautical discovery which had long occupied his attention. Accordingly, about the year 1418, a new expedition of discovery was fitted out for the express purpose of attempting to surmount the perils of Cape Bojador. In this expedition Juan Gonzales Zarco and Tristan Vaz Texeira, two naval officers of the household of Don Henry, volunteered their services; and, embarking in a vessel called a barcha258, steered for the tremendous cape. The Portuguese were hitherto ignorant of the prevailing winds upon the coast of Africa, and the causes by which their influence is varied or increased. Near the land, and between the latitudes of 28° and 10° north, a fresh gale almost always blows from the N.E. Long sand-banks, which extend a great way out to sea, and which are extremely difficult to be distinguished in the mornings and evenings, and the prevailing currents, were powerful obstacles to the enterprise of these navigators. About six leagues off Cape Bojador, a most violent current continually dashes upon the breakers, which presented a most formidable obstacle to the brave but inexperienced mariners. Though their voyage was short, they encountered many dangers; and, before they could reach the cape, they were encountered by a heavy gale from the east, by which the billows of the Atlantic became too heavy to be resisted by their small vessel, and they were driven out to sea. On losing sight of their accustomed head lands, and being forced into the boundless ocean for the first time, the ships company gave themselves up to despair; but, on the abatement of the tempest, they found themselves unexpectedly within view of an island, situated about 100 leagues west from the coast of Africa. With extreme joy they beheld the coast of this island extending about twenty miles in length, to which they gave the name of Puerto Santo, because first discovered upon the feast of All Saints. This is the smaller of the Madeiras, being only about two miles broad; and, as the only roadstead is upon the south-west side, the Portuguese probably anchored upon that side to be under the lee shelter of the island from the remnants of the tempest from which they had happily escaped.
   The island of Puerto Santo, or of the Holy Haven, is almost directly west from Cape Cantin; whence it would appear that these Portuguese navigators could hardly have passed much beyond Cape de Geer, when driven off the coast by this fortunate easterly tempest. Had they even advanced as far as Cape Non, they would almost certainly have been driven among the Canaries. It is perfectly obvious that they never even approached Cape Bojador in this voyage; unless we could suppose, after having been driven directly west from that cape, that they shaped a northern course, after the subsidence of the tempest, and fell in with Puerto Santo while on their return to Portugal.
   Greatly pleased with the soil and climate of this island, and with the gentle manners of the natives, whom they described as in an intermediate state of civilization, and entirely destitute of any appearance of savage ferocity, Zarco and Vaz immediately returned to Portugal, where they made a report of the incidents of their voyage; and to confirm their opinion of the value of their discovery, they requested permission from Don Henry to return for the purpose of establishing a settlement in Puerto Santo. By this discovery an advanced and favourable station was secured towards the south, whence any discoveries along the coast of Africa might be prosecuted with greater ease and safety, and from whence the dangers of the hitherto formidable cape Bojador might be avoided, by keeping a southerly or S. W. course from Puerto Santo. From these considerations Don Henry granted their request; and, yielding to the adventurous spirit which this accidental discovery had excited, he permitted several persons to join in a new projected voyage, among whom was Bartholomew Perestrello, a nobleman of his household.
   Three vessels were soon fitted out259, which were placed under the respective commands of Zarco, Vaz, and Perestrello. These commanders had orders to colonize and cultivate the newly discovered island, and were furnished with a considerable assortment of useful seeds and plants for that purpose. They happened likewise to take with them a female rabbit great with young, which littered during the voyage; and which being let loose with her progeny, multiplied so rapidly, that, in two years, they became so numerous as to occasion serious injury to the early attempts at cultivation, and to baffle every hope of rendering Puerto Santo a place of refreshment for the Portuguese navigators; insomuch that a resolution was formed to abandon the newly established settlement. After having landed the different animals and seeds which had been sent out by Don Henry, and seeing them properly distributed, Perestrello returned into Portugal to make a report to the prince, and Zarco and Vaz remained to superintend the infant colony.
   Soon after the departure of Perestrello, the attention of Zarco and Vaz was strongly excited by observing certain clouds or vapours at a great distance in the ocean, which continually presented the same aspect, and preserved exactly the same bearing from Puerto Santo, and at length occasioned a conjecture, that the appearance might proceed from land in that quarter. Gonsalvo and Vaz accordingly put to sea and sailed towards the suspected land, and soon discovered that the appearances which had attracted their notice actually proceeded from a considerable island entirely overgrown with wood, to which, on that account, they gave the name of Madeira260. After bestowing considerable attention upon the soil and other circumstances of this island, which was utterly destitute of inhabitants, Gonzalvo and Vaz returned to Portugal with the welcome intelligence, and gave so favourable a report of the extent, fertility, and salubrity of Madeira, that Don Henry determined to colonize and cultivate it. Accordingly, with the consent of the king of Portugal, the island of Madeira was bestowed in hereditary property upon Zarco and Vaz; one division named Funchal being given to Zarco, and the other moiety, named Machico, to Vaz.
   In the year 1420 Zarco began the plantation of Madeira, and being much impeded in his progress by the immense quantity of thick and tall trees, with which it was then everywhere encumbered, he set the wood on fire to facilitate the clearing of the surface for cultivation. The wood is reported to have continued burning for seven years261, and so great was the devastation as to occasion great inconvenience to the colony for many years afterwards, from the want of timber. Don Henry appears to have been a prince of most uncommonly enlarged and liberal views; not only capable of devising the means of making maritime discoveries, which had never been thought of before his time, but of estimating their value when made, and of applying them to purposes the most useful and important for his country. Reflecting upon the reported fertility of the soil, and the excellence of the climate of Madeira, and comparing both with the judicious foresight of a philosopher, politician, and naturalist, in reference to the most valuable productions of similar climates and soils, he wisely conceived, and successfully executed the idea of introducing the cultivation of sugar and wines into this new colony; For these purposes, Portugal would readily supply him with vines; and with people conversant in their management: But he had to procure sugar canes, and persons experienced in their cultivation, and in the process of manufacturing sugar from their juice, from the island of Sicily, into which that article of culture had been introduced by the Arabs.
   So great was the success of this new subject of industry in Madeira, that the fifth part of the produce of one district only, little more than nine miles in circumference, which proportion the prince reserved as the patrimony of his military order, amounted, in some years, to 60,000 arobas of twenty-five pounds each; giving the entire acknowledged produce of one district only, of the island at 7,500,000 pounds, or 2350 tons. This, at the modern price of eightpence a-pound, amounts to the enormous sum of L. 250,000 value of merchantable produce, from a district which could not contain above 5760 English acres; or above the value of L. 43 of average yearly value from every acre of that district. This astonishingly valuable produce was in the infancy of the sugar trade, when that bland and wholesome condiment was still an article of luxury, and not as now almost an indispensable necessary, even in the lowest cottages of modern Europe. The sugars of Madeira were long famous; but after the establishment of the sugar plantations in Brazil, and the destructive ravages of a worm which infested the sugar canes of Madeira, that article, of cultivation had to be abandoned, and the principal attention of the islanders was transferred to the grape, which still continues to supply Europe, America, and the East Indies with the justly celebrated Madeira wine.
   At the same time with the grant of Madeira to Zarco and Vaz, Perestrello received a donation of the island of Puerto Santo, on condition of colonizing it and bringing it into culture. But so great was the multitude of rabbits, all said to have been produced from one doe transmitted in a pregnant state from Portugal, that cultivation was attended with peculiar difficulties occasioned by their ravages; insomuch, that in one islet only, 3000 are reported to have been killed at one time.

SECTION III. Prosecution of Discovery in Africa, to Cape Branco
   Partly diverted from the original object of prosecuting discoveries along the African coast, by the attentions requisite for forming this first establishment of modern colonization, but chiefly owing to the extreme difficulties of the navigation in the infancy of that art, fifteen years were passed from the first discovery of Cape Bojador before that formidable obstacle could be surmounted. In all ages of the world, ignorant and indolent men have represented new and unusual enterprises in scientific pursuits as rash or improper deviations from the established experience and vaunted wisdom of antiquity; and those who promoted them have been held out as dangerous, or even impious innovators. It so fared with Don Henry, who far outstripped the science, or ignorance rather, of his day. At home, the discontented spirits, ignorant of his enlarged views, perhaps envious of the reputation his very limited discoveries had already attained, represented that the tempestuous seas, strong currents, and whirlpools, which they fancied must prevail on the other side of Cape Bajadore, would necessarily destroy every vessel which should attempt to penetrate beyond that absolute limit of human navigation; they alleged that all the country to the south of that cape was utterly unfit for the habitation of mankind, sterile, burnt up, and destitute of soil and water, like the sandy deserts of Lybia; and they pretended to object on principles of patriotism, that the natives of Portugal were improvidently wasted on idle discoveries, which, if at all advisable, would have been undertaken by their former, wise sovereigns; who, contented with the known world, did not, vainly seek for conquests in the torrid zone, which was altogether unfit for the habitation of mankind. They insinuated, that the expences which had been lavished upon those fruitless and dangerous maritime expeditions, might lave been much more profitably employed for the improvement of some of the more barren parts of Portugal. Even the probable profits and advantages derivable from the new colonies of Madeira and Puerto Santo, as they were only eventual and contingent, did not satisfy the minds of those discontented detractors from the merits and enlightened views of the prince. But Don Henry despised those vain endeavours to misrepresent and counteract the important enterprise in which he was engaged, and undismayed by the natural difficulties which had hitherto retarded the progress of his mariners, continued his laudable endeavours to extend his discoveries along the coast of Africa. The people, likewise, whom he employed in his service, frequently made predatory invasions on the coast, taking every Moorish vessel which they were able to master, and made many slaves, by the sale of which, the charges attending those maritime expeditions were partly defrayed.
   About the year 1433, one Gilianez, a native of Lagos, whom the prince had entrusted with the command of a vessel, returned from an unsuccessful attempt to conquer the invincible obstacles which obstructed the passage round Cape Bojador. He had been driven by stress of weather into one of the Canary islands, and had imprudently seized some of the inoffending natives, whom he brought captives to Sagres. Don Henry was much offended by this conduct of Gilianez, whom he received with much coldness and reserve; insomuch that Gilianez, on purpose to retrieve the princes favour, and to make ample amends for the fault he had committed, made a vow, that if entrusted with a new expedition, he would perish rather than return unsuccessful in the enterprize which the prince had so much at heart. The date of the second expedition of Gilianez, in which he surmounted the terrors and difficulties of Cape Bajador, is variously referred by different authors to the years 1433 and 1434262. However this may have been, he succeeded in this herculean labour, as it was then esteemed, and returned with great exultation to Sagres, where he was again received into the favour and confidence of Don Henry. Contrary to the assertions, or suppositions rather, of the discontented opposers of the patriotic and enlightened efforts of Don Henry, Gilianez reported that the sea beyond Cape Bojador was perfectly susceptible of navigation, and that the soil and climate were both excellent.
