SECTION III. Letter from Peter Pasquali, orator of the Venetian republic at the court of the king of Portugal, to his brothers dwelling in Lisbon581
   Beloved brothers! I formerly wrote you by Peter Verzo the carrier, informing you of all the news of this place; and now write again by Bartholomew Marquesi, the uncle of Dominic Benedicto of Florence, that you may be informed of our affairs, and may be assured of our desire to write whenever an opportunity offers. Know, therefore, that the vessel which was sent out last year towards the north by the king of Portugal under the command of Caspar Corterato, has now returned. He reports having discovered a continent about 2000 miles from hence, in a direction between the north-west and the west, hitherto utterly unknown. He is likewise said to have sailed almost 800 miles along its coast, without finding any end; on which account it is considered to be a continent, and not an island: and its coast appears to join with another land, formerly discovered almost under the very north582. But the vessel was unable to proceed so far, on account of the sea being frozen, and from excessive falls of snow. It is concluded, from the number of rivers which descend from the snowy mountains, that this land must be a continent, as no island could possibly supply so many rivers. The land is said to be well cultivated. The houses of the inhabitants are constructed of wood, covered with hides or the skins of fish. The vessel now arrived has brought over seven of the natives of both sexes, and the other ship, which is hourly expected, is said to have fifty. In stature, colour, appearance, and dress, these people are very like the Cingani. They are clothed in the skins of fish and otters, and other hairy skins like those of wolves; wearing the fur side inwards in winter, as we do, and outwards in summer; but these are not fashioned or sewed together, being used in their natural forms. These are principally worn on their arms and shoulders, and their loins are girded with many cords made of sinews. They appear a savage people, yet not impudent, and are well made in all their limbs. Their faces are punctured with many marks, like the Indians, having six or eight punctured lines, more or less according to their fancies, in which they seem to take great delight. They have a language, which is not understood by any one, although interpreters of almost every tongue have been tried. Their country is destitute of iron, yet they have swords edged with sharp stones; and their arrows are pointed by the same means, and are sharper even than ours. Our people brought from thence part of a broken sword with gilded ornaments, which seemed of Italian manufacture.
   A certain boy is said to have been seen in that country, having two silver balls banging from his ears, which certainly appeared to be engraved after our manner. On the whole, it may be concluded that this country is a continent, not an island, and that is a new discovery; for if any ships had ever been here before, we should assuredly have heard something respecting it. The coast abounds in fish, particularly salmon, herrings, and many others of that kind. There are forests, which abound in all kinds of trees; so that they build583 ships, with masts, yards, benches, and all things conformable. On this account the king of Portugal has resolved to convert this discovery to profit, both on account of the abundance of wood which is fit for many purposes, and because the natives, being accustomed to labour, may become very useful, and indeed I have never seen better slaves. I have deemed it consistent with our friendship to acquaint you with these things; and when the other vessel arrives, which is daily expected, I shall communicate other particulars.
   The fleet has sailed for Calicut, and the king has ordered that it shall seize the fleet of Mecca, that the soldan of Syria may neither have access there in future nor may export any more spices. The king of Portugal is satisfied that every thing shall go according to his wishes in this respect, and the court and all the nation are of the same opinion. Should this purpose succeed, it is incredible how abundant this kingdom must soon become in all kinds of riches and merchandize; and from hence the ships of Venice in particular will have to bring their accustomed articles of trade. To us truly, who formerly sustained this branch of commerce entirely by our own resources, this decree will be injurious, unless he shew us favour.

SECTION IV. Letter from Francis Sagitta of Cremona, from Lisbon, directed to the Venetian orator Peter Pasquali, residing at the Court of Castile584
   Most excellent orator! In two former letters, I have promised to omit no opportunity of informing your excellency what kind of merchandize might be brought in four vessels which were expected daily from India. They are now arrived, and I shall truly state all the merchandize which they have brought, which is as follows: One thousand quintals of pepper; 450 quintals of cinnamon; about fifty quintals of ginger