SECTION III. Arrival of Contarini at Tauris or Ecbatana, the royal city of Uzun– Hassan, and continuation of his journey through Persia to Ispahan, where the king then resided
   On the 22d of July we began to ascend a mountain of prodigious height, insomuch, that when night came on we had scarcely reached the top, where we had to pass the night without water. Resuming our journey in the morning, we descended the other side of the mountain, and entered the province of Armenia, which is under the dominion of Uzun-Hassan211. In the evening we were conducted to a fort named Reo, which stands in the plain, between a deep river and a high mountain, and which is garrisoned by Turks in the service of Uzun-Hassan, but the neighbouring village is inhabited by Armenians. We rested in this place till the 25th of July, waiting the arrival of a guide to direct us in the remainder of the journey, and being well treated by the inhabitants, we rewarded them to their satisfaction. The Armenian who had joined us at Kaffa, under pretence of being an ambassador from Uzun-Hassan to the Pope, was recognized by the inhabitants of this village as an impostor and a notorious robber, and many were astonished how we had escaped from his machinations: I got rid of him therefore immediately, and made him restore me a horse which I had lent him for the journey; after which I procured a priest of an honest character to conduct me to Tauris. Leaving Reo with my new guide on the 26th of July, we ascended a mountain, and came on the other side to a plain surrounded by hills, where we found a village inhabited by Turks, near which we had to pass the night in the open air, though the inhabitants treated us with decent civility. Next morning we departed before day, having to pass another mountain, on the side of which was a village inhabited by Turks, among whom we should have run extreme hazard of our lives if they had seen us; but by using much diligence we avoided this danger, and got down into an extensive plain, full of fine pastures, and travelled with great expedition that we might pass the night at a respectable distance from the lawless inhabitants of the hills. On the 29th we passed the mountain of Noah, or Ararat, which is so lofty that it is covered with snow the whole year. We were told that many who had attempted to reach the top of this mountain had never been more heard of, while others, on making the same attempt, said, on their return, that it was quite inaccessible.
   From this place forwards we travelled through extensive plains intermixed with hills, and arrived on the 30th of July at a castle named Chiagri, inhabited by Armenians. Finding abundance of bread, wine, and poultry in this place, we rested here for a day, and then set out with a new guide for Ecbatana or Tauris. Leaving Chiagri towards evening of the 1st August, we came next day to an Armenian village at the foot of a mountain, where we had to cross a river in boats, and were informed that Uzun-Hassan had formerly gained a great victory near this place over the Tartars, having hemmed them into a corner, where their army wasted away with famine and disease. The ruler of these Tartars, named Sultan Buzech212, was made prisoner, and was afterwards put to death. We here saw, on our left hand, eleven Armenian villages, near each other, who were Catholic Christians, their bishop being under submission to the Roman pontiff. The country is extremely agreeable, and is the most fertile of all the provinces of Persia. We arrived on the 3d of August at a large village called Marerich, near which we passed the night, and had to ride all the next day through a plain country exposed to great heat, which was greatly aggravated, as we could not procure a single drop of water for ourselves or our horses. On the way we met several Turkmans, whose custom it is to encamp here and there about the country, wherever they can find pasture for their cattle, and to change their residence as the pastures become exhausted. These people are abominable robbers, and look upon rapine as their highest glory; and as we had great reason to be afraid of them, I gave orders to all my people to tell whoever we met, that I was journeying to wait upon their sovereign, which was the only expedient for saving us from their violence.
   We arrived on the 4th of August at the city of Ecbatana or Tauris213, which stands in a plain, and is surrounded by an earthen rampart in bad repair. There are high mountains in its neighbourhood, which are said to be the Taurus of the ancients. I here lodged with a very good man, who gave us two sleeping chambers, a convenience we had been long unused to. He was quite astonished how we should have been able to escape the dangers of our journey, as all the roads were blocked up; and on asking him the reason, he told us that Ogurlu Mohammed214, the eldest son of Uzun-Hassan, had rebelled against his father, and had taken possession of Sylas215 or Persepolis, of which he had appointed his younger brother Khalil216 as governor. Uzun-Hassan had assembled an army to reduce Persepolis and his sons to obedience; but a certain satrap named Zagarli who commanded in the neighbouring mountains, favoured the cause of Ogurlu, and had ravaged the whole country, to the very gates of Tauris, with a body of 3000 horse, owing to which, all the roads were obstructed and unsafe. He farther informed us, that the governor of Tauris had one day issued forth to endeavour to put a stop to the marauders, but had been defeated by Zagarli, with the loss of most of his troops, and had even great difficulty in escaping back to the city. I inquired why the inhabitants of Tauris did not take arms in their own defence, in a time of so much danger; but he answered, although they were obedient to the governor, they were quite unused to war. On learning the state of affairs in this place, I resolved to leave it as soon as possible, that I might get to the king; but I could neither procure a guide, nor prevail on the governor to shew me any favour. By the advice of my landlord I kept myself very much concealed, and employed my interpreter and Augustin of Pavia, whom I had brought with me from Kaffa because he understood a little Persian, to purchase our provisions, in which employment they were exposed to much ill treatment, and were often in hazard of their lives.
   Some days afterwards, one of the sons of Uzun-Hassan, named Masu-beg217, came to Tauris with 1000 horse, to defend the city from the incursions of Zagarli. I waited on this prince, having great difficulty to obtain an audience, telling him that I was sent as ambassador to his father, and had need of guides, whom I prayed him to provide me; but it was quite ineffectual, as he hardly deigned to answer me, and took no kind of interest in me or my affairs, so that I was obliged to return disappointed to my lodgings. Masu-beg endeavoured to raise money from the inhabitants of Tauris for the purpose of levying soldiers, but they resisted his demands, and all the shops of the city were shut up. In this emergency, being unable to procure provisions, I was obliged to quit my lodgings, with all my people, taking refuge in an Armenian church, where they gave us a small place in which to keep our horses; and I ordered all my people to keep constantly within doors, to avoid meeting with injury. My apprehensions on this occasion may easily be conceived; but God, who had already protected us in so many dangers, was mercifully pleased to deliver us from that which now hung over us. On the 7th of September, Bertonius Liompardus218, whom I had before seen at Kaffa, and who had been sent by our illustrious republic, arrived at Tauris. He was accompanied by his nephew, named Brancalione, and having come by way of Trebisond was a month later than me in reaching Tauris. I now dispatched Augustin de Pavia, of whom I have before made mention, with letters to the republic of Venice, in which I gave an account to the senate of all that had happened to us hitherto. I sent this man by way of Alapia, where he at length arrived in good health, after having escaped many dangers.
   Although I remained in Tauris till the 22d of September, I was not able to acquire any exact knowledge of the city, having been forced to conceal myself the whole time. It is a large city, but its territory in some places is uncultivated, and I believe nowhere very populous; it abounds, however, in all the necessaries of life, but these are dear. Much silk is produced in this neighbourhood, which is exported by way of Alapia. A considerable quantity of cloth is manufactured in the place, which likewise abounds in various merchandize, but I did not hear of any pearls or precious stones. Fortunately for us a Cadilaskir, one of the counsellors of Uzun-Hassan, arrived about this time at Tauris, who returned from an embassy into Turkey, where he had unsuccessfully endeavoured to negociate a peace between his master and the Turkish government. Immediately on learning the arrival of this person, I used every effort to procure an interview, in which I succeeded, and by means of a present, I prevailed on him to admit me and my retinue into his suite. He received me with much civility, and granted all I asked, assuring me that, with the blessing of God, he would conduct me in safety to the king. Among his slaves there were two Illyrian renegadoes, who formed a strict intimacy with my people, to whom they promised to give every assistance in their power, and to give us due notice of the departure of their master, which they faithfully performed, and for which I rewarded them.
   On the 22d of September we departed from Tauris with the Persian counsellor, accompanied likewise by a great many merchants and others, who took the advantage of travelling under his protection, from fear of being plundered by the rebels. This country in which we now travelled was quite level, with very few hills, so dry that we saw no trees except along the sides of rivers, and having only a few small villages, in which we purchased what was necessary for our journey, and always rested before mid-day in the open air, being unable to travel during the height of the sun, on account of the great heat. Travelling in this manner, we arrived at Sultanie on the 27th of September. This city appeared to be very handsome, surrounded by walls, and defended by a good citadel. We saw here three most curious brazen gates, which had been made at Damascus, the finest things I ever beheld, which must have cost a great deal of money. The city of Sultanie stands in a plain at the foot of a range of mountains, some of which are exceedingly steep and precipitous, and the inhabitants of which are forced to remove into lower situations during winter, on account of the severity of the cold. We remained there for three days, and resumed our journey on the 30th of September, travelling sometimes in plains, and sometimes among hills, but always taking up our quarters for the night in the open air.
   On the 6th of October we arrived at Sena219, a city without walls, situated in a plain on the banks of a river, and surrounded by trees, in which city we passed the night in tolerably bad quarters. We departed from thence on the 8th, and stopping, according to our usual custom, in the fields, I was seized with a violent intermittent fever, insomuch that I could hardly get on horseback next day, and that with infinite distress. We arrived early next day at Kom, where I was forced to stop, all my attendants being seized in a similar manner with myself, except our priest Stephen Testa, who took care of us all. Our fever was so malignant that we were all delirious during the height of the access or hot fit. I was afterwards informed that the royal counsellor sent to visit me, begging my excuse that he could not wait for me, because it was necessary for him to repair without delay to the king; but that he had left one of his attendants with me as a guide, and that I need not now be under any apprehension, as there were none in that part of the country to do me harm. I remained here a long time sick. The city of Sena or Sava is not large, and has mud walls, being situated in a champaign country, which is well peopled, and abounds in every thing necessary to life.