   In the following year Gilianez again sailed for the coast of Africa, accompanied by Alphonzo Gonzales Baldaya263, cupbearer to the prince. The weather continued favourable during the voyage, and they were able to penetrate ninety miles to the south of Cape Bojador. On landing to take a view of the country, and in search of inhabitants, they found the former to consist for the most part of an extended desert plain, and they were much disappointed in not being able to meet with any of the inhabitants, though they saw evident traces of them in the sand. To the bay in which they landed they gave the name of Angra dos Ruyvos, or Bay of Gurnets, from the great abundance of fish resembling gurnets which were taken by the seamen.
   Gilianez and Baldaya were again ordered in the year 1435 to prosecute their discoveries, with instructions to prolong their voyage, if possible, till they should meet with inhabitants. Having proceeded about forty miles to the southward of the Angra dos Ruyvos, without being able to see a single inhabitant, they adopted an expedient which had been suggested by Don Henry, and for which they were provided with the means. Two horses were landed, and two youths named Hector Homen and Diego Lopez d'Almaida, who had been educated in the household of Don Henry, and were scarcely sixteen years of age, were directed to penetrate into the interior of the country, that they might endeavour to ascertain whether it were inhabited. They were directed to keep close together, and on no account to leave their horses, and if possible to bring back some of the Moors; and lest they should rashly expose themselves to unnecessary danger, they were only allowed each a sword and spear, without any defensive armour. After wandering almost a whole day in the barren sandy desert, they at length descried nineteen Africans, armed with assagays or javelins, whom they ventured to attack, though contrary to their orders. The natives retreated into a cave where they were safe from the farther assaults of the rash Portuguese youths; and as one of them had received a wound in the foot, they thought it prudent to return to the shore, which they were unable to reach before the next morning. Gilianez and Baldaya then dispatched a stronger force to the cave in which the Africans had taken shelter, where nothing was found but some weapons which had been left by the fugitives. Owing to this event, the place where the two cavaliers were landed was named Angra dos Cavallos, or the Bay of Horses; which is in latitude 24° N.
   The navigators proceeded along a rugged coast to the south of the Bay of Horses, upon which the sea breaks with a terrible noise, and which, on account of being entirely composed of a hilly shore, faced with rocks and small rocky islands, is called Otegado, or the Rocky Place. At about twelve leagues distance from the bay of Cavallos they entered the mouth of a river, where they killed a number of sea wolves or seals, the skins of which they took on board in defect of any other productions of the country; these seals were found on an island at the mouth of this river, on which the mariners are said to have seen at least 5000 asleep on the shore. The voyage was continued to Punta de Gale, forming the western head-land of the Rio de Ouro, immediately under the tropic, where a fishing net was found constructed of twine, made from the inner bark of some tree of the palm tribe, but no natives were met with; and as provisions began to grow scarce, the adventurous mariners were constrained to return into Portugal, after ranging for some time up and down the rocky coast of Otegado, without making any important discovery.
   About this period, or perhaps considerably earlier, Don Henry obtained a bull from Pope Martin V. by which the sovereign pontiff made a perpetual donation to the crown of Portugal, of all lands and islands which had been or might be discovered between Cape Bojador and the East Indies, inclusively, and granted a plenary indulgence for the souls of all who might perish in the prosecution of the enterprize, and in achieving the conquest of these extensive regions from the infidel and pagan enemies of Christ and the church. In this measure, the philosophical genius and enlarged political views of Don Henry are plainly evinced; and, undismayed by the obstacles which had so long opposed his grand project of discoveries, and the length of time which had been employed in making so very small progress, he shewed himself to have looked steadily forwards to the full accomplishment of his hopes of discovering the route by sea from Europe to India, around the still unknown shores of Southern Africa. The date of this papal grant does not certainly appear. De Barros and Lafitau are of opinion that it must have been posterior to 1440; Purchas places it in 1441; and de Guyon in 1444. But Martin V. died in 1431; and these writers seem to have confounded the original grant from that pontiff, with subsequent confirmations by his successors Eugenius IV. Nicholas V. and Sextus IV264.
   The gradual progress of these discoveries were interrupted for a time by an unsuccessful attempt of Edward I. or Duarte, king of Portugal, to gain possession of Tangier in the kingdom of Fez. But the history of this war, in which the Portuguese arms suffered much misfortune and dishonour, are quite irrelevant to the present subject. The plague likewise, which raged at Lisbon in 1438, contributed to the suspension of the patriotic enterprizes of Don Henry. At length, in 1440, Don Henry resumed his project of maritime discovery, and dispatched two caravels from Sagres, which were forced back by unfavourable weather, apparently without even reaching the coast of Africa.
   In 1441, a young officer named Antonio Gonzales made a voyage in a small vessel, with a crew of twenty-one men, to the island where so great a number of sea wolves had been seen in the former voyage of Alphonzo Gonzales Baldaya in 1435. In this voyage Alphonzo Gotterez, a gentleman of the bed-chamber to Don Henry, acted as secretary, and the two adventurers were instructed to endeavour to obtain an account of the country and its inhabitants, and to procure a cargo of the skins of the seals or sea wolves, that the voyage might not be entirely destitute of some commercial advantages. After accomplishing this part of his instructions, Gonzales determined to use his utmost efforts for procuring some of the inhabitants of the country to carry back with him to Sagres. For this purpose, he landed at the beginning of the night with nine associates, and having advanced about ten miles into the interior, discovered a native following a camel. The sudden appearance of the Portuguese rendered the astonished Moor perfectly motionless, and before he could recover from his surprize he was seized by Gotterez. On their return to the shore with their prisoner, they traced some recent footsteps on the sand, which led them in view of about forty natives, who withdrew to an adjoining hill, but the Portuguese secured a female Moor who had strayed from the party. With these two prisoners they returned to their vessel, not choosing to run any unnecessary risk, or to make any needless attack upon the natives, which was contrary to the express orders of Don Henry.
   When preparing next morning to set sail on their return to Portugal, another Portuguese ship arrived, which was commanded by Nuno Tristan, a gentleman of the princes household. Encouraged by this reinforcement, a second expedition into the interior was immediately resolved upon, in which Nuno Tristan, Diego de Vigliadores, and Gonzales de Cintra, joined with Alphonzo Gonzales and Alphonzo Gotterez. Advancing again under night, they soon perceived a party of the natives whom they immediately attacked, shouting out Portugal! Portugal! San Jago! San Jago! The Moors were at first stupified with fear and surprise; but recovering from their panic, a struggle ensued, in which three of the Moors were slain, and ten made prisoners, the Portuguese being indebted for their safety to their defensive armour. After endeavouring, in vain, to establish an intercourse with the Moors for the redemption of the prisoners, Alphonzo Gonzales returned to Sagres with a cargo of skins and the Moorish prisoners, and was honourably rewarded by his discerning master. The place of this exploit was named Puerto del Cavallero, or the Knights Harbour, on occasion of Gonzales being there knighted by Nuno Tristan.
   After careening his vessel, Nuno Tristan proceeded along the coast according to his orders, and reached a cape in lat. 20° 50' N. to which he gave the name of Cabo Branco, or the White Cape, on account of the whiteness of its cliffs. He there landed and found some fishing nets on the shore; but after repeated incursions into the country, being unable to meet with any of the natives, he made a survey of the coast, and returned to Portugal with an account of his proceedings.
   Three of the prisoners carried to Portugal by Gonzales were Moors of some rank and considerable opulence; who each promised to pay ransoms for their safe return to their native country, and to give, besides, six or seven slaves each to the captors. Don Henry, as grand master of the order of Christ, was eager for the acquisition of so many converts from the religion of Mahomet, and was in hopes that the favourable report which the Moors might make on their return to Africa, would induce the natives to enter into trade with his navigators; and that, among the slaves which were to be given in exchange, some certain knowledge might be acquired of the burning regions of Africa, about which such strange reports were then prevalent. Antonio Gonzales was therefore dispatched on another voyage in 1442, accompanied by a German gentleman named Balthazar, who had distinguished himself in the late unfortunate attempt on Tangier, and who was anxious to carry home some account of the newly discovered countries. After being forced to return to port, to repair the damages they had sustained in a dreadful tempest, they again sailed, and reached the coast where the Moors had been made prisoners. The principal Moor was landed, and was received with great deference and respect by his countrymen; but he forgot all his promises on regaining his liberty, and never returned to pay the ransom he had bargained for. It would appear, however, that he had informed the natives of the return of the other two chiefs; as at the end of nine days, above an hundred natives appeared on the coast, and entered into treaty for the ransom of their two countrymen who remained captives, and for whom ten negroes, natives of different parts of Africa, were given in exchange. During these transactions, the sight of a considerable quantity of gold dust in the possession of the Moors, excited the most lively emotions in the Portuguese, as being the first intimation of that valuable commodity being procurable on the coast of their new discoveries. From this circumstance, Gonzales gave the name of Rio del Ouro, or Gold River, to the deep arm of the sea in which he now lay, which penetrates about six leagues N. N. E. from the tropic of Cancer.

SECTION IV. Continuation of Discovery to Cape de Verd
   On the return from this voyage, the sight of gold placed the fame and advantage of the enterprizes and discoveries of Don Henry beyond the reach of prejudice and detraction, and the former murmurings and discontents against his proceedings were changed into admiration and applause. In 1443 Nuno Tristan was again sent out, with orders to prosecute, the discovery of a coast which now seemed so likely to prove advantageous to the commerce of Portugal. He now doubled Cape Blanco, or Branco, which he had discovered in his former voyage, and, about ten leagues farther to the south-east, fell in with an island, or rather cluster of seven islands, called Adeget by the natives, but which have since, with the bay in which they lie, received the name of Arguim, or Arguin. The small canoes which were used by the natives of this coast were at first mistaken for some strange kind of birds, as the people sit upon them astride, using their feet instead of paddles, to urge them along. To one of the islands in this bay Tristan gave the name of De las Garзas, on account of the seasonable supply which he there received. From this place Nuno Tristan returned into Portugal, with some of the natives of the country.
   Don Henry, in 1444, made an exchange with Massiot de Betancour, lord of the Canary Islands, for the islands of Lancerota, Fuertaventura, and Ferro, giving him some possessions in the island of Madeira in their stead; and immediately fitted out a powerful squadron, commanded by the grand master of his household, Fernand de Castro, to take possession of this new acquisition, and to subdue the remaining islands, Canaria, Palma, Gratioso, Inferno, Alegrazze, Santa-Chiara, Rocca, and Lobos. But, as the king of Castile afterwards laid claim to the Canaries, Don Henry resigned his conquests, finding the value of these islands by no means answerable to his expectation.
   So greatly had the fame of the new discoveries extended in consequence of the small quantity of gold which had been procured by Gonzales at the Rio del Ouro, that several of the inhabitants of Lagos petitioned Don Henry, in 1444, to be erected into a trading company, engaging to carry on the discoveries along the coast of Africa at their own expence. The prince granted their request, and a company was accordingly formed, the prototype of those celebrated East India companies which have since carried on trade to such vast amount. Among the partners were, Juan Diaz, the ancestor of him who afterwards discovered and passed the Cape of Good Hope, Gilianez, who had so boldly overcome the obstacles of Cape Bajador, Lanзerot, a gentleman of the household of Don Henry, Estevan Alfonso, and Rodrigo Alvarez. A squadron of six caravels was fitted out under the command of Lanзerot, which sailed from Lagos in the year 1444, and reached the isle of Garзas, in the bay of Arguin, where they captivated an hundred and fifty Africans, and returned to Lagos, after very slightly extending their knowledge of the coast of Africa to the desart island of Tider, in 19° 30' N.
   In 1445, the subsequent voyage of Gonzales da Cintra, likewise a gentleman in the household of Don Henry, in some measure expiated the wanton outrage which had been committed in that of Lanзerot. The merit of Gonzales had raised him to the rank of a gentleman in the household of Don Henry, and his character was held in much estimation; but his confidence was obtained and betrayed by a moor of the Assanhaji tribe265, whom he had taken on board to serve as an interpreter with the natives on the coast of Africa. Misled by this crafty African, who held out great hopes of acquiring plunder, Gonzales steered for the island of Arguin, and put into a creek or bay on the coast, in lat. 22° 48' N. about fourteen leagues to the south of Rio del Ouro, and forty-five to the north of Cape Branco. The Moor got leave to go on shore, under pretence of visiting some relations, but escaped in the night with another of his countrymen. Gonzales was much mortified at allowing himself to be circumvented by the cunning of his interpreter, and rashly embarked in a boat with only twelve men, with the intention of pursuing the fugitive. Pressing onwards with too much eagerness, he neglected to attend to the tide, which happened then to be on the ebb. His boat stuck fast, and when the morning broke, he was surrounded by two hundred Moors. Unable to extricate himself, or to contend against such mighty odds, Gonzales and seven of his men were slain; the other five made their escape by swimming to the ship, which immediately set sail for Lagos. The clumsy denomination of Angra de Gonzales da Cintra, to this bay, still commemorates the death of this commander.
   In the subsequent year, 1446, Don Henry sent out a small squadron of three caravels, under the command of Antonio Gonzales, assisted by Diego Alfonso, and by Gomez Perez, the kings pilot. They were directed to proceed for the Rio del Ouro, and were strictly enjoined to cultivate the friendship of the natives by every possible means, to establish peace with them and to use their utmost endeavours to convert them to the Christian religion; among other instructions, they were urged to pass unnoticed the insults or neglect of honour which they might experience from the negroes. The Portuguese endeavoured, but ineffectually, to conciliate the natives, and to remove the angry prejudices which they entertained. They returned to Lagos with no other fruit from their voyage except one negro whom they had received in ransom, and an aged Moor who requested permission to accompany them to Portugal. One of their own companions, Juan Fernandez, from an ardent desire to procure information for the prince, got leave to remain among the Assanhaji Arabs.
   Next year, 1447, Antonio Mendez was ordered to return in search of Juan Fernandez, from whose inquisitive disposition much information was expected. In this expedition he was accompanied by two other caravels, commanded by Garcia Mendez and Diego Alfonso, but they were separated by a storm in the early part of the voyage. Alfonso was the first who reached the coast at Cape Branco, where he landed, and set up a wooden cross as a signal to his consorts, and then proceeded to the islands of Arguin, which afforded shelter from the tremenduous surf which breaks continually on the coast of Africa. While waiting at Arguin for the other ships, Alfonso paid many visits to the continent, where he made prisoners of twenty-five of the natives. When the other two ships of the squadron had joined, they went to the Rio del Ouro in search of their countryman, Juan Fernandez, who had been several days anxiously looking out for a vessel to carry him off.
   After experiencing many hardships, Fernandez had succeeded in gaining the friendship of a considerable person among the Moors, and was accompanied to the shore by that mans slaves in a body. The natives exerted themselves to procure the release of some of their countrymen who were prisoners with the Portuguese, to whom they gave nine negroes and a quantity of gold dust by way of ransom. To the place where this transaction took place, the navigators gave the name of Cabo do Resgati, or Cape Ransom; where likewise Fernam Tavares, an aged nobleman, received the honour of knighthood, a distinction he had long been entitled to, but which he would only receive upon the newly discovered coast. During the homeward voyage, Gonzales touched at a village near Cape Branco, where he increased his captives to ninety.
   Juan Fernandez described the natives of the coast as wandering shepherds, of the same race with the Moor who had been brought over to Portugal by Antonio Gonzales in the former voyage. After he had been conveyed to a considerable distance inland, he was stripped of all his clothes, and even deprived of all the provisions he had taken on shore. A tattered coarse rug, called an alhaik, was given him instead of the clothes he had been deprived of. His food was principally a small farinaceous seed, varied sometimes by the roots which he could find in the desert, or the tender sprouts of wild plants. The inhabitants, among whom he lived as a slave, unless when better supplied by means of the chase, fed on dried lizards, and on a species of locust or grasshopper. Water was bad, or scarce, and their chief drink was milk. They only killed some of their cattle on certain great festivals; and, like the Tartars, they roamed from place to place in quest of a precarious sustenance for their flocks and herds. The whole country presented only extensive wastes of barren sand, or an uncultivated heath, where a few Indian figs here and there variegated the dreary and extensive inhospitable plain. A short time before he rejoined his countrymen, Fernandez acquired the protection and kindness of Huade Meimon, a Moor of distinction, who permitted him to watch for the arrival of the ships, and even assigned him a guard for his protection.
   In the interval between these two voyages of Gonzales, Denis Fernandez, a gentleman of Lisbon, who had belonged to the household of the late king, fitted out a vessel for discovery under the patronage of Don Henry, with a determination to endeavour to penetrate farther to the southwards than any preceding navigator. He accordingly passed to the southwards of the Senegal river, which divides the Azanhaji moors from the Jaloffs, or most northern negroes, and fell in with some almadias or canoes, one of which he captured, with four natives. Proceeding still farther on, without stopping to satisfy his curiosity in visiting the coast, he at length reached the most westerly promontory of Africa, to which he gave the name of Cabo Verde, or the Green Cape, from the number of palm trees with which it was covered. Alarmed by the breakers with which the shore was everywhere guarded, Denis did not venture to proceed any farther, especially as the season was already far advanced, but returned with his captives to Portugal, where he met with a flattering reception from Don Henry, both on account of his discovery of the Cape de Verd, and for the natives he had procured from the newly discovered coast, without having been traded for with the Moors.

SECTION V. Progress of Discovery from Cape de Verd to the Gambia
   Soon after the return of Denis from the Cape de Verd, Gonzales Pachecos, a wealthy officer belonging to the household of Don Henry, fitted out a ship at his own expence, of which he gave the command to Dinisianez da Gram, one of the princes equerries, who was accompanied by Alvaro Gil, an essayer of the mint, and Mafaldo de Setubal. After touching at Cape Branco, they steered along the coast for the isle of Arguin, making descents in several places, where they made a considerable number of captives from the Moors. At the isle De las Garзas they found another caravel, commanded by Lourenзo Dias, which formed part of a considerable squadron that had been lately fitted out from Lagos. Two days afterwards, the admiral of that squadron, Lanзarot, and nine other caravels arrived. Gram informed Lanзarot of his success in making fifty prisoners, whom he had dearly purchased by the loss of seven of his men, who had been murdered by the Moors. Lanзarot immediately sailed for Arguin, bent on revenge, and sacrificed the lives of eight, and the liberty of four of the natives, to the memory of Gonzales da Cintra and the mariners of Gram. On this occasion two of the Portuguese officers were knighted on the newly discovered coast, which seems then to have been a fashionable ambition among them, no doubt arising from the prevailing zeal for maritime discovery. From Arguin Lanзarot passed over to the isle of Tider, whence the inhabitants made their escape to the adjacent continent; but the Portuguese soon followed, and the astonished Moors fled on all sides, after a sharp skirmish, in which a good many of them were slain, and sixty taken prisoners.
   The fleet now separated, a part returning home by way of the Canaries, while Lanзarot, with several other caravels, advanced along the coast of Africa southwards, till he got beyond what the Moors called the Зahara, or Sahara, of the Assenaji. This Moorish nation is mentioned by Abulfeda as the ruling tribe in Audagost, or Agadez, and as inhabiting the southern part of Morocco. They are therefore to be considered as the peculiar people of the great desert and its environs, at its western extremity on the Atlantic. The latter part of their name, aji, or rather aspirated haji, signifies a pilgrim, and is now the appropriate title of one who has made the great pilgrimage of Mecca. In the present case, the name of Assenaji probably signifies the Wanderers of the Desert. The Sanhaga, or Assenaji tribe, is now placed at no great distance from the African coast, between the rivers Nun and Senegal; and this latter river has probably received its Portuguese name of Sanaga from that tribe. Ptolemy likewise probably named Cape Verd Arsinarium, from the same people, from which it may be inferred that they anciently occupied both sides of the Senegal river, which is named Dardalus by that ancient geographer.