   On the 24th of October, being much recovered, we resumed our journey, though I was still so weak as to find much difficulty in sitting on horseback. Next day we arrived, at the city of Cashan220, which very much resembles Kom, except that it is somewhat handsomer. On the following day, we came to Nethas, or Nathan. This city stands likewise in a flat country, which produces much wine. I remained here one day, both to recruit my strength, and because I felt some return of my fever. On the 28th of October, I prepared as well as I was able to finish my journey, which was all on plain ground, and arrived at Ispahan, where Uzun-Hassan then resided, on the 3d of November, having employed twenty– four days in our journey from Tauris to this place. I immediately sought out the dwelling of Josaphat Barbaro221, the ambassador of Venice, and went to him. He received, me with much joy, and many embraces were mutually given and received, and we rejoiced together on my safe arrival. But as I had much need of rest, I very soon went to bed. When the king heard of my arrival, he sent some of his slaves to congratulate me, who presented me with some refreshments sent by his majesty.
   Early in the morning of the 4th November, some of the kings slaves came to require that Josaphat Barbaro and I should come to court. On being introduced to an audience, we found the king attended by eight of his principal officers. Having made my obeisance after the manner of the country, I presented the letters of the republic, and explained the subject of my mission222. When I had finished speaking, he answered me in every point, and in few words; and, among other things, he excused his conduct in having been obliged to retire to this part of his kingdom. After this we were ordered to be seated, and his courtiers gave us an entertainment according to the Persian fashion, which consisted of many dishes tolerably well dressed. After the repast, we took leave of the king, and retired to our quarters. Two days afterwards, we were again sent for to court, when most of the royal apartments were shewn me. The king then resided in a very pleasant country palace, situated on the banks of a river. In one of the rooms, there was a painting of Ogurlu– Mohammed, the kings eldest son, leading the sultan Busech, or Abu Saпd, tied with a rope; and in another picture the decapitation of Busech was represented. We were again invited to an entertainment, at which many different kinds of confections were served up. We remained at Ispahan till the 25th of November, during which period we were frequently invited to court. The city of Ispahan, like the rest of the Persian cities, is surrounded by earthen-ramparts. It stands in a plain, and is abundantly supplied with all the necessaries of life. Having rebelled against the king, it was besieged and suffered much injury; for, being obstinately defended, it was subjected to the resentment of the conqueror and the fury of the soldiers.
   Persia is a very flat and arid country, in many parts of which there are salt lakes. In such parts as can be supplied with water, grain and other fruits of the earth are produced in abundance, and there are plenty of beasts of all kinds, as it is everywhere intersected and surrounded by fertile mountains, but every thing is very dear. The Venetian quart of wine is sold for three or four ducats; but bread is not so dear in proportion. A camels load of wood costs a ducat. Flesh is dearer than with us, and seven hens cost a ducat; but other articles of provisions are cheaper. The Persians are a civil and humane people; and though Mahometans, they do not hate the Christians. The women are very modestly dressed, and ride on horseback with even more grace than the men; and, judging from the good appearance of the men, the women are probably handsome.

SECTION IV. Contarini accompanies Uzun-Hassan from Ispahan to Tauris, where he finds Ambassadors from the Duke of Burgundy and the Prince of Muscovy, and gets leave to return to Venice
   The king left Ispahan with all his court on the 25th of November for Tauris, and we travelled along with him, passing through most of the places which we had seen in going to Ispahan. In this journey we always slept in tents in the fields, and the camp was well supplied with provisions, as many merchants had received orders to provide grain, victuals of all kinds, and all sorts of necessaries. On the 14th of November we arrived at Kom, where we remained two days under tents, exposed to extremely cold weather, and experienced much difficulty to procure a small house in which to shelter ourselves. We continued at this place till the 21st of March 1474, during which interval we went frequently to court, to pay our respects to the king, on which occasions we were generally invited to dinner. The Persian court is very magnificent, being attended by many high officers of state, and every day 400 persons dine along with the king. These are all seated on the ground, and are served in copper basons with boiled rice, or some other mess made of flesh and grain boiled together; but the king is served in great magnificence at a separate table, with a great variety of dishes of different kinds of meat. During his meals, the king is often served with wine, and then the musicians sing and play upon flutes such songs and tunes as the king pleases to order. The king is of a good size, with a thin visage and agreeable countenance, having somewhat of the Tartar appearance, and seemed to be about seventy years old. His manners were very affable, and he conversed familiarly with every one around him; but I noticed that his hands trembled when he raised the cup to his lips. It is not needful that I should enumerate all the audiences which I had on the subject of my mission, of which I shall make occasional mention hereafter.
   On the 21st of March the king and all the court left Kom, on their journey towards Tauris, the baggage being carried by camels and mules. Each day we hardly exceeded ten or twelve, or at the most twenty Italian miles, and always stopt at each encampment till the forage in the neighbourhood was consumed. The Persian mode of travelling is thus: The women always arrive first at the new camp, where they set up the tents and cook provisions for their husbands. They are well clothed and ride upon good horses, which they manage with much dexterity. The Persian nation is very magnificent, and exceedingly fond of pomp, and shew, and it is very agreeable to see their march at some distance. They are very careful of their camels, of which they have great numbers, even the poorest seldom travelling with less than seven of these animals; by this means, the prodigious train which attends the court appears to consist of many more persons than it actually contains. When the king entered Ecbatana, his suite consisted of about 2000 persons, but many left the camp on the march, as it suited their fancy or convenience, and the king never had above 500 horse along with him. The royal tents were exceedingly beautiful and magnificent, and his bed was ornamented with scarlet hangings. The merchants who attended the camp sold every thing at a high price. All of our party were accommodated with tents, as we belonged to the suite of the king, who often honoured us with an invitation to supper, and at other times frequently sent us refreshments. We were always treated with much civility, and never received any injuries or affronts.
   On the 31st of May the king encamped about fifteen miles from Tauris, when a certain monk of the Boulonnois named Louis, who called himself patriarch of Antioch, and envoy from the Duke of Burgundy, arrived at the camp, attended by five horsemen. The king asked if we knew him, and we accordingly told what we knew without dissimulation. Next day the king gave him an audience, at which we were present by command. This patriarch presented to the king three robes of gold tissue, three others of scarlet silk, and some of fine cloth, and opened his commission, making many great offers of service from his prince, and many fine promises in very magnificent terms, which do not appear proper for me to repeat, and which the king did not seem to care much about. We were all invited to dinner, during which the king started many questions, to which he gave very pertinent answers himself. After dinner we returned to our tents.
   On the 2d of June we arrived at Tauris, in which place lodgings were appointed for us. Six days afterwards, Uzun-Hassan sent for the patriarch and us to court; and although he had three or four times informed me already that I must prepare to return into Italy, leaving my colleague Barbaro at his court, I could not reconcile myself to the journey, and had done every thing in my power to put off my departure. When we went to court, the king addressed himself first to the patriarch, whom he ordered to return to his prince, and to say from him, that he, the king, would very shortly declare war against the Turks, having already taken the field with that view, and that he never failed in performing his promises. He then turned to me, saying, "Return to your country, and tell your masters that I shall very soon make war upon the Ottomans, and desire them to do their duty as I shall do mine. I know no one better fitted to carry this message than you, who have accompanied me from Ispahan, and have seen my preparations; so that you are able to inform the Christian princes of all that you have seen, and of my good intentions." I offered several reasons for excusing myself from obeying these commands, which gave me much vexation; but the king looked at me with a severe expression of countenance, saying, "It is my pleasure for you to go, and I command you. I shall give you letters for your masters, which will inform them of my sentiments and the reasons of your return." In this state of embarrassment, I was advised by the patriarch and M. Josaphat to comply with a good grace; on which I replied to the king as follows: "My departure, Sir, gives me much distress; but since you judge it proper, I make no more objections, and am ready to obey your orders. Wherever I may go, I shall speak of your great power and goodness, and the honours I have received from your majesty, and shall exhort all the princes of Christendom to join their forces with you against the common enemy." My speech pleased the king, and he answered me kindly according to his wonted manner. After retiring from this andienqe, the king sent some Persian robes to the patriarch and me, made of fine stuff and very beautifully ornamented, and presented each of us with a horse and some money to assist us during our journey.