   Twenty leagues beyond the southern boundary of the great desert, Lanзarot came to the mouth of a large river, which had been formerly seen by Denis Fernandez, and named by him Rio Portugues, or the Portuguese river; which was called Ouedech by the natives, and afterwards got the name of Canaga, Zanaga, Sanhaga, Sanaga, or Senega, now the Senegal. Lanзarot passed in safety over the bar of this river, and endeavoured to explore its course upwards, but the weather became unfavourable, and forced him again to sea, when he proceeded with part of his squadron to Cape Verd, near which place he took in a supply of water and goats flesh. The fleet was again dispersed by a second storm, and only three vessels remained under the command of Lanзarot. With these he made a descent on the island of Tider, where he captured fifty-nine Moors; and with these, and some natives he had made prisoners on the banks of the Senegal, he returned into Portugal.
   In the year 1447, Nuna Tristan made another voyage to the coast of Africa; and, advancing beyond Cabo dos Mastos, or the Cape of Masts, so named from some dead palms resembling masts, seen there by Lanзarot, who made this discovery in the former voyage, Nuna Tristan proceeded southwards along the coast of Africa, 180 miles beyond Cape Verd, where he reached the mouth of a river which he called Rio Grande, or the Large River, since called Gamber, Gambra, or Gambia. Tristan came to anchor at the mouth of this river, and went in his boat with twenty-two armed men on purpose to explore its course. Having reached to a considerable distance from his ship, he was environed by thirteen almadias or canoes, manned by eighty negroes, who advanced with dreadful yells, and poured in continual vollies of poisoned arrows, by which he, and almost every man in his boat were wounded before they could regain the ship. Nuno Tristan and all the wounded men died speedily of the effects of these poisoned weapons, himself only living long enough to recount the nature of the terrible disaster to the small remainder of the crew who had been left in charge of the caravel; which was brought home by only four survivors, after wandering for two months in the Atlantic, scarcely knowing which way to steer their course.
   There appears some difficulty and contradiction in regard to the river discovered by Nuna Tristan, from the vague name of Rio Grande. Instead of the Gambia, in lat. 13° 30' N. some of the Portuguese historians are inclined to believe that this fatal event took place at another river, in lat. 10° 15' N. at least 500 nautical miles beyond the Gambia, to the S.S. E. which was afterwards called Rio de Nuno. This is scarcely probable, as no notice whatever is taken of the great archipelago of shoals and islands which extend from Cabo Rosso to beyond the mouth of that river which is still called Rio Grande. Yet it must be acknowledged that our remaining information respecting these early Portuguese voyages of discovery, is unfortunately vague and unsatisfactory.
   In the same year, 1447, Alvaro Fernando proceeded to the coast of Africa, and is said to have advanced forty leagues beyond Tristan, having arrived at the mouth of a river called Tabite266, 100 miles to the south of Rio Nuno. Notwithstanding the appearance of a determined opposition on the part of the natives, who had manned five almadias, Alvaro resolved to explore its course in his boat, and proceeded up the river for that purpose, with the utmost circumspection. One of the almadias stood out from the rest, and attacked his boat with great bravery, discharging a number of poisoned arrows, by which Alvaro and several of his men were wounded, which forced him to desist and return to his ship. Being, however, provided with theriac and other antidotes against the poison, Alvaro and all his men recovered from their wounds. He resolved, after leaving the river Tabite, to proceed along the coast, which he did to a sandy point; and, apprehending no danger in so open a situation, was preparing to land, when he was suddenly assailed by a flight of poisoned arrows, from 120 negroes who started up from a concealment. Alvaro, therefore, desisted from any farther attempt to explore the coast, and returned to Lagos to give an account of his proceedings.
   In the same year, ten caravels sailed from Lagos for Madeira, the Canaries, and the coast of Africa, but returned without making any progress in discovering the coast. Under this year likewise, 1447, the Antilles, or Caribbee islands, are pretended to have been discovered by a Portuguese ship driven, thither by a storm. But the fact rests only on the authority, of Galvano, a Portuguese historian, and is not at all credible. Indeed the story is an absolute fable; as the inhabitants are said to have spoken the Portuguese language, and to have had seven cities in their island. In the same year, Gomez Perez went with two caravels to Rio del Ouro, whence he carried eighty Moors to Lagos as prisoners.
   About this period the progress of discovery was arrested by political disputes in Portugal, which ended in a civil war between Don Pedro, Duke of Coimbra, and King Alphonso V. his nephew and son-in-law, in the course of which Don Pedro was slain. Don Henry appears to have taken no share in these disputes, except by endeavouring to mediate between his nephew and brother; and, after the unhappy catastrophe of Don Pedro, Don Henry returned to Sagres, where he resumed the superintendence of his maritime discoveries.

SECTION VI. Discovery and Settlement of the Açores267
   These nine islands, called the Açores, Terceras, or Western islands, are situated in the Atlantic, 900 miles west from Portugal, at an almost equal distance from Europe, Africa, and America. The Flemings pretend that they were discovered by a navigator of their nation, John Vanderberg, who sailed from Lisbon in 1445 or 1449. Santa Maria, one of these islands, 250 leagues west from Cape St Vincent, was first seen on the 15th August 1432, by Cabral, who sailed under the orders of Don Henry. San Miguel was taken possession of by the same navigator on the 8th May 1444; and Ponta Delgada its capital, received its charter from Emanuel in 1449. Tercera was given to Jacome de Brujes in 1450, by Don Henry, in which year St George was discovered. Pico and Gracioso were discovered about the same time. Perhaps Fayal may actually have been first explored, as many of the inhabitants are of Flemish descent, under the command and protection of the Portuguese. Flores and Corvo, which lie seventy leagues west from Tercera, are not reckoned among the Açores by some writers. In this latter island, the Portuguese pretend that there was discovered an equestrian statue made from one block of stone. The head of the man was bare, his left hand rested on the mane of his horse, and his right pointed towards the west, as if indicating the situation of another continent. In addition to all this, an inscription appeared to have been traced on a rock beneath the statue, but in a language which the Portuguese did not understand.
   In the slow progress of discovery, the perils endured by the officers and men employed by Don Henry, from the Moors and Negroes, frequently occasioned murmurs against his plans of discovery; but the several clusters of islands, the Madeiras, Cape Verd, and Açores, formed a succession of maritime and commercial colonies, and nurseries for seamen, which took off from the general obloquy attending the tedious and hitherto unsuccessful attempts to penetrate farther into the southern hemisphere, and afforded a perpetual supply of navigators, and a stimulus to enterprize. The original prejudices against the possibility of navigating or existing in the torrid zone still subsisted, and although the navigators of Don Henry had gradually penetrated to within ten degrees of the equator, yet the last successive discovery was always held forth by the supporters of ignorant prejudice, as that which had been placed by nature as an insurmountable barrier to farther progress in the Atlantic. In this situation, the settlement of the Açores was of considerable importance. In 1457, Don Henry procured the grant of many valuable privileges to this favourite colony, the principal of which was the exemption of the inhabitants from any duties on their commerce to the ports of Portugal and even of Spain.
   In 1461, a fort was erected in the isle of Arguin on the African coast of the Moors, to protect the trade carried on there for gold and negro slaves. Next year, 1462, Antonio de Noli, a Genoese, sent by the republic to Portugal, entered into the service of Don Henry, and in a voyage to the coast of Africa, discovered the islands which are known by the name of the Cape de Verd Islands, though they lie 100 leagues to the westward of that Cape. In the same year Pedro de Cintra, and Suera de Costa, penetrated a little farther along the coast of Africa, and discovered the river or Bay of Sierra Liona or Mitomba, in lat. 8° 30' N. This constituted the last of the Portuguese discoveries, carried on under the direct influence and authority of Don Henry, the founder and father of modern maritime discovery, as he died next year, 1463, at Sagres, in the sixty-seventh year of his age; and, for a time, the maritime enterprise of the Portuguese nation was palsied by his death.
   Thus, during a long period of fifty-two years, this patriotic prince devoted almost his whole attention, and the ample revenues which he enjoyed as Duke of Viseo end grand master of the military order of Christ, in extending the maritime knowledge, and consequently the commercial prosperity of his country. The incidents of the last seven years of the life of this distinguished prince, are involved in uncertainty, and we know very little with regard to the progress of his maritime discoveries from 1456, the date of the second of the voyages of Cada Mosto, of which we propose to give a separate account, till the year of his death, 1463. From the year 1412, when he began his operations, at which time he could scarcely exceed fifteen years of age, the navigators who had been formed under his auspices and direction, and often instructed by himself in the theory of navigation and cosmography, gradually explored the western coast of Africa, from Cape Nam or Non, in lat. 28° 15', certainly to Rio Grande, in lat. 11° N. or rather to Rio de Nuno, not quite a degree farther south; but it is highly probable that the southern limit of discovery in his time extended to Cabo Verga, in lat. 10° N. the northern boundary of the country usually called the Sierra Liona, or the Ridge of Lions, perhaps to the gulf of Mitomba, or bay of Sierra Liona, in lat. 8° 30' N. an extent of 29° 15' of latitude, or 1185 nautical miles; a mere nothing certainly when compared with modern navigation, but a wonderful effort in the infancy of the science, when even coasting voyages of any extent along well known shores, and in frequented seas, were looked upon as considerable efforts. No brilliant discovery, indeed, rewarded the perseverance of Don Henry, and the courage of his servants; but an indestructible foundation of useful knowledge was laid, for overthrowing the ignorant prejudices of the age, and by which, not long afterwards, his plans were perfected by completing the circumnavigation of Africa, and by the discovery of the New World. Dr Vincent, the learned editor and commentator of the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, is disposed to limit the discoveries of Don Henry to Cape Verd268, but Ramusio believed that the Island of St Thomas was settled in his time; and the ingenious translator of the Lusiad of Camoens is of opinion that some of his commanders passed beyond the equator269. According to Mickle, it was the custom of his navigators to leave his motto, Talent de bien faire, wherever they came; and in 1525 Loaya, a Spanish captain, found that device carved on the bark of a tree in the island of St Matthew, or Anabon, in the second degree of southern latitude. But this proof is quite inconclusive, as the navigators long reared in the school of this great prince might naturally enough continue his impress upon the countries they visited, even after his lamented death.
   About seven years before the decease of Don Henry, two voyages were made to the African coast by Alvise da Cada Mosto, a Venetian navigator, under the auspices of the Duke of Viseo; but which we have chosen to separate from the historical deduction of the Portuguese discoveries, principally because they contain the oldest nautical journal extant, except those already given in our First Part from the pen of the great Alfred, and are therefore peculiarly valuable in a work of this nature. Their considerable length, likewise, and because they were not particularly conducive to the grand object of extending the maritime discoveries, have induced us to detach them from the foregoing narrative, that we might carry it down unbroken to the death of the great Don Henry. These voyages, likewise, give us an early picture of the state of population, civilization, and manners of the Africans, not to be met with elsewhere.