   We remained two days at Tauris after the kings departure, and set out on the 10th of June to rejoin the court, which was then encamped in a pleasant spot among excellent pastures and plenty of fine wells; about twenty-five miles from Tauris. We remained there till the pastures were eaten bare, and then marched about fifteen miles farther. On the 27th of June the king gave us our final audience, at which he gave us presents for our respective sovereigns; that is to say, to the patriarch for the Duke of Burgundy; to myself for the republic; and to one Marcus Ruffus, who had come with an embassy from the prince of Muscovy. The presents consisted in certain pieces of workmanship made in the European fashion, two swords, and certain ornaments for the head, which are usually fastened to bonnets. There were two Persian ambassadors in the audience– chamber, one of whom was destined on a mission into Russia. At length the king turning towards the patriarch and me, addressed us nearly as follows: "You will return with all speed to your masters, and will tell them and all the other Christian princes from me, that I have used all diligence in taking the field to make war on the Turks, as it had been concerted between them and me. The emperor of the Turks is at present in Constantinople, and will make no enterprize of importance this year. As for myself, I propose sending one part of my army to reduce my rebellious son, and another against the Turkish generals, while I shall remain here at hand, to act against the enemy as occasion may require." He gave orders, both to us and to his own ambassadors, to report this to all the princes of Christendom. I did not receive these orders with more satisfaction than I had done the former; but I had no means of escape and must necessarily obey. Wherefore, having taken our leaves, we prepared for our departure, and were unexpectedly commanded to remain till next day. In the mean time, he conveyed a great part of his infantry during the night to the other side of a mountain. Next morning early, the Ruiscasson, or conductor of ambassadors, carried us to the top of the hill, as meaning to confer with us on some important subject, and on the appearance of the Persian infantry under march, he pointed them out to us as if he had been surprised at seeing so many additional troops coming to the royal camp. The better to favour this deception, some of his slaves exclaimed as astonished, that there were a great many soldiers, and that at least 10,000 were coming to reinforce the army. But we easily saw through the contrivance, and were certain that these pretended new troops were merely the ordinary royal escort, which had only changed their position to impose upon us. After this little comedy, the Ruiscasson gave us the royal letters for our masters, and we returned to our tents. From the information of M. Josaphat and others, the military force of this king cannot exceed 20,000 cavalry, some of whom have wooden bucklers about eighteen inches long. Others have a kind of cuirasses made of very thin plates of steel, which they wear over their ordinary habits. Their usual arms are bows and arrows, and cimeters, while some have small leathern targets covered with silk, and others carry helmets and cuirasses. Their horses are beautiful and vigorous, and very numerous. In regard to the manners of the Persians, and the state of the kingdom, I shall mention what I know of these subjects as occasion may offer during the recital of my travels; but I do not think it proper to weary my readers with any lengthened detail.

SECTION V. Journey of Contarini from Persia, through Georgia and Mingrelia, to the city Phasis
   Being entirely ready to depart on the 1st of July, we took leave of M. Josaphat Barbaro in his tent, when we mutually shed tears in sincere grief at our separation. Having recommended myself to the protection of God, I mounted on horseback, and began my journey, accompanied by the patriarch of Antioch, Marcus Ruffus the Muscovite, and the two Persian ambassadors, intending to return by way of Phasis, which is under the dominion of Uzun-Hassan. To this route we were advised by certain birds of bad augury, who were omens of the terrible dangers we had to encounter in the sequel. Coming to the villages of the catholic Armenians, formerly mentioned, we were well received by their bishops, and attended the mass regularly during three days that we had to remain here, laying in a stock of provisions for the journey. From thence we came to the frontiers of Georgia, travelling through plains interspersed with hills, and arrived on the 12th of July at Typsi223, which is subject to the king of the Georgians. This city stands upon a hill, at the foot of which runs the river Tigre, and it is defended by a good castle on the summit of an eminence. It was formerly a celebrated place, but is at present almost utterly ruined, though beginning to revive, and contains many good catholics. In this place we took up our lodgings with a person named Arminius, of the catholic faith. In travelling through Georgia, we found a few villages composed of huts, and some castles among the mountains, but these were rare and distant.
   On the 19th of July, being near the frontiers of Mingrelia, we chanced to meet with Pangratius, king of Georgia, in the midst of a forest surrounded by mountains, and went to pay our respects to him, when he invited us to dinner. We had to sit on the ground, having a skin spread before us instead of a table-cloth, and were served with roasted meat and fowls, very ill dressed; but, by way of making amends, they frequently presented us with large goblets of wine, as they seem to place all dignity and merit in deep drinking. For this reason it is their custom, at the conclusion of their meals, to challenge one another to drink, and he who empties the greatest number of goblets, is held in highest esteem. As the Turks drink no wine, their presence was some restraint that day on their usual bacchanalian contests, and as we neither could nor would compete with them, we were held in great contempt. The king was about forty years old, and of large make, with a strong resemblance to the Tartar countenance. We parted from the king of Georgia next day, and on the 22d of July, on the confines of Mingrelia, we fell in with a Georgian commander at the head of some troops, both cavalry and infantry who was posted in this place to prevent injury from the disorders that had broke out in Mingrelia, in consequence of the death of Bendian, prince of that country. These people stopped, and frightened us with, many cruel menaces; but at length, after being robbed of two quivers full of arrows, and having to gratify them with some money, we escaped from them, and made the best of our way to a distance. Leaving the public road, we struck off into a thick wood, where we passed the night in prodigious apprehension.
   On the following day, while approaching the city of Cotati224, we met some peasants in a narrow pass, who prevented us for some time from going forwards, and even threatened to put us to death. After much altercation, and many threats, they seized three horses belonging to the Turks225, which were with great difficulty redeemed for twenty ducats. On the evening we reached Cutais, which is a royal fortress. While passing a bridge over a river, early in the morning of the 24th of July, we were again attacked by robbers, who came upon us suddenly, and, after many threats, forced us to pay the full value of our horses, before they would allow us to continue our journey. After passing this bridge, we entered Mingrelia, where we followed our wonted custom of sleeping under the canopy of heaven, though we had many worse inconveniencies and dangers to encounter: for, on the 25th of July, having passed over a river by means of rafts, we were conducted to the dwelling of a certain lady, named Maresca, sister of the deceased prince Badian, who received us at first with much civility, and treated us with bread and wine, after which we were conducted into a field belonging to her, which was close shut on all sides. On the morrow, when we were about to depart, we offered her a present of twenty ducats, as a return for her hospitality, which at first she pretended to refuse; but we soon discovered her treachery, as she insisted on our paying two ducats as a ransom for each of our horses. We expressed our astonishment at this rapacity, and endeavoured to represent our inability to comply with such exorbitant demands, but all to no purpose, and we were forced to comply, being afraid that she might even have plundered us of every thing.
   Leaving this rapacious dame, we arrived at Phasis on the 27th of July, some on horseback and others in boats, where we again lodged with Martha the Circassian lady, whom I formerly mentioned. After having run many risks in our journey, we here learnt a piece of most afflictive news, that the Turks had taken possession of Kaffa or Theodosia in the Crimea, by which we were deprived of our last resource, and shut out apparently from every hope of continuing our voyage homewards. Our distress on receiving this intelligence may easily be conceived, and, in fact, we were so much cast down, as not to know what measures to pursue, or to which hand to turn us. Louis, the patriarch of Antioch, resolved upon going through Tartary and Russia, with which route he was acquainted. It was to no purpose that I urged the promises we had mutually come under at the beginning of our journey, never to separate on any account. To this he answered, that the unforeseen circumstances which had occurred, were a sufficient warrant to every one to consult his own individual safety. I insisted and beseeched him not to treat me with such unfeeling cruelty, but all in vain, for he prepared to set off along with the Turkish ambassador, who had been sent by Uzun-Hassan as his particular companion. In this extremity I went to Marcus Ruffus, and the Turkish ambassador who was joined with him by the king of Persia, to whom I mentioned my intention of returning back to Uzun-Hassan. They pretended to approve my plan, and even to join me, and we embraced as entering, into promise of keeping together; but they secretly came to a determination of taking their journey through the province of Gorgore, which is subject to Calcicanus, and to the city of Vati,226 which is on the frontiers of the Turks, and pays tribute to the Grand Signior.
   The patriarch set out on the 6th of August, and the next day Marcus Ruffus followed him, accompanied by several Russians, partly on horseback, and partly by means of boats. Their intentions were to travel from Vati, by Shamaki, anciently Cyropolis, and thence into Tartary. Thus left alone in a strange land, I leave any reasonable person to think what were the embarrassments with which I was surrounded. I was unacquainted with a single individual, having no company but that of my domestics, and had very little money remaining. In short, I was reduced almost to despair, of ever being able to get out of the country. In this state of distress I fell into a violent fever, and could get no other nourishment but bread and water, and a pullet occasionally with much difficulty; and my fever increased to such a degree that I became delirious. All my domestics were attacked soon after with the same fever, the priest Stephen only excepted, who had to take care of us all. My only bed was a wretched mattress, which had been lent me by a person named John Volcan; and my life was despaired of by every one, till the 9th of September, when, by the cares of Stephen and of Martha, my good hostess, or rather through the mercy of God, the fever abated, and I soon recovered my former health, to the astonishment of every one. My domestics likewise recovered, and we began again to consult on the best means of escaping out of our present situation. Some proposed to take the road of Syria, but I deemed this too dangerous; and we at length came to the determination, of going by Shamaki, into Tartary, and thence by Russia, Poland, and Germany. I got accordingly on horseback on the 10th of September, but had hardly rode two miles when I was forced to dismount and rest myself on the ground. I was, therefore, obliged to return to my lodging in Phasis, where we remained till the 17th, when, being all of us restored to health and strength, we again resumed our journey, after having implored the protection and assistance of God. I now took a certain Greek into my service, who could speak the Mingrelian language, who occasioned me a thousand troubles, which it were tedious to recount.

SECTION VI. Leaving Phasis, Contarini travels through Mingrelia and Georgia, into Media, and, passing the Caspian, arrives in Tartary
   Leaving Phasis, as before mentioned, on the 17th of September; and taking the road of Mingrelia, we came to Cotati, or Cutais, on the 21st of that month, extremely worn out through the consequences of our late illness, and the fatigues of the journey; and as the Greek whom I had hired never ceased to give me vexation, I here parted with him as handsomely as I could. We remained two days at Cutais, among people who knew us not, and whose language we were quite ignorant of. Leaving that place, and tracing back our former steps, we passed over several mountains in much fear, and arrived at Tiflis on the 30th of September, where we took shelter in the chapel of a certain Armenian catholic, who had more the appearance of a dead person than of a living man, but who rendered us every possible service. This man had a son who lived with him, and who, unfortunately for us, was seized with the plague, which had raged in that part of the country this year. From him one of my servants, named Maffeo of Bergamo, caught the distemper, who still kept about me during two days, though ill, as he was my own particular domestic. At length, growing worse, he had to take to his bed, when the distemper shewed itself; and as he lay in the same room with me, and the house could not afford me another, I was forced to take refuge in a hovel where some cows were kept at night; and as the Armenian refused to allow Maffeo to remain in his house, I was constrained to take him into the same place with myself, where Stephen took care of him, till God pleased to take him out of the world. After the death of Maffeo, I experienced great difficulty to procure another stable for myself, that I might get away from the morbid air of that in which my poor servant died. In this extremity we were utterly abandoned, except by one old man, who understood a little of our language, and who served us with much affection.
   We remained at this place till the 21st October, and on the evening before our intended departure, the Persian ambassador, who had accompanied the patriarch, came to Tiflis. He complained grievously of having been plundered, through the fault of the patriarch, with whom he had travelled to Lavуgasia, where he had left him, and was now on his road to complain to Uzun-Hassan. We agreed to travel in company from Tiflis, a city belonging to Pancratis227. From thence in two days we entered the territories of Uzun-Hassan, as we took the road towards Shamaki, or Cyropolis, which is situated in a fertile and pleasant country. On the 26th of October we separated, as the Persian went to Uzun– Hassan at Tauris, and I took the road for the dominions of Sivanse, in which Shamaki stands; but by means of the Persian ambassador I procurred a molah, or Mahometan priest, to guide me on the road to Shamaki. This country is greatly more beautiful and more fertile than the dominions of Uzun-Hassan, and is ruled over by Sivanse, king of Media228. Of this country Shamaki is the capital, at which place I arrived on the 1st November 1474. This city is not so large as Tauris, but, as far as I could judge, surpasses that place in the goodness and abundance of every thing, especially in excellent cattle. It produces great quantities of excellent silk, of which they manufacture various kinds of very slight stuffs. While here, I had the good fortune to be rejoined by Marcus Ruffus, the Muscovite ambassador, who had parted from me at Phasis, as formerly related. Immediately on learning that I was in the city, he came to visit me, and we embraced with cordiality. I now earnestly entreated him to receive me and my domestics into his society for the remainder of the journey, to which he very readily agreed.
   We left Shamaki on the 6th of November, for the city of Derbent, which is called, in the language of the country, the Caucassian Gates, or the Iron Gates. This city is under the dominion of Sivanse, and stands on the frontiers of Tartary. On our journey we travelled sometimes over plains and sometimes on mountains, and were tolerably well treated by the Turkish inhabitants, with whom we lodged by the way. About mid-way between these two cities we came to a large village, where we found great abundance of excellent fruits, particularly admirable apples. We arrived on the 12th of November at Derbent, and were advised to pass the winter in that place; as it was necessary, in our way to Russia, to cross the desert of Tartary, which is much easier in the spring of the year, and likewise because it was proper for us to cross over the Caspian to the Tartar city of Citracan. The city of Derbent is situated on the shore of the Caspian, which the Mardians call the sea of Bachaan or Bacou. This city is said to have been built by Alexander the Great, and is called the Iron Gate, because it entirely closes up the only passage from Tartary into Media and Persia, by means of a deep valley reaching from Circassia. Derbent is fortified with a thick well built wall, reaching from the castle at the foot of the mountain all the way to the sea; but not above a sixth part of the space within the walls is inhabited, all that end nearest the sea being in ruins, among which are several tombs. The country about this city produces abundance of all kinds of fruits, among which are plenty of grapes, from which the inhabitants make wine.
   The Caspian, or Sea of Hircania, which has no communication whatever with the ocean, is about the same size with the Euxine or Black Sea, and is very deep. They catch in this sea great quantities of sturgeons, and sea– wolves as they are called; and there are prodigious quantities of sea– dogs, or seals, having the head, feet, and tail like ordinary dogs. The only other remarkable fish is of a round form, about a yard and a half in diameter, with no perceptible head or other member, from which the natives extract a great quantity of oil, which they use in their lamps, and with which they anoint their camels. The inhabitants of this country, who are all Mahometans, are neither cruel nor barbarous, and used us exceedingly well; having once asked us who we were, and being answered that we were Christians, they troubled us with no farther inquiries. My dress at this time consisted of coarse and much worn cloth, lined with lambs skin, above which I wore a leathern robe, and my hat was of skin; in which dress I frequently went to the market to purchase flesh and other provisions, which I carried home myself. On one of these occasions a person eyed me attentively, and, turning to some of his comrades, said, this man was not born to the employment of carrying meat. Marcus Ruffus, who happened to be along with me, explained what the man had said; and I was astonished at being recognized in so shabby a dress, which I thought must have proved a sufficient concealment: but, in truth, as I have said before, they are a very good kind of people.
   During my residence in Derbent, I was anxious to learn some certain intelligence respecting the state of affairs at the court of Uzun-Hassan, for which purpose I sent Demetrius de Seze, my interpreter, with letters to Josaphat Barbaro at Tauris, which is twenty days journey from Derbent. He returned at the end of fifty days, bringing answers from Barbaro, informing me that the king still remained at Tauris, but that he was utterly ignorant of his affairs.
   Spring being arrived, we began to think of pursuing our journey, and Marcus procured a boat for transporting us to Curere229. The boats which are used in this country are drawn up on the shore all winter, as the sea is then too rough for their use. They are sharp at both ends, and wide in the middle, their planks being fastened with tree-nails, and their bottoms payed over with pitch; and as the natives use no compasses, or other maritime instruments, they always creep along the coast. These boats, which are very crazy and dangerous, are moved forwards by means of oars; and the people are very ignorant of navigation, though they believe themselves the best mariners in the world.
   On the 5th of April 1475, we embarked, and departed from Derbent, being thirty-five persons in all, including the master of the boat and the crew. The rest of the passengers were merchants, carrying rice, silk, and silken goods to Citrarchan230, where they proposed to sell their commodities to the Russians and Tartars, or to barter them for other articles. Having coasted along during three days, with a favourable wind, always keeping about fifteen miles from the shore, the wind became contrary on the third evening, and increased during the night to so violent a tempest that we expected to have been lost. Although we had all reason to believe our bark would be dashed to pieces on the shore, we made every effort to gain the land, and fortunately our vessel ran into a kind of ditch or dock between sand banks, very near the beach, where she stuck fast, impelled by the united force of the winds and waves, and of our oars. Between us and the shore there was a pool, through which we had to wade, carrying our baggage on our shoulders; and we were almost perished with cold, owing to the wind, and our being drenched with water; yet we unanimously agreed to refrain from making a fire, lest that circumstance might attract the notice of the Tartars, whom we feared to meet with. At day light we noticed traces of horses having been on the spot, and the recent fragments of a ruined skiff, from which we were led to conclude, that some persons must have been here; but some other circumstances gave us reason to believe that the Tartars were not near the shore.
   We remained undisturbed at this place till the 14th of April, when the wind and weather becoming favourable, we got our bark from the creek, and again resumed our voyage, and advanced near thirty miles the same day. Towards evening the wind became again contrary, but we avoided the dangers of an impending storm, by taking refuge amidst some reeds, among which our mariners hauled the boat, so as to be out of danger from the waves, and we made our way to the land through the reeds, in doing which we were much fatigued and thoroughly drenched in water. We rested here all that night and the day following, which was Easter day, having nothing on which to commemorate that festival, except some butter, and a few eggs which we fortunately gathered on the sandy beach. The mariners and passengers were often inquisitive to know who I was; and, pursuant to the advice of Marcus Ruffus, I passed myself among them as the physician and servant of Despima, the consort of the grand duke of Moscovy, to whom I was going. A short time after this, one of our mariners happened to be afflicted by a large boil, and came to consult me in my assumed character; and as I had the good fortune to discover some oil in our bark, I made a poultice for him with bread and flour, by which he was soon cured. From this circumstance they actually believed me to be a physician, and were very anxious that I should remain among them; but Marcus drew me out of this difficulty, by saying that I had no medicinal preparations with me, but would soon return from Russia with a proper assortment.