   To this we subjoin an abstract of the narrative of a voyage made by Pedro de Cintra, a Portuguese captain, to the coast of Africa, drawn up for Cada Mosto, at Lagos, by a young Portuguese who had been his secretary, and who had accompanied Cintra in his voyage. The exact date of this voyage is nowhere given; but as the death of Don Henry is mentioned in the narrative, it probably took place in that year, 1463.

CHAPTER IV.
Original Journals of the Voyages of Cada Mosto and Piedro De Cintra to the Coast of Africa; the former in the years 1455 and 1456, and the latter soon afterwards270

INTRODUCTION.
   Alvise Da Cada Mosto, a Venetian, in the service of Don Henry of Portugal, informs us in his preface, that he was the first navigator from the noble city of Venice, who had sailed on the ocean beyond the Straits of Gibraltar, to the southern parts of Negroland, and Lower Ethiopia. These voyages at Cada Mosto are the oldest extant in the form of a regular journal, and were originally composed in Italian, and first printed at Venice in 1507. This first edition is now exceedingly scarce, but there is a copy in the kings library, and another in the valuable collection made by Mr Dalrymple. These voyages were afterward published by Ramusio in 1613, and by Grynжus in Latin. The latter was misled in regard to the date; which he has inadvertently placed in 1504, after the death of Prince Henry, and even subsequent to the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope by Bernal Diaz. Even Ramusio, in his introduction to the voyages of Cada Mosto, has made a mistake in saying that they were undertaken by the orders of John king of Portugal, who died in 1433.
   Ramusio imagined that the discoveries of Cada Mosto might tend to great importance, as he considered the rivers Senegal and Rio Grande to be branches of the Niger, by which means the Europeans might open a trade with the rich kingdoms of Tombuto and Melli on that river, and thus bring gold from the countries of the Negroes, by an easier, safer, and more expeditious manner, than as conveyed by the Moors of Barbary by land, over the vast and dangerous deserts that intervene between the country on the Niger and Senegal rivers, and Barbary. As, by the account of Leo, salt is the most valuable commodity throughout the countries of the Negroes, Ramusio proposed that the ships should take in cargoes of salt at the island of Sal, one of the Cape de Verds, and thence supply the countries on the Niger, which was reported to be navigable for 500 miles into the interior; and that they should bring back gold and slaves in return; the latter to be brought to market at St Jago, another of the Cape de Verd islands, where they would be immediately bought up for the West Indies. All this fine speculation, however, rested on mistaken foundations; as the Niger is altogether an inland river, running to the east, and has no communication with the Senegal and Gambia, which run west into the Atlantic. Yet time, and the civilization of the natives on the Senegal and Gambia, may hereafter realize this scheme of a valuable traffic into the interior of Africa; but it is fervently to be hoped, that the trade in slaves may never be revived.
   In his preface, after an apology for his performance, and making a declaration of his strict adherence to truth in all the particulars he relates, Cada Mosto gives some account of the infant Don Henriquez, or Henry, of Portugal, the great author and promoter of maritime discoveries. He praises him, as a prince of a great soul and sublime genius, and of great skill in astronomy; and adds, that he applied himself entirely to the service of Christ, by making war against the Moors. While on death– bed, in 1432, Don John, king of Portugal, exhorted his son Don Henry to pursue his laudable and holy purpose, of persecuting the enemies of the Christian faith, which he promised to perform; and, accordingly, with the assistance of his brother Don Duarte, or Edward, who succeeded to the throne of Portugal, he made war in Fez with success for many years. Afterwards, the more effectually to harass the Moors, he used to send his caravels, or ships of war, annually, to scour the coasts of Azafi, or Al Saffi, and Messa, on the coast of Africa, without the Mediteranean, by which he did them much damage. But, having in view to make discoveries along that western coast, he ordered them every year to advance farther towards the south. They accordingly proceeded till they came to a great cape, which put a stop to their progress southwards for several years, being afraid to go beyond it; whence it took the name it still retains of Cape Non271; meaning, that such as went beyond should never return. Don Henry, however, was of a different opinion, and adding three other caravels to those which had been at the cape, sent them again next year to make the attempt. They accordingly penetrated about 100 miles beyond that cape, where they found only a sandy coast with no habitations, and returned back to Portugal.
   Encouraged by this commencement of successful progress, Don Henry sent the same fleet back next year, with orders to extend their discoveries 150 miles farther to the south, and even more if they found it proper; and promised to enrich all who should embark in this navigation. They went again; and, although they obeyed the instructions of the prince, they could not improve the discoveries. Yet, firmly persuaded by the strength of his own judgment, that people and habitations would certainly be found at length, Don Henry continued to send out his caravels from time to time, and they came at length to certain coasts frequented by the Arabs of the desert, and to the habitations of the Azanaghi, a tawny race. Thus the countries of the negroes were discovered; and different nations afterwards, which will be mentioned in the following relation.
   Thus far the preface of Cada Mosto, as given in the collection of Astley, from the edition of Ramusio, with which we must be satisfied in this work, as that in the royal library is inaccessible for our use. The present version has been carefully formed, by a comparison of Astley, with the original in Ramusio, and with the summary by the Reverend James Stanier Clarke, in his curious work on the progress of maritime discoveries, which only gives a selection of what he considered to be its most material parts. In this edition, the narrative style of Cada Mosto, in his own person, is restored as much as possible. It may be noticed, that Alvise is the Portuguese form of the name Louis, or Lewis.
   In addition to the two voyages of Cada Mosto himself, there is a third voyage included in the present chapter, performed by Piedro de Cintra to the same coast, the narrative of which was communicated to Cada Mosto by one who had accompanied Cintra, and had been clerk to Cada Mosto in the two former voyages.

SECTION I. Voyage of Cada Mosto from Venice to Cape St Vincent: He enters into the service of Don Henry, and sets out for the New Discoveries: Relation of the Voyage to Madeira and the Canaries; with some Account of these islands, and their Inhabitants
   I, Alvise Da Cada Mosto, after visiting many parts of our Mediterranean Sea, being in our city of Venice in the year 1454, at which time I was about twenty-two years of age, determined to return into Flanders, a country which I had formerly visited as a merchant; for my constant attention was, in the first place to acquire wealth, and secondly to procure fame. On the 8th of August in that year 1454, I embarked in one of the gallies belonging to the republic, commanded by Marco Zen, a Venetian cavalier. Contrary winds detained us for some days off Cape St Vincent; during which, I learnt that Don Henry, the infant of Portugal, resided in the adjoining village of Reposera, or Sagres, to which he had retired in order to pursue his studies without interruption from the tumult of the world. Hearing of our arrival, the prince sent on board of our galley Antonio Gonzales his secretary, accompanied by Patricio de Conti272, a Venetian, who was consul for the republic in Portugal, as appeared by his commission, and who also received a salary or pension from Don Henry. These gentlemen brought on board, and exhibited to us samples of Madeira sugar, dragons blood, and other commodities of the countries and islands belonging to the prince, which had been discovered under his patronage. They asked us many questions, and informed us that the prince had caused some lately discovered and uninhabited islands to be settled and cultivated, as a proof of which, they had shewn us the before-mentioned valuable productions; adding, that all this was next to nothing, in comparison of the great things which Don Henry had performed; as he had discovered seas which had never been navigated before, and the countries of divers strange, and hitherto unknown nations, where many wonderful things were found. They told us farther, that the Portuguese who had been in these remote parts, had reaped great advantages by trading with the inhabitants; having gained as high as 700 or even 1000 per cent, on the capitals employed. We were all much astonished at these things; and I Cada Mosto in particular, being inflamed with the desire of visiting these newly discovered regions, inquired if the prince permitted any person who might be so inclined to embark for these places? To this they answered in the affirmative; and they likewise stated to me the conditions on which any one would be allowed to make the adventure. These were, either to be at the whole expence of fitting out and freighting a vessel; or at the expence of the freight only, the prince providing a vessel. In the former case, the adventurer had to allow on his return one quarter of his cargo, as duty to the prince, the rest remaining his own entire propriety; in the latter case, the homeward cargo was to be equally divided between the prince and the adventurer. In case of no returns, the prince was at the entire expence of the voyage; but that it was hardly possible to make the voyage without great profit. They added, that the prince would be much pleased to have any Venetian in his service, and would shew him great favour, being of opinion that spices and other rich merchandise might be found in these parts, and knowing that the Venetians understood these commodities better than any other nation.
   Influenced by all this, I accompanied the secretary and consul on shore, and waited on the prince, who confirmed all those things which they had said, and encouraged me to embark in the voyage to his new countries, by promises of honour and profit. Being young, and of a constitution to endure fatigue, and desirous to visit those parts of the world which had never been even known to any Venetian, and likewise in hopes to advance my fortune, I accepted of the invitation. Having, therefore, procured information respecting the commodities which it was proper to carry with me on such a voyage, I returned to the gallies, where I disposed of all the goods I had shipped for the low countries, and carried to land such things as were necessary for my intended expedition; and leaving the gallies to pursue their voyage to Flanders, I landed in Portugal. The prince evinced much satisfaction at my resolution, and entertained me handsomely at Sagres for a considerable time. At length he ordered me to fit out a new caravel, of about ninety tons burden, of which Vincent Diaz, a native of Lagos, about sixteen miles from Sagres, was commander. The caravel being in readiness, and furnished with every thing necessary for the voyage, we set sail on the 22d of March 1455, having a favourable wind at north-east, and by north273, and steered our course for the island of Madeira. On the 25th of that month we came to the island of Puerto Santo, which is about 600 miles southward from Cape St Vincent, whence we took our departure.
   Puerto Santo was discovered by the Portuguese on All Saints day, about the year 1418274, and Don Henry first sent inhabitants to settle there under Bartholomew Perestrello, whom he appointed governor. It is about fifteen miles in circuit275. It bears good bread corn, and a sufficiency of oats for its own use; and abounds with cattle and wild hogs, and innumerable rabbits276. Among other trees, it produces the drago or dragon tree, the sap or juice of which is drawn out only at certain seasons of the year, when it issues from cuts or clefts, made with an axe near the bottom of the tree in the preceding year. These clefts are found full of a kind of gum; which, decocted and depurated, is the dragons– blood of the apothecaries277. The tree bears a yellow fruit, round like like a cherry, and well tasted. This island produces the best honey and wax in the world, but not in any quantity. It has no harbour, but a good road in which vessels may moor in safety, being well sheltered on all sides, except the quarters between the south and east, all of which winds make it unsafe to ride here at anchor. There is plenty of excellent fish on its shores; such as dentili, gilded fish, and others.
   From Puerto Santo, which was discovered twenty-seven years before, we sailed on the 28th of March, and came the same day to Monchrico or Machico, one of the ports of the island of Madeira, forty miles distant from Puerto Santo. In fair weather these islands may be seen from each other. This latter island was only inhabited within the last twenty-four years, when the prince appointed two of his gentlemen to be its governors. Tristan Vaz having the government of that half of the island in which the port of Monchrico is situated; and the other district of the island, in which Fonzal, Fonchial, or Funchal stands, is under the government of John Gonzales Zarcho. The island of Madeira is inhabited in four several places: Monchrico, Santa Cruz, Fonzal, and Camera-di-Lupi, which are its principal places, though there are other minor establishments; and is able to muster about 800 men able to bear arms, of whom an hundred are horse. There are about eight rivers, which pervade the island in different places; by means of which they have many saw-mills, from which Portugal and other places are supplied with boards of many different sorts. Of these boards, two sorts are in particular estimation, and turn most to account. The one is cedar, which has a strong odoriferous smell, and resembles the cypress tree; of this they make fine, large, and long boards or deals, which they employ for building houses, and for various other purposes. The other, called nasso278, is of a red-rose colour, and extremely beautiful; of which they make excellent and very beautiful bows and cross-bows, which are sent into the west. In order to clear the land, the first settlers set fire to the woods, and the fire spread with such fury, that several persons, with their families, and Gonzales Zarcho among the rest, were forced to take shelter in the sea to save themselves from the flames, where they stood up to their necks for two days and two nights without sustenance. Though this island is mountainous, its soil is rich and fertile, and it produces yearly 30,000 Venetian staras279 of bread corn. At first, the newly cultivated land yielded seventy for one, but has since been reduced to thirty or forty, for want of good husbandry. Owing to the excellence of its soil and climate, and the abundance of springs and rivers, Prince Henry procured sugar canes from Sicily, which he sent to this island, where they have yielded abundant produce; insomuch, that 400 cantaros of sugar, each containing 112 pounds large weight of Venice, have been made at one boiling, and the quantity was likely to increase280. They have likewise good wines, considering how shortly this culture has been introduced; and in such abundance, that large quantities are exported. Among other kinds of vines, Don Henry sent thither Malvasia plants, procured from the island of Candia, which have succeeded well. The soil has turned out so favourable for the vine, that in general there are more grapes than leaves, and the bundles are very large, even from two to four spans long. They have likewise the black Pergola grape, without stones, in great perfection; and so well is the climate adapted to this culture, that they begin their vintage about Easter, or at least by the octave after.
   We sailed from Madeira, following a southerly course, and arrived at the Canary islands, which are at the distance of about 320 miles from Madeira. There are seven of these islands in all, four of which have been settled by the Christians, Lanзerotta, Fuerteventura, Gomera, and Ferro; over which Herrera281, a Spanish gentleman, is lord. Large quantities of an herb called Oricello or Orchel282, are annually sent from these islands to Cadiz and Seville, which is used in dying, and is sent from these places to all parts of Europe. Great quantities of excellent goat skins are exported from these islands, which likewise produce abundance of tallow, and good cheese. The original inhabitants of the four islands that are subject to the Christians, are Canarians283, who speak various languages or dialects, not well understood between the different tribes. These people have only open villages, without any fortifications; except on the mountains, which are exceedingly high, and there they have a kind of rude walls or redoubts, to flee to in case of need. The passes of these mountains are so difficult of access, that a few resolute men might defend them against an army. The other three islands of this group, Grand Canaria, Teneriffe, and Palma, which are larger and better peopled than the other four, are still unsubdued and possessed by the aboriginal idolaters. Grand Canaria has between eight and nine thousand souls, and Teneriffe, which is the largest of all these islands, is said to contain fourteen or fifteen thousand, and is divided into nine separate lordships. Palma, however, has very few inhabitants, yet it appears to be a very beautiful island. Every lordship seems to have its own mode of religious worship; as in Teneriffe, there were no less than nine different kinds of idolatry; some worshipping the sun, others the moon, and so forth. They practise polygamy, and the lords have the jus primae noctis, which is considered as conferring great honour. On the accession of any new lord, it is customary for some persons to offer themselves to die as a sacrifice to his honour. On this occasion, the lord holds a great festival on his accession day; when all who are willing to give this cruel proof of their attachment, are attended to the summit of a high cliff in a certain valley, where, after some peculiar ceremonies, and certain words muttered over them, the victims precipitate themselves from the cliff, and are dashed to pieces. In reward of this sanguinary homage, the lords consider themselves bound to heap extraordinary honours and rewards on the parents of the victims.
   Teneriffe, which is the largest of these islands, and the best inhabited, is one of highest islands in the world, and is seen in clear weather from a great distance; insomuch, that I was informed by some mariners, that it had been descried at the distance of between sixty and seventy Spanish leagues, which make about 250 Italian miles. In the middle of the island, there is a prodigiously high peaked mountain, shaped like a diamond, which is always burning. I received this account from some Christians, who had been prisoners in the island, who affirmed that it was fifteen Portuguese leagues, or sixty Italian miles, from the bottom of the mountain to the top of the peak.
   They have nine lords on this island, who are called dukes, and who do not succeed by inheritance or descent, but by force; on which account they have perpetual civil wars among themselves, in which they commit great slaughter. Their only weapons are stones, maces or clubs, and darts or lances, some of which are pointed with horn, and others have their points hardened in the fire. They all go naked, except a few who wear goat skins before and behind. They anoint their skins with goats tallow, mixed up with the juice of certain herbs, which thickens the skin, and defends them against the cold, of which they complain much, although their country is so far to the south. They have neither walled, nor thatched houses, but dwell in grottos and caverns of the mountains. They feed on barley, flesh, and goats milk, of which they have abundance, and some fruits, particularly figs. As the country is very hot, they reap their corn in April and May.
   We learnt all these things from the Christians of the four settled islands, who sometimes go over by night to the three other islands, and make prisoners of the natives, whom they send into Spain to be sold as slaves. Sometimes the Spaniards are themselves made prisoners on these expeditions, on which occasions the natives do not put them to death, but employ them to kill and flea their goats, and to cure the flesh, which they look upon as a vile employment, and therefore condemn their Christian prisoners to that labour in contempt. The native Canarians are very active and nimble, and are exceedingly agile in running and leaping, being accustomed to traverse the cliffs of their rugged mountains. They skip barefooted from rock to rock like goats, and sometimes take leaps of most surprising extent and danger, which are scarcely to be believed. They throw stones with great strength and wonderful exactness, so as to hit whatever they aim at with almost perfect certainty, and almost with the force of a bullet from a musket; insomuch that a few stones thrown by them will break a buckler to pieces. I once saw a native Canarian, who had become a Christian, who offered to give three persons twelve oranges a-piece, and taking twelve to himself, engaged, at eight or ten paces distance, to strike his antagonists with every one of his oranges, and at the same time to parry all theirs, so that they should hit no part of him but his hands. But no one would take up the wager, as they all knew he could perform even better than he mentioned. I was on land in Gomera and Ferro, and touched also at the island of Palma, but did not land there.

SECTION II. Continuation of the Voyage by Cape Branco, the Coast of Barbary, and the Fortia of Arguin; with some account of the Arabs, the Azanaghi, and the Country of Tegazza
   Leaving the Canaries, we pursued our course towards Ethiopia, and arrived in a few days at Cape Branco, which is about 870 miles from these islands. In this passage, steering south, we kept at a great distance from the African shore on our left, as the Canaries are, far-advanced into the sea towards the west. We stood almost directly south for two-thirds of the way between the islands and the Cape, after which we changed our course somewhat more towards the east, or left-hand, that we might fall in with the land, lest we should have overpassed the Cape without seeing it because no land appears afterwards so far to the west for a considerable space. The coast of Africa, to the southwards of Cape Bronco, falls in considerably to the eastwards, forming a great bay or gulf, called the Forna of Arguin, from a small island of that name. This gulf extends about fifty miles into the land, and has three other islands, one of which is named Branco by the Portuguese, or the White Island, on account of its white sands; the second is called Garze, or the Isle of Herons, where they found so many eggs of certain seabirds as to load two boats; the third is called Curoi, or Cori. These islands are all small, sandy, and uninhabited. In that of Arguin there is plenty of fresh water, but there is none in any of the others. It is proper to observe, that on keeping to the southwards, from the Straits of Gibraltar, the coast of exterior Barbary is inhabited no farther than Cape Cantin284, from whence to Cape Branco is the sandy country or desert, called Saara or Saharra by the natives, which is divided from Barbary or Morocco on the north by the mountains of Atlas, and borders on the south with the country of the Negroes, and would require a journey of fifty days to cross,-in some places more, in others less. This desert reaches to the ocean, and is all a white dry sand, quite low and level, so that no part of it seems higher than any other. Cape Branco, or the White Cape, so named by the Portuguese from its white colour, without trees or verdure, is a noble promontory of a triangular shape, having three separate points about a mile from each other.
   Innumerable quantities of large and excellent fish of various kinds are caught on this coast, similar in taste to those we have at Venice, but quite different in shape and appearance. The gulf of Arguin is shallow all over, and is full of shoals both of rocks and sand; and, as the currents are here very strong, there is no sailing except by day, and even then with the lead constantly heaving. Two ships have been already lost on these shoals. Cape Branco lies S.W. of Cape Cantin, or rather S. and by W. Behind Cape Branco there is a place called Hoden, six days journey inland on camels, which is not walled, but is much frequented by the Arabs and caravans, which trade between Tombucto,285 and other places belonging to the Negroes, and the western parts of Barbary. The provisions at Hoden are dates and barley, which they have in plenty, and the inhabitants drink the milk of camels and other animals, as they have no wine. They have some cows and goats, the former being greatly smaller than those of Italy; but the number of these is not great, as the country is very dry. The inhabitants are all Mahometans, and great enemies to the Christians, and have no settled habitations, but wander continually over the deserts. They frequent the country of the Negroes, and visit that side of Barbary which is next the Mediterranean. On these expeditions they travel in numerous caravans, with great trains of camels, carrying brass, silver, and other articles, to Tombucto and the country of the Negroes, whence they bring back gold and melhegette, or cardamom seeds286. These people are all of a tawny colour, and both sexes wear a single white garment with a red border, without any linen next their skins. The men wear turbans, in the Moorish fashion, and go always barefooted. In the desert there are many lions, leopards, and ostriches, the eggs of which I have often eaten, and found them very good.
   Don Henry has farmed out the trade of the island of Arguin, under the following regulations. No person must enter this gulf to trade with the Arabs, except those who are licensed according to the ordinance, and have habitations and factors on the island, and have been accustomed to transact business with the Arabs on that coast. The articles of merchandize chiefly provided for this trade are, woollen cloth and linen, silver trinkets, aldtizeli or frocks, and cloaks, and other things, and above all, wheat; and the Arabs give in return negro slaves and gold. A castle has been built on the isle of Arguin, by order of the prince, to protect this trade, on account of which caravels or ships arrive there every year from Portugal.
   The Arabs of this coast have many Barbary horses, which they carry to the country of the Negroes, which they barter with the great men for slaves, receiving from ten to eighteen men for each horse, according to their goodness. They also carry thither silken staffs of Granada and Tunis, with silver, and many other things, in return for which they receive great numbers of slaves and some gold. These slaves are brought first to Hoden in the desert, and thence by the mountains of Barka into Barbary, whence they are transported across the Mediterranean into Sicily. Part of them are sold in Tunis, and in other places along the coast of Barbary; and the rest are brought to Arguin, where they are sold to the licensed Portuguese traders, who purchase between seven and eight hundred every year, and send them for sale into Portugal. Before the establishment of this trade at Arguin, the Portuguese used to send every year four or more caravels to the bay of Arguin, the crews of which, landing well armed in the night, were in use to surprise some of the fishing villages, and carry off the inhabitants into slavery. They even penetrated sometimes a considerable way into the interior, and carried off the Arabs of both sexes, whom they sold as slaves in Portugal.
   Leaving Arguin we sailed along the coast to the river Senegal287, which is very large, and divides the people called Azanaghi, or Azanhaji, from the first kingdom of the Negroes. The Azanhaji are of a tawny colour, or rather of a deep brown complexion, and inhabit some parts of the coast beyond Cape Branco, ranging through the deserts, and their district reaches to the confines of the Arabs of Hoden. They live on dates, barley, and the milk of camels; but as they border likewise on the country of the Negroes, they carry on trade with these people, from whom they procure millet and pulse, particularly beans. Owing to the scarcity of provisions in the desert, the Azanhaji are but spare eaters, and are able to endure hunger with wonderful patience, as a poringer of barley-meal made into hasty-pudding will serve them a whole day. The Portuguese used to carry away many of these people for slaves, as they were preferred to the negroes; but for some time past this has been prohibited by Don Henry, and peace and trade has been established with them, as he is in hopes they may be easily brought over to the catholic faith by intercourse with the Christians, more especially as they are not hitherto thoroughly established in the superstitions of Mahomet, of which they know nothing but by hearsay. These Azenhaji have an odd custom of wearing a handkerchief round their heads, a part of which is brought down so as to cover their eyes, and even their nose and mouth; for they reckon the mouth an unclean part, because it is constantly belching and has a bad smell, and ought therefore to be kept out of sight; even comparing it to the posteriors, and thinking that both ought alike to be concealed. On this account they never let their mouths be seen except when eating, as I have often had occasion to observe. They have no lords among them, but the rich men are respected somewhat more than the rest. They are of ordinary stature, and very lean, wearing their black hair frizzled over their shoulders like the Germans, and grease it daily with fish oil, which gives them a nasty smell; yet they consider this as modish. They are extremely poor, egregious liars, the greatest thieves in the world, and very treacherous. They have never heard of any Christians except the Portuguese, with whom they had war for thirteen or fourteen years, in which many of them were carried off as slaves, as has been already mentioned. Many of these people informed me, that, when they first saw ships under sail, which had never been beheld by any of their ancestors, they took them for large birds with white wings, that had come from foreign parts; and when the sails were furled, they conjectured, from their length, and swimming on the water, that they must be great fish. Others again believed that they were spirits, who wandered about by night; because they were seen at anchor in the evening at one place, and would be seen next morning 100 miles off, either proceeding along the coast to the southwards, or put back, according as the wind changed, or the caravels might happen to steer. They could not conceive how human beings could travel more in one night than they were able to perform themselves in three days; by which they were confirmed in the notion of the ships being spirits. All this was certified to me by many of the Azanhaji who were slaves in Portugal, as well as by the Portuguese mariners who had frequented the coast in their caravels.
   About six days journey by land from Hoden, there is a place called Teggazza288, which in our language signifies a chest or bag of gold. In this place large quantities of salt are dug up every year, and carried by caravans on camels to Tombucto and thence to the empire of Melli, which belongs to the Negroes. Oh arriving there, they dispose of their salt in the course of eight days, at the rate of between two and three hundred mitigals, or ducats, for each load, according to the quantity, and then return with their gold.

SECTION III. Of the Empire of Melli, and some curious particulars of the Salt Trade: Of the Trade in Gold: Of the, Azanhaji; and concerning swarms of Locusts
   The empire of Melli, of which some mention has been made in the preceding Section, is situated in an extremely hot climate, and affords very bad nourishment for beasts; insomuch, that out of an hundred camels which go from the desert into that country, scarcely twenty-five return; several even of the Arabs and Azanhaji, belonging to the caravans, sicken and die likewise every year. There are no quadrupeds kept by the natives of the country, as indeed none can live there for any time. It is reckoned to be forty days journey on horseback from Tegazza to Tombuctu, and thirty from thence to Melli289. Having inquired what use the merchants of Melli made of this salt, the traders of the desert informed me, that a part of it was consumed in that country, which lying near the line, where the days and nights are of equal length, certain seasons of the year are so excessively hot that the blood of the inhabitants would putrify, if it were not for the salt, and they would all die. They have no art or mystery in its use; but every one dissolves a small piece every day in a porringer of water, and drinks it off, which in their opinion preserves their health.
   The remainder of the salt is carried a long way in pieces on mens heads, every piece being as large as a man can well bear. As brought from Teggazza, the salt is in large pieces as taken out of the mine, each camel being loaded with two pieces, and the negroes break these down into smaller pieces, for the convenience of carrying them on their heads, and muster a large number of footmen for this yearly traffic. These porters have each a long forked stick in their hands; and, when tired, they rest their loads on these sticks. They proceed in this manner till they arrive on the banks of a certain water, but whether fresh or salt my informer could not say, yet I am of opinion that it must be a river, because, if it were the sea, the inhabitants could not be in want of salt in so hot a climate. The negroes are hired to carry it in this manner for want of camels or other beasts of burden, as already mentioned; and, from what has been said, it may easily be concluded that the number, both of the carriers and consumers must be very great. When arrived at the water side, the proprietors of the salt place their shares in heaps in a row, at small distances, setting each a particular mark on his own heap; and when this is done, the whole company retires half a days journey from the place. Then the other negroes, who are the purchasers of the salt, who seem to be the inhabitants of certain islands, but who will on no account be seen or spoken to, come in boats to the place where the heaps of salt are placed, and after laying a sum in gold on each heap as its price, retire in their turns. After they are gone, the owners of the salt return, and if the quantity of gold on their heaps is satisfactory to them, they take it away and leave the salt; if not, they leave both and withdraw again. In this manner they carry on their traffick, without seeing or speaking to each other, and this custom is very ancient among them, as has been affirmed to me for truth by several merchants of the desert, both Arabs and Azanhaji, and other creditable persons290.
   On inquiring how it came to pass that the emperor of Melli, whom they represented as a powerful sovereign, did not find means, by friendship or force, to discover who these people were who would not suffer themselves to be seen or talked to, I was informed that this emperor, not many years ago, resolved to procure some of these invisible people, and held a council on the occasion, in which the following plan was devised and carried into execution. Before the salt caravan returned the half days journey from their salt heaps, some of the emperors people made certain pits by the water side, and near the place where the salt was left, and when the negroes came to deposit their gold on the salt, those who were concealed in the pits attacked them suddenly and took four of them prisoners, all the rest making their escape. Three of those who were thus taken were immediately set free by the captors, who judged that one would be quite sufficient to satisfy the curiosity of their emperor, and that the negroes would be the less offended. But after all, the design proved abortive; for though spoken to in various languages, the prisoner would neither speak or take any victuals, and died at the end of four days. On this account, the Melli negroes concluded that these other negroes were dumb; but others were of opinion, that being endowed with the human form, they must necessarily have the power of speech; but, that finding himself treated in this manner, so contrary to ancient custom, he refused to speak from indignation. This untoward result was much regretted by the negroes of Melli, because it prevented them from gratifying the curiosity of their emperor; who, on being informed of this persons death, was much dissatisfied, yet asked what manner of men the prisoners were. He was accordingly informed that they were of a deep black colour, well shaped, and a span taller than the natives of Melli. That their under lip was thicker than a mans fist, of a very red colour, and hung down on their breasts, with something like blood dropping from it; but that their upper lips were small, like those of other men. That the form of the under lip exposed their gums and teeth, which were larger than their own, having great teeth in each corner of their mouth, with large black eyes, and altogether a terrible appearance, as the gums dropped blood continually, as well as the great hanging under lip.
   This cross accident prevented all the succeeding emperors of Melli from making any farther attempt of the kind; because, from that time, these negroes forbore, for three years, from coming to buy salt as usual. It is believed that their lips began to putrify, through the excessive heat of the climate; and being no longer able to endure a distemper, of which some must have died for want of the effectual remedy which they had experienced from the use of salt, they returned of their own accord to traffic for that commodity in the old way. All this has established an opinion that they cannot live without salt; the negroes of Melli judging of the case of others by their own. As for the emperor of Melli, he cares not whether these blacks will speak, and be seen or not, so that that he has the profit of their gold291. This is all I could learn on this subject, which I think may be credited, as so many persons have vouched for its truth, of which I, who have both seen and heard of many wonderful things in this world, am perfectly satisfied.