SECTION VII. Arrival of Contarini at Citracan, and journey from thence, through several dangers among the Tartars, to Muscovy along with some merchants
   On the 15th of April we put again to sea with a favourable wind, and coasting along a series of reedy islands, we arrived on the 26th of that month at the mouth of the Wolga, a large river which flows from Russia into the Caspian. From the mouth of this river it is computed to be seventy-six miles to the city of Citracan231, which we reached on the 30th. Near this city there are excellent salines232, from which all the neighbouring provinces are supplied with salt. The Tartars who commanded in the city would not permit us to enter that evening, so that we had to pass the night in a hut without the walls. In the morning three broad– faced Tartars came and ordered us to go along with them to their prince. They treated Marcus with respect, saying that he was a friend of their sovereign; but alleged that I was his slave, as they consider all the Franks or Christians as their enemies. These news were most cruelly mortifying for me, and afflicted me severely; but I was obliged to submit in spite of me, and Marcus advised me to allow him to speak for me. Forced in this manner to return disconsolate to my hut, I was long exposed to every indignity and danger, to my great mortification and distress. The Tartars insisted that I was possessed of pearls, and even plundered me of some merchandize I had purchased in Derbent, intending to have bartered it in this place for a good horse to carry me during the rest of my journey. They informed me afterwards, by means of Marcus, that they intended to sell us all to certain people whom they waited for, and who were to go into Muscovy with other merchants. After many mortifications and distresses, it was resolved to hold a grand consultation concerning us at a large village named Alermi, about two miles from the city, where their lord resided. At this time I was not possessed of a single farthing, and was obliged to borrow money from the Russian and Tartar merchants, at a high interest, to supply our urgent necessities, for which Marcus became my bondsman.
   One day, while Marcus was absent, the khan or prince of the Tartars233, broke open the door of our hut, and endeavoured to compel me by threats to deliver up the pearls which he believed I was possessed of, and I had infinite difficulty to escape out of his hands, and to persuade him not to put me to death. The Tartars used often to come to our hut in the night, when drunk with mead, demanding with loud outcries to deliver up the Franks to them, and the bravest among us were terrified at the dangerous situation in which we were among these savages. In this horrible situation we remained from the 1st of May to the 10th of August. The city of Citracan belongs to three brothers, who are sons to the brother of the Tartar emperor, and the inhabitants often make plundering inroads into the plains of Cinassia234, and along the borders of the Don. During the height of summer they travel with their flocks in search of pasturage, to the northern parts of Russia, and hardly spend above a month every year in Citracan. That city, which stands on the banks of the Wolga, is by no means large, its houses being built of earth: It is surrounded by a slight wall, and does not appear to have had any better buildings for a long time past. It is said to have had a very considerable fair formerly, and that the perfumes and spiceries which used to be brought to Venice, came first to this place from the east, whence they were carried to the Tanais or Don, which is only eight days journey from the Wolga. The prince of Citracan, whose name is Casinach, sends every year an ambassador to the grand duke of Muscovy, on purpose to extort a present; and on this occasion, several Tartar merchants accompany the ambassador, carrying silk, silken vestments, and other articles of trade, which they barter for saddles, furs, and other things which are in request among their countrymen.
   The only way of travelling into Russia from this place, is through extensive deserts, on which account travellers have to go in large bands or caravans for mutual security, and to carry provisions for the journey. The Tartars care little for the latter precaution, as they have always plenty of spare horses, and kill one when needed, as they live entirely on flesh and milk, without caring for any other food. They use no bread, and only a few of their merchants who have been in Russia know any thing of this article. Previous to the commencement of our journey235, we provided provisions for the journey as well as we could. In this view we procured some rice with much difficulty, which, boiled in milk, and then dried in the sun, makes, when afterwards boiled in water, an excellent and nourishing food. We had likewise some onions, a small quantity of biscuit, and some other trifles, and I bought, during the journey, the salted tail of a sheep236. The usual road from Citracan to Russia lay between two branches of the Wolga, but the roads were then exceedingly dangerous, as the Tartar emperor was then at war with his nephew, who pretended a right to the throne, as his father had once been emperor. On this account it was proposed to pass over to the other side of the river, and to travel towards the straits between the Don and the Wolga, which are about five days journey from Citracan, after which it was presumed we should be out of danger. Our baggage was accordingly carried across the river on rafts, and Marcus desired me to keep always along with him and the Tartar ambassador, named Auchioli. I and my interpreter accordingly set out about mid-day along with the ambassador, to go to the place where the boats waited for us, which was about twelve miles from the city, our other companions having already gone there. On our arrival about sunset, while I prepared to go into one of the boats on purpose to cross the river, Marcus seemed suddenly struck with an extraordinary panic, and commanded the interpreter and me to take to flight instantly to avoid inevitable danger. We mounted therefore immediately, having likewise a Russian woman along with us and a Tartar guide of a most horrible aspect, and set out at full speed. In this manner we followed our guide the whole of that night and part of the next day, without being ever allowed to stop. I frequently asked our guide, by means of my interpreter, what was the reason of all this, and where he proposed to carry me? At length he explained the cause of Marcus having made us set off, with such precipitation; as the khan had sent an order to examine all the boats, and he was apprehensive they would have detained me as a slave if I had been found.
   About mid-day of the 13th of August 1475, we arrived at the banks of the river, and our Tartar guide endeavoured to find a boat in which to carry us into an island in which the flocks of Auchioli were kept; but not finding one, he cut down some branches, which he tied together so as to form a raft. On this he placed the saddles of our horses, and tying this raft to his horses tail, he mounted the horse, on which he swam across the river to the island, which lay a bow-shot from the shore. He then came back with the raft, on which he carried over the Russian woman; after which he came back for me, and I stripped myself naked before trusting myself to the crazy raft, that I might be in readiness to save myself by swimming, in case of any misfortune. He afterwards returned for our horses; and my interpreter swam across. The passage of the river being thus happily effected, the Tartar carried us to a wretched hovel, covered by a miserable woollen cloth, where he gave us some sour milk, which we found very refreshing, as we had been long without food, and were much fatigued. Immediately on our arrival in the island being known, several Tartars left their flocks to come and see us, seeming infinitely surprized and much gratified by the sight, as we were probably the first Christians who had ever been on the island. Being exceedingly fatigued and distressed in mind, I did not care to speak with them, yet our Tartar guide treated me with much kindness, and made me as good cheer as he was able. Next day, being the eve of the festival of the Virgin, he killed a fat lamb to entertain me, part of which he roasted, and part was boiled; and though contrary to the rules of our religion to eat meat on that day, I made a hearty meal, notwithstanding that every thing was disgustingly dirty. We had likewise sour milk to drink, and the Tartars drank mares milk, of which they are very fond; but I would not drink this, though I could easily perceive my dislike did not please the Tartars.
   I remained here two days; and at last, on the 26th of August, Marcus and the rest made their appearance on the other side of the river, and sent a boat for me in which were two of his servants, a Russian and a Tartar. Stephen Testa and John Ungaret, my two attendants, were very much rejoiced at seeing me again, as they believed me entirely lost, and we rested two days at this place before entering upon the desert. Marcus had been so attentive as to provide a horse for me, of which I stood in great need. In this caravan, which was under the command of the Tartar ambassador, there were about three hundred persons, Russians and Tartars, who carried with them above two hundred237 horses, partly intended to serve as food by the way, and partly for sale in Russia. We arrived in good order at night on the banks of the river, and we rested every day at noon during the fifteen days of our journey, as we were now considered to be out of danger from any attack by the Tartars. I do not recollect the name of the emperor of the Tartars who inhabit this part of the country between the Wolga and the Tanais. This nation has no fixed place of abode, but shift their encampments from place to place, wherever they can find pasture and water for their cattle, on which they have their whole dependence, as they subsist entirely on flesh and milk. They have cows, heifers, and sheep of admirable beauty, the flesh of which is excellent, as they feed on fine pastures; but these people prefer mares milk to every other delicacy. Though I have not been in the country of these Tartars, I have been informed that it is flat and agreeable, having neither hill nor mountain; but the inhabitants addict themselves excessively to robbery and plunder, as their sole occupation, and continually infest the borders of Russia and Circassia by predatory incursions. Their horses are very wild and unmanageable, and are never shod. We were told that there is another tribe of Tartars beyond the Wolga, named wild Tartars, who allow their hair to grow extremely long. In the middle of winter they often make inroads to the very skirts of the city of Citracan, whence they carry off cattle, but do no other damage. These people, like all the Tartars, shift their encampments in search of pasturage and water.
   After travelling for fifteen days along the eastern bank of the Wolga, we came to a small forest, where the Tartars and Russians of the caravan cut down trees to construct rafts for crossing the river. While they were at this work, we discovered a small bark which was by no means in good repair, by means of which our company proposed to convey our baggage across. Marcus crossed over with a part of our baggage, leaving me in charge of the rest, and sent back the boat when he was landed. In my trip with the remainder of our baggage, the boat began to leak when we were about half way over, the breadth of the river at this place being about two miles. Stephen and two Russians accompanied me in the boat, leaving Demetrius, my interpreter, and John Ungar in charge of the horses. We had much ado to bale out the water, but by the blessing of God, we got over in safety. After our baggage was landed, the Russians put off, to go back for the rest of our people and the horses; but the boat fell to pieces. This necessarily delayed our other servants and the horses from getting over till next day, during which interval they were badly off, as all our provisions were on our side. It was fortunate that I now examined the state of our provisions, which I found diminished much beyond expectation, so that we were under the necessity of abridging our allowance for the remainder of the journey, that we might not run short altogether. Our principal food consisted of millet, with garlic and onions, and some sour milk; and we found some wild apples at this place, which we roasted. In the course of two days, the whole baggage of the caravan was transported to the western side of the river by means of seven rafts, drawn by horses, and directed by the Tartars, the horses swimming and having the rafts tied to their tails. The sight of this was very amusing, but seemed very dangerous to those who were employed. After resting some time, we quitted the banks of the river, and resumed our journey. This river Wolga is certainly the largest and deepest river in the world, being, as well as I could judge, two miles broad, and has very high banks.

SECTION VIII. Contarini, after crossing European Sarmatia, arrives at Moscow, the capital of White Russia, and is presented to the Grand Duke
   After recommending ourselves to the protection of God, we continued our journey, through immense and terrible deserts, sometimes towards the north, and sometimes westerly238, always resting at noon, and taking up our quarters for the night on the bare ground, without any protection against the weather. To prevent us from being surprized in the night by the wandering Tartars, outguards were placed every night in three directions around our resting-place. During the greater part of this long and dreary journey, we were very ill off for water both for ourselves and our cattle, and we never saw any wild animals. One day we saw about forty horses, which we were told had escaped from a caravan of merchants the year before. We fell in one day with a small horde of Tartars, having twenty waggons, but I was not able to learn where they were going. As our provisions decreased rapidly, we were forced to use the remainder very sparingly, and were consequently reduced to a very short allowance.
   On the 22d of September 1475, we entered Russia, and discovered a few huts in the middle of a wood. On the inhabitants learning that Marcus, their countryman, was in our caravan, they came to see him that he might protect them from the Tartars, and brought him a present of honey and wax, a part of which he gave to us. This was a most providential supply, as we were so much reduced by fatigue and spare diet, that we were hardly able to sit on horseback. The first city we came to in this country was Rezan239, the prince of which place had married a sister of the Grand Duke of Russia. The castle and all the houses of this city are built of wood. We here procured bread and meat, and mead in abundance, to our great comfort and satisfaction. The next city we came to was Kolomna, passing a very large bridge over the Monstrus240 which flows into the Wolga. At this place, Marcus quitted the caravan, which travelled too slowly in his opinion, and pushed on for Moscow, where we arrived on the 26th of September, after a journey of forty-seven days through the desert, from the 10th of August, on which day we left Citracan. In a great part of this journey we found no wood, and were forced to cook our victuals with fires made of dried cow dung. We returned thanks to God on our arrival, for our preservation through so many and great dangers. On our arrival, Marcus procured a dwelling for us, consisting of a small stove– room and some chambers, with stabling for our horses. Though small and mean, I felt as if lodged in a palace, when I compared my present state of tranquil security with the dangers and inconveniences I had been so long subjected to.
   Marcus made me a visit two days afterwards, and supplied me with some necessaries, exhorting me, as on the part of his sovereign, to keep a good heart. I returned his visit next day; and being very desirous to return home to Venice, I requested him to introduce me to the grand duke, which he promised to do as soon as possible, and I soon afterwards was desired to go to court. Immediately on my getting there, I was conducted to an audience; on which I made my obeisance in due form to the grand duke, to whom I returned thanks for all the attentions I had received from his ambassador, Marcus, in the course of my journey, by whose assistance and advice I had escaped a thousand dangers; assuring his highness that I attributed these marks of kindness as done to the republic of Venice, whose ambassador I was, and that the republic would unquestionably evince a due sense of the obligations, to which I owed my life and safety. The grand duke interrupted my harangue, by complaining with much emotion of the conduct of John Baptista of Treviso, and said a great deal on this subject, which is not proper for me to report. After a conversation of some length, in which I spoke to his highness about my departure, he closed my audience, postponing his answers to my requests to a future opportunity. The grand duke was very shortly to quit Moscow, on purpose to visit several parts of his dominions, and particularly the Tartar frontier, where one of his officers was stationed, with the command of 500 horse241, to repress the incursions of robbers on that side: I therefore endeavoured to procure an answer about my departure, and solicited a second audience for that purpose. On this occasion I was very politely received by the grand duke, accompanied by three of his principal barons. At first they expatiated at some length on the subject of John Baptista, formerly mentioned; but at length I received liberty to remain or to depart as I thought proper. They dismissed me with this vague answer, and the grand duke set out from Moscow soon afterwards. I owed a great deal of money to Marcus, which he had expended for me and my people, as he had defrayed the whole expences of our journey, and had supplied me with many things of which I stood in need. I requested permission from him to go away, giving him the most solemn assurance that I would transmit full payment to him immediately after my arrival at Venice. But he declared this was not in his power, as he was under the necessity of repaying the Tartarian and Russian merchants, who had advanced all these things for us, and to whom he had become security for payment. Finding every application to the duke and Marcus on this subject ineffectual, as I could not procure the necessary funds for my journey from either, I was under the necessity of sending Stephen Testa to Venice, to solicit a remittance from our illustrious senate, by which I might be enabled to pay my debts. Stephen left Moscow on the 7th of October, accompanied by one Nicolas Leopolitain242, who knew the country.
   I became acquainted at Moscow with one Triphon, a goldsmith, a native of Ascravia or Cathara, who was employed in making several articles of silver plate for the grand duke. I likewise formed acquaintance with a very ingenious architect of Bologna, named Aristotle, who was building a new church in the market-place. As the house in which I lodged was small and disagreeable, I went to live with this person by the advice of Marcus: But I was soon after obliged to change my quarters by order from court, to a house near the castle, in which I remained for the rest of my stay at Moscow. This city, which is the capital of the Russian dominions, and the residence of the grand duke, or sovereign, is built on a small elevation, on the banks of the Mosqua, over which there are several bridges; the castle and all the houses of the city being built of wood, which is procured from several thick forests near the place. The soil of this country is fertile, and produces abundance of corn of all kinds, which sell here much cheaper than with us; The country abounds in cattle and swine, and with incredible numbers of poultry, ducks, geese, and hares; but they have no venison, either because there are no deer, or because the natives are ignorant of the art of taking them. But they have no vines, and their only fruits are cucumbers, wild apples, and nuts. The country is extremely cold, and the inhabitants are under the necessity of living for nine months of the year in stoves. They provide during winter for their living in summer243. When the whole country is enveloped in frost and snow, they use sledges drawn by horses, which are very convenient and useful for travelling; and are even used in summer on account of the miry bad roads, which are exceedingly difficult and unpleasant. The river ordinarily freezes over about the end of October, when the merchants erect booths on the ice, in which they expose their wares of all kinds for sale, as in a fair or market; and they here sell great numbers of cattle and swine, and great quantities of corn, timber, and all other necessaries of life; every thing being procurable in great abundance all the winter. About the end of November, they kill all the cattle, sheep, and other animals that are required for winter provision, and expose them for sale on the river in a frozen state; and the rigour of the season preserves these provisions for two or three months, without any risk of spoiling. Fish, poultry, and all other articles of food, are kept in the same manner. The horses run with great ease and swiftness on the ice yet they sometimes fell and break their necks. Both men and women of this country have very good faces, but their manners are exceedingly bad.
   The Russian church is ruled over by a patriarch, whose election or appointment is dependent on the grand duke, and who does not acknowledge subjection to the Roman pontiff; and they hold all sectaries in abhorrence, as people doomed to perdition. The natives are much addicted to drunkenness, and he who excels in drinking is much esteemed among them. They have no wine, as I have said before, instead of which they drink mead, made of honey and water, which is very pleasant when sufficiently kept. It is not allowed to every one to make this liquor, for which purpose a license or permission must be had from the grand duke; for if every person had liberty to make mead, they would drink perpetually like so many beasts, and would kill one another. From morning till noon, they are employed in the market-place, occupied in their various businesses and employments, after which they adjourn to the taverns, in which they spend all the rest of the day. Every winter, great numbers of merchants come to Moscow from Germany and Poland, who purchase furs of all kinds, which are indeed exceedingly beautiful. Among these furs, are the skins of foxes, wolves, martins, sables, ermines, and many others, from Scythia and the alpine regions, many days journey to the north of Moscow. Many of these are likewise carried for sale to Novogorod244, a city towards the frontiers of Germany, eight days journey west from Moscow. The government of that city is democratic, and only pays a stipulated yearly tribute to the grand duke.
   The country subject to the grand duke of Russia is of vast extent, and an infinite number of people are subject to his dominions, but they are by no means warlike. This empire extends from the north towards the west, to that part of Germany which is under the dominion of the king of Poland245; and some reckon among his subjects a wandering nation of idolaters, who acknowledge no sovereign, not even submitting to the authority of the grand duke, but when it suits their own convenience. These wandering tribes are said to worship during the day whatever first presents itself to their view, on going out in the morning; many other ridiculous things are reported of them, which I do not repeat, as I have not seen them, and can hardly give credit to the reports. The grand duke246 appeared to be about thirty-five years of age, was handsomely made, and had very dignified manners, and an air quite royal. His mother was still alive, and he had two brothers. By a former wife he had two sons, who did not agree with Despina, the reigning grand duchess, and were not therefore on very friendly terms with their father. Despina, his second wife, had brought him two daughters, and was said to be again with child.