   The gold brought to Melli is divided into three parts. One part is sent by the caravan which goes annually from Melli to Kokhia292, which lies on the road to Syria and Cairo. The other two parts go first to Tombuctu, whence one of them goes by Toet293 to Tunis and other ports of the Barbary coast, and the other portion is carried to Hoden, and from thence to Oran and One294, towns in Barbary, which are within the Straits of Gibraltar, and to Fez, Morocco, Arzila, Azafi, and Messa, towns on the African coast of the Atlantic, where the Italians and other Christians procure it from the Moors, in return for various commodities. Gold is the best and principal commodity which comes through the country of the Azanhaji, and a part of it is brought every year from Hoden to Arguin, where it is bartered with the Portuguese295.
   No money is coined in the land of the Tawny Moors, or Azenhaji; nor is any money used by them, or in any of the neighbouring countries; but all their trade is carried on by bartering one commodity against another. In some of their inland towns, the Arabs and Azanbaji use small white porcelain shells, or cowries; which are brought from the Levant to Venice, and sent from thence into Africa. These are used for small purchases. The gold is sold by a weight named mitigal, which is nearly equal in value to a ducat. The inhabitants of the desert have neither religion nor sovereign; but those who are richest, and have the greatest number of retainers and dependents, are considered as chiefs or lords. The women are tawny, and wear cotton garments, which are manufactured in the country of the Negroes; but some of them wear a kind of cloaks, or upper garments, called Alkhezeli, and they have no smocks. She who has the largest and longest breasts, is reputed the greatest beauty; on which account, when they have attained to the age of seventeen or eighteen, and their breasts are somewhat grown, they tie a cord very tight around the middle of each breast, which presses very hard and breaks them, so that they hang down; and by pulling at these cords frequently, they grow longer and longer, till at length in some women they reach as low as the navel. The men of the desert ride on horseback after the fashion of the Moors; and the desert being everywhere very hot, and having very little water, and extremely barren, they can keep very few horses, and those they have are short lived. It only rains in the months of August, September and October. I was informed that vast swarms of locusts appear in this country some years, in such infinite numbers as to darken the air, and even to hide the sun from view, covering the horizon as far as the eye can reach, which is from twelve to sixteen miles in compass; and, wherever they settle they strip the ground entirely bare. These locusts are like grasshoppers, as long as ones finger, and of a red and yellow colour. They come every third or fourth year, and if they were to pay their visits every year, there would be no living in the country. While I was on the coast, I saw them in prodigious and incredible numbers.

SECTION IV. Of the River Senegal and the Jalofs, with some Account of the Manners, Customs, Government, Religion, and Dress of that Nation
   Leaving Cape Branco, and the Gulf of Arguin, we continued our course along the coast to the river Senegal, which divides the desert and the tawny Azanhaji from the fruitful lands of the Negroes. Five years before I went on this voyage, this river was discovered by three caravels belonging to Don Henry, which entered it, and their commanders settled peace and trade with the Moors; since which time ships have been sent to this place every year to trade with the natives296. The river Senegal is of considerable size, being a mile wide at the mouth, and of sufficient depth. A little farther on it has another entrance, and between the two, there is an island which forms a cape, running into the sea, having sand– banks at each mouth that extend a mile from the shore297. All ships that frequent the Senegal ought carefully to observe the course of the tides, the flux and reflux of which extend for seventy miles up the river, as I was informed by certain Portuguese, who had been a great way up this river with their caravels. From Cape Branco, which is 280 miles distant, the whole coast is sandy till within twenty miles of the river. This is called the coast of Anterota, and belongs entirely to the Azanhaji or Tawny Moors. I was quite astonished to find so prodigious a difference in so narrow a space, as appeared at the Senegal: For, on the south side of the river, the inhabitants are all exceedingly black, tall, corpulent and well proportioned, and the country all clothed in fine verdure, and full of fruit trees; whereas, on the north side of the river, the men are tawny, meagre, and of small stature, and the country all dry and barren. This river, in the opinion of the learned, is a branch of the Gihon, which flows from the Terrestrial Paradise, and was named the Niger by the ancients, which flows through the whole of Ethiopia, and which, on approaching the ocean to the west, divides into many other branches. The Nile, which is another branch of the Gihon, falls into the Mediterranean, after flowing through Egypt298.
   The first kingdom of the Negroes is on the banks of the Senegal, and its inhabitants are called Gilofi or Jalofs. All the country is low, not only from the north to that river, but also beyond it, as far south as Cape Verd, which is the highest land on all this coast, and is 400 miles from Cape Branco. This kingdom of the Jalofs, on the Senegal, is bounded on the east by the country called Tukhusor; on the south by the kingdom of Gambra or Gambia; on the west by the Atlantic Ocean; and on the north by the river Senegal and the Azanhaji299. The king who reigned in Senegal in my time was named Zukholin, and was twenty-two years old. This kingdom is not hereditary; but for the most part, three or four of the principal lords, of whom there are many in the country, choose a king, in the event of a vacancy, but always fix their choice on a person of noble lineage, who reigns only as long as he gives satisfaction to these great lords. They often dethrone their kings by force; who, on the other hand, often render; themselves so powerful as to stand on their defence. This renders the government unsettled, and is productive of civil wars; similar to Egypt, where the Soldan of Cairo is always in fear of being killed or banished.
   The people are savages, and extremely poor, having no walled towns, and their villages are entirely composed of thatched cottages. They use neither lime nor stone in building, not knowing how to make the one, or to form the other. The kingdom of the Jalofs is small, and, as I was informed, extends only 300 miles along the coast, and about the same distance inland. The king has no settled revenue; but the lords of the country court his favour, by making him yearly presents of horses, which being scarce, are in high estimation, together with horse furniture, cows, and goats, pulse, millet, and other things. He likewise increases his wealth by means of robbery, and by reducing his own subjects, and those of neighbouring provinces to slavery, employing a part of these slaves to cultivate the lands which are assigned to him, and selling the rest to the Arabs and Azanhaji traders, who bring horses and other things for sale; as likewise to the Christians, since they have established a trade in these parts.
   Every man may keep as many wives as he pleases. The king has always upwards of thirty, and distinguishes them according to their descent, and the rank of the lords whose daughters they are. He keeps them in certain villages of his own, eight or ten in one place, each having a separate house to dwell in, with a certain number of young women to attend her, and slaves to cultivate the land which is assigned for her maintenance, which they sow and reap, and to tend her cows and goats. When the king comes to any of these villages, he brings no provisions along with him, as his women are obliged to support him and his retinue whenever he visits them. Every, morning at sunrise, each of his wives in the village where he happens to reside, prepares three or four dishes of various viands, such as flesh, fish, or other dainties, cooked in their fashion; which are carried by the slaves to the kings pantry; so that in less than an hour, thirty or forty dishes are provided, and when the king has a mind to eat, he finds every thing ready at his command. When he has eaten of such things as he likes best, the remainder is given to his retinue; but as this, diet is never very plentiful, they are but poorly fed. He travels about in this manner, from place to place, visiting his several wives, by which means he has a very numerous issue and whenever one of his wives happens to fall with child, he visits her no more. The lords or chiefs of the country live in a similar manner.
   These negroes profess me Mahometan religion, but are not even so well instructed in it as the tawny Moors, more especially the common people. The lords have always about them some Arabs or Azanhaji for this purpose, who inculcate on their minds that it would be disgraceful for men of their quality to live in ignorance of the laws of God, like the common people who have no religion. They have become Mahometans merely by means of their intercourse with the Azanhaji and Arabs; for since they became acquainted with the Christians, they are by no means so fond of the Mahometan faith. The generality of the negroes go quite naked, except a piece of goat skin before; but the lords who are able to procure such, wear cotton shirts, which are spun and manufactured by their women. Their webs are only a span in width, as they have not sufficient art to construct and use wider looms; so that they are obliged to sew five, six, or more of these webs together, when it is required to make any large piece of work. The shirts reach half way down the thighs, and have wide sleeves which; cover only half of their arms. They wear also cotton drawers, reaching to the small of their legs; and these drawers are made preposterously wide, being often thirty-five or forty palms in circumference; so that, when tied on, they are full of plaits, and though like A sack before the hinder part trails on the ground like the train of a large petticoat. Thus, though making a most ridiculous appearance, they think nothing comes up to their dress for elegance, and they often ask the Europeans if they ever saw a finer dress. Their women, both married and unmarried, go naked from the waist upwards, and wear a piece of cotton which covers them from the waist to the middle of the legs. Both sexes go barefooted, and have no coverings to their heads; and weave and tie their hair, though short, into neat tresses. The men often employ themselves in womens work, such as spinning, washing clothes, and such like employments.
   This country is extremely hot, the month of January being not so cold as it is with us in Italy in the month of April; and the farther we went to the south, the weather became so much the hotter. Both men and women wash themselves four or five times a-day, and are very cleanly in their persons; but are by no means so in regard of eating, in which they observe no rule. Although very ignorant, and extremely awkward in any thing, to which they have not been accustomed, they are as expert as any European can be in their own business, and in all things with which they are acquainted. They are full of words, and extremely talkative, and are for the most part liars and cheats. Yet they are exceedingly hospitable, and charitably disposed, as they will most readily give a dinner, or a supper, or a nights lodging, to any stranger who comes to their houses, without expecting any remuneration or reward. The chiefs of these negroes are often at war against each other, or against the neighbouring tribes or nations; but they have no cavalry, for want of horses. In war, their only defensive armour is a large target, made of the skin of an animal called Danta, which is very difficultly pierced; and their principal weapons are azagays or light darts, which they throw with great dexterity. These darts are pointed with iron, the length of a span, and barbed in different directions, so that they make dangerous wounds, and tear the flesh extremely when pulled out. They have also a Moorish weapon, much-bent like a Turkish sword or cimeter, and made of iron, without any steel, which they procure from the negroes on the river Gambia, as they either have no iron in their own country, or want knowledge or industry in working it. Having but few weapons, or rather no missiles, their wars are very bloody, as they soon come to close quarters, and their strokes seldom fall in vain; and, being extremely fierce and courageous, they will rather allow themselves to be slain as save themselves by flight; neither are they disheartened by seeing their companions slain. They have no ships, nor had they ever seen any before the Portuguese came upon their coast; but those who dwell upon the river Senegal, and some who are settled on the sea coast, have zoppolies or canoes, called almadias by the Portuguese, which are hollowed out of a single piece of wood, the largest of which will carry three or four men. They use these almadias for catching fish, and for transporting themselves up or down the river. The negroes of this country are the most expert swimmers in the world, as I can vouch from frequent experience of their dexterity.