   The grand duke returned to Moscow from his journey to the frontiers about the end of December; and, as I could not reconcile myself to the manners and mode of life of the Russians, I became exceedingly impatient to leave the country, and could not persuade myself to stay for the return of Stephen from Venice with money. For this reason, I made interest with one of the lords of the court, to prevail on the grand duke to supply me with money, and to give me leave to depart. A few days afterwards, the grand duke sent for me to court and invited me to dinner, when he agreed, from respect to the republic, to lend me as much money as was necessary to clear all my debts to the Tartarian and Russian merchants, and to enable me to return to Venice. The dinner was quite magnificent, consisting of every delicacy, and of abundance of exquisitely dressed dishes. When the repast was finished, I retired according to custom. Some days afterwards, I was again invited to court, and the grand duke gave orders his treasurer to give me all the money necessary for paying my debts, besides which, he presented me with 1000 ducats, and a magnificent dress of Scythian squirrels skins, to wear in his presence when I came to court. Before returning to my quarters, he ordered me to be presented to the grand duchess, who received me very graciously, and desired me to offer her respectful salutations to our illustrious republic, which I promised to do.

SECTION IX. Contarini leaves Moscow, and having passed through Lithuania, Poland, and Germany, arrives at Venice
   On the day before that which I had fixed for my departure, I was invited to dine at court. Before dinner, I was taken into one of the halls of the palace, where I found the grand duke, accompanied by Marcus and a secretary. His highness addressed me very graciously, and desired me to report all the marks of esteem and friendship he had shewn me, from respect to our illustrious republic, and offered me every thing I could desire, and which lay in his power to grant. While speaking, I drew back from respect; but as I retired he always advanced. I answered every thing to his satisfaction, and humbly offered my most grateful thanks for all his benevolence to me. He treated me with the utmost politeness and familiarity, and even condescended to shew me some robes of gold tissue, magnificently lined with Scythian sables; after which we went to dinner. The repast was extraordinarily magnificent, at which several of the barons and great officers of state assisted. When we rose from table, the grand duke called me to him, and gave me my audience of leave in the most gracious terms, speaking so loud as to be heard by all the company, and expressing his high esteem for the illustrious republic of Venice. After this, by his order, a silver cup was brought to me filled with mead, of which he made me a present, as a mark of high regard with which he honours ambassadors, and other persons to whom he shews favour. This present was to me a matter of very serious consideration, as the etiquette required me to empty its contents, and the cup was very large. When I had drained about a quarter of the liquor, knowing the sobriety of the Italians, and perceiving that I was much difficulted, the grand duke had the goodness to order the remainder to be emptied, and the goblet given to me. Having thanked the grand duke in as respectful terms as I was able, I took my leave and retired, accompanied by several barons and other persons of rank.
   Every thing was now in readiness for my departure, but Marcus would by no means hear of my leaving Moscow, without taking a dinner with him, and accordingly gave me a magnificent entertainment. Louis, the patriarch of Antioch, of whom I have before made mention, came about this time to Moscow, and was detained there by order of the grand duke; but I made interest through Marcus for his release, which I obtained, and he was to have travelled along with me. But as he delayed too long, I set off without him. At length, on the 21st January 1476, we set out from Moscow in sledges, made like small huts, each drawn by a horse, and guided by a driver. In these sledges we carried our baggage and provisions along with us, and in them, journeys of great length may be made in a wonderfully short time. By order of the grand duke, I had a guide appointed to conduct me on the right road, and this was continued from place to place all, through his dominions. We slept the first night in a small village, where we found our lodgings exceedingly cold, but that was the smallest of our inconveniencies, and on this account I hastened our journey as much as possible. On the 27th of January, we arrived at Vieseme, and a few days afterwards at Smolensk on the frontiers of Lithuania, in the dominions of Casimir king of Poland. From Smolensk, till we arrived at Trach247, a city of Lithuania, we travelled continually in a plain interspersed with some hills, the whole country being covered with wood, and our only lodgings were in miserable hovels; dining always about noon wherever we could meet with a fire, which had been left burning by travellers who had passed before us. We had generally to break the ice to procure water for our horses; we lighted fires to warm ourselves; and our sledges served us instead of beds, as without them we must have slept on the ground. We went with such expedition, over the frozen snow, that we were assured we had travelled 300 miles in three days and two nights.
   Casimir king of Poland, who then resided at Troki, immediately on learning my arrival, sent two of his gentlemen to compliment me in his name, and to congratulate me on my safe return. They likewise invited me to dine with his majesty on the following day, which was the 15th of February, and presented me on the part of the king with a robe of purple damask, lined with Scythian furs, in which I dressed myself to go to court. On this occasion, I went in a coach and six, accompanied by four noblemen and several other persons. The king himself did me the honour to receive me, and conducted me into a magnificent apartment, where he introduced me to two of his sons in presence of many nobles, knights, and gentlemen of the court. A chair was placed for me in the middle of the room; and when I offered to kneel on one knee while addressing the king, his majesty had the goodness to insist that I should sit down in his presence, which I did after some hesitation. I then gave a recital of all that had occurred in my travels, with some account of the dominions of Uzun-Hassan, and of the number of his forces, and of the empire and manners of the Tartars. The king and his courtiers listened to me with much attention during my whole speech, which lasted more than half an hour. I then thanked his majesty for the present he had made me, and for all his kindnesses to me, attributing his attentions to the esteem he entertained for our illustrious republic. His majesty was pleased, by means of an interpreter, to express great satisfaction at my safe arrival, as he hardly expected I should ever have been able to return; and that he was much pleased with the information I had given him respecting Uzun– Hassan and the Tartars, which he believed to be more authentic than any he had received before. After some other discourse, I was conducted to the hall where the dinner was served; soon after which his majesty came into the hall with his two sons, preceded by several trumpets. The king sat down at the head of the table, having his two sons on his right hand; the primate of the kingdom sat next on his majestys left, and I was placed next the bishop. The remainder of the table was occupied by about forty of the nobles. Each service was ushered in with the sound of trumpets, and all the meats were served on large silver dishes.
   After dinner, which lasted two hours, I rose to depart, and asked the king if he had any farther orders to honour me with; when he was pleased to say very graciously, that he charged me to assure the senate that his most anxious desire was to cultivate perpetual friendship and good-will with our illustrious republic, and he was pleased to make his sons express the same friendly wishes. Having respectfully taken leave of the king, I was conducted back to my lodgings by several of the courtiers.
   Being supplied with a guide, I departed from Troki on the 16th of February, and in nine days, passing through the city of Ionici, I arrived at Warsaw on the 1st of March. The country of Poland appeared very pleasant, and abundant in every, thing except fruit. During our journey we saw many villages and castles, and were well received everywhere, but we found no considerable city. After remaining four days in Warsaw, where I purchased horses for the rest of our journey, we set out from that place on the 5th of March, and came that day to a town call Messarig, where we began to travel with less assurance of safety, as this place is on the frontiers towards Germany. On the 9th I arrived at Frankfort on the Oder, from which place we found more commodious lodgings in traversing Germany, than we had been accustomed to for a long time. While passing the city of Gia248, on the 15th of March, I had the good fortune to meet with Stephen Testa, whom I had sent from Moscow to Venice for money. I was quite delighted at this meeting, as from him I received good accounts from home. We now entered the city of Gia, where we rested two days. On the 22d we reached Nurenburgh, where we remained four days; from whence we went by Augsburgh, and several other fine cities of Germany, and arrived at Trent on the 4th of April, where we celebrated the festival of Easter. Being extremely anxious to revisit my beloved country, I set out from thence after three days stay, and reached Scala, in the dominions of our republic. In discharge of a vow that I had entered into, I went to visit the church of the blessed Virgin on Mount Arthon, and presented the offerings which I had promised at her holy shrine. I had already sent notice to my brother Augustine, that he might expect me in Venice towards evening of the 10th of April; but my extreme desire of getting back to my country, made me get home considerably earlier. Embarking at break of day, I arrived at three in the afternoon at Lucafusina; and, before going to my own house, I went, in the discharge of another vow, to the church of our Lady of Grace, and met my brother on my way in the Jews street. We embraced with great affection, and went together to the church. After finishing my devotions, I went to the palace, as the Pregadi were then assembled, it being on a Thursday. I was admitted into the council, to which I gave an account of the success of my embassy; after which, as our serene Doge was indisposed, I paid my respects to him in his apartment, and gave him a short history of my travels, and particularly concerning those things on which I had been commissioned. From thence I went to my own house, where I gave thanks to God for his infinite mercy, in having permitted me to return in health and safety, after so many dangers. To conclude: Although I might have composed this narrative of my travels in a more eloquent style, I have preferred truth in few words, to falsehood dressed up in ornamented language. I have been very brief in relation to Germany, as that country is in our neighbourhood, and is therefore well known to many, on which account it would have been both superfluous and tiresome to have given a minute description of what every one knows.

SECTION X. Recapitulation of some circumstances respecting Persia
   The empire of Uzun-Hassan is very extensive, and is bounded by Turkey and Caramania, belonging to the Sultan, and which latter country extends to Aleppo. Uzun-Hassan took the kingdom of Persia from Causa249, whom he put to death. The city of Ecbatana, or Tauris, is the usual residence of Uzun-Hassan; Persepolis, or Shiras250, which is twenty-four days journey from thence, being the last city of his empire, bordering on the Zagathais, who are the sons of Buzech, sultan of the Tartars, and with whom he is continually at war. On the other side is the country of Media, which is under subjection to Sivansa, who pays a kind of yearly tribute to Uzun-Hassan. It is said that he has likewise some provinces on the other side of the Euphrates, in the neighbourhood of the Turks251. The whole country, all the way to Ispahan, six days journey from Persepolis, is exceedingly arid, having very few trees and little water, yet it is fertile in grain and other provisions. The king seemed to me about seventy years of age, of large stature, with a pleasant countenance, and very lean. His eldest son, named Ogurlu Mohamed, was much spoken of when I was in Persia, as he had rebelled against his father. He had other three sons; Khalil Mirza, the elder of these was about thirty-five years old, and had the government of Shiras. Jacub beg, another son of Uzun– Hassan, was about fifteen, and I have forgotten the name of a third son.252 By one of his wives he had a son named Masubech, or Maksud beg, whom he kept in prison, because he was detected in corresponding with his rebellious brother Ogurlu, and whom he afterwards put to death. According to the best accounts which I received from different persons, the forces of Uzun-Hassan may amount to about 50,000 cavalry, a considerable part of whom are not of much value. It has been reported by some who were present, that at one time he led an army of 40,000 Persians to battle against the Turks, for the purpose of restoring Pirameth to the sovereignty of Karamania, whence he had been expelled by the infidels.253

CHAPTER III.
Voyages of Discovery by the Portugese along the Western Coast of Africa, during the life, and under the direction of Don Henry254

INTRODUCTION
   The knowledge possessed by the ancients respecting India, will be the subject of discussion in a future portion of this work. We have now to contemplate the tedious, yet finally successful efforts of the Portuguese nation, in its age of energetic heroism, to discover a maritime passage to that long famed commercial region, some general knowledge of which had been preserved ever since the days of the Persian, Macedonian, and Roman empires. Of all the great events which have occurred in the modern ages, previous to our own times, the voyages and discoveries which were made by the Europeans, in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries of the Christian era, are justly entitled to preference, whether we appreciate the vast improvements which they made in navigation, and, consequently, in commerce,-the astonishing abundance of wealth which they brought into Europe,-the surprising feats of bravery which were performed in their various expeditions and conquests,-the extensive, populous, and valuable territories which were subdued or colonized,-or the extended knowledge, which was suddenly acquired of the greater part of the earth, till then either altogether unknown, or very partially and erroneously described. By these discoveries, we allude to those of the southern and western hemispheres, a new heaven and a new earth were opened up to the astonishment of mankind, who may be said to have been then furnished with wings to fly from one end of the earth to the other, so as to bring the most distant, and hitherto utterly unknown nations, acquainted with each other. In the ordinary course of human affairs, it has been observed that similar events frequently occur; but the transactions of these times which we now propose to narrate, were as singular in their kind as they were great, surprising, and unexpected; neither can any such ever happen again, unless Providence were to create new and accessible worlds for discovery and conquest, or to replunge the whole of mankind for a long period into the grossest ignorance.
   The merit and glory of these wonderful achievements are unquestionably due to the Portuguese nation, and the first and principal share to the sublime genius of their illustrious prince, the infant DON HENRY, Duke of Viseo and Grand Master of the order of Christ, whose enlarged mind first planned the fitting out of maritime expeditions for discovery, and by the imitation of whose example all subsequent discoveries have been accomplished. Every thing of the kind before his time was isolated or accidental, and every subsequent attempt has been pursued on scientific or known principles, which he invented and established. Although America was discovered by Columbus, in the service of Spain, some years before the Portuguese were able to accomplish their long sought route to India; and although the discovery of America was performed infinitely quicker than that of southern Africa and the route to India, Columbus having accomplished his design at the very first attempt, and even without any previous knowledge of the countries he went in search of; while the endeavours of the Portuguese occupied a great number of years in almost fruitless attempts, and extremely tedious progression; yet Don Henry first set on foot the navigation of the ocean through unknown seas, and inspired, other nations with the idea of making discoveries of distant and unexplored regions; and ultimately great as were the discoveries of Columbus, they may be said to have been accidentally made in the erroneous attempt to go by a nearer route to the regions of which Don Henry and his successors had long been in search.
   These attempts of the Portuguese had been continued for nearly fourscore years before any of their neighbours seem to have entertained the most distant idea of engaging in foreign discoveries, even viewing their endeavours as downright knight-errantry, proceeding from a distempered imagination, as well in the first promoter as in those who continued to prosecute his scheme. In a word, the relation of these discoveries forms one of the most curious portions of modern history, as comprizing a great number of the most extraordinary transactions that ever happened in any period of the world. For this reason they are well worthy of being particularly narrated, that the curious may be made acquainted with every successive step in such important enterprizes, and by what almost insensible degrees such vast undertakings were ultimately accomplished. And as the intercourse of Europeans has operated a great change in the countries to which they penetrated, and upon their original inhabitants, so that both now appear in a very different light from what they did before these expeditions and discoveries; therefore, every circumstance belonging to these transactions deserves the most serious notice.
   John 1. of Portugal, married Philippa, the eldest daughter of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, son to Edward III. of England, by whom he had several sons, of whom Don Henry was the fifth. After serving with great bravery under his father at the capture of Ceuta, he was raised to the dukedom of Viseo, and was sent back with a large reinforcement to preserve the conquest to which his courage had largely contributed. During his continuance in command at Ceuta, he acquired much information, by occasional converse with some Moors, relative to the seas and coasts of Western Africa, which raised and encouraged the project of maritime discoveries; and these became afterwards the favourite and almost exclusive pursuit of his active and enlarged mind. From the Moors he obtained intelligence respecting the Nomadic tribes who border upon and pervade the great desert, and of the nations of the Jaloofs, whose territories are conterminous with the desert on the north, and Guinea to the south. By one ingenious author255, he has been supposed instigated to his first attempts at maritime discovery, by the desire of finding a way by sea to those countries from whence the Moors brought ivory and gold dust across the desert. It unfortunately happens that we have no record of the particular voyages themselves, and are therefore reduced to the necessity of giving the relation of this great discovery historically from the best remaining sources of information. The writings of Cada Morto, which will be found in the sequel, form a pleasing exception to this desideratum in the history and progress of early navigation and discovery.

SECTION I. Commencement of Portuguese Discoveries, from Cape Non to Cape Bojador
   Three years before the reduction of Ceuta, the Duke of Visco had sent a vessel in 1412 to explore the western coast of Africa, being the first voyage of discovery undertaken by the Portuguese, or by any other nation in modern times. The commander was instructed to endeavour to follow the western coast of Africa, to the southward of Cape Chaunar, called by the Portuguese mariners Cape Nao, Non, or Nam, which, extending itself from the foot of Mount Atlas, had hitherto been the non plus ultra or impassable limit of European navigation, and had accordingly received its ordinary name from a negative term in the Portuguese language, as implying that there was no navigation beyond; and respecting which a proverbial saying was then current, of the following import:
   Whoe'er would pass the Cape of Non Shall turn again; or else be gone.
   The success of this earliest voyage, fitted out for the purpose of discovery, is not recorded; but Don Henry continued to send some vessels every year to the same coast, with the same instructions of endeavouring to explore the coast beyond Cape Non. Not daring to trust themselves beyond sight of land, the mariners crept timorously along the coast, and at length reached Cape Bojador, only sixty leagues, or 180 miles beyond Cape Non. This cape, which stretches boldly out into the ocean, from which circumstance it derives its name256, filled the Portuguese mariners with terror and amazement; owing to the shoals by which it is environed for the space of six leagues, being perpetually beaten by a lofty and tremendous surge, which precluded them, from all possibility of proceeding beyond it in their ordinary manner of creeping along the coast; and they dared not to stretch out into the open sea in quest of smoother water, lest, losing sight of land altogether, they might wander in the trackless ocean, and be unable to find their way home. It is not impossible that they might contemplate the imaginary terrors of the torrid zone, as handed down from some of the ancients, with all its burning soil and scorching vapours; and they might consider the difficulties of Cape Bojador as a providential bar or omen, to warn and oppose them against proceeding to their inevitable destruction. They accordingly measured back their wary steps along the African coast, and returned to Portugal, where they gave an account of their proceedings to Don Henry, in which, of course, the dangers of the newly discovered cape would not be diminished in their narrative257.
   Returning from Ceuta, where his presence was no longer necessary, and where he had matured his judgment by intercourse with, various learned men whom his bounty had attracted into Africa, and having enlarged his views by the perusal of every work which tended to illustrate the discoveries which he projected, Don Henry fixed his residence at the romantic town of Sagres, in the neighbourhood of Cape St Vincent, where he devoted his leisure to the study of mathematics, astronomy, cosmography, and the theory of navigation, and even established a school or academy for instructing his countrymen in these sciences, the parents of commerce, and the sure foundations of national prosperity. To assist him in the prosecution of these his favourite studies, he invited, from Majorca, a person named Diego, or James, who was singularly skilful in the management of the instruments then employed for making astronomical observations at sea, and in the construction of nautical charts. Some traces of nautical discoveries along the western coast of Africa still remained in ancient authors; particularly of the reported voyages of Menelaus, Hanno, Eudoxus, and others. From an attentive consideration of these, Don Henry and his scientific coadjutor were encouraged to hope for the accomplishment of important discoveries in that direction; and they were certainly incited in these views by the rooted enmity which had so long rankled among the Christian inhabitants of Spain and Portugal against the Moors, who had formerly expelled their ancestors from the greatest part of the peninsula, and with whom they had waged an incessant war of several centuries in recovering the country from their grasp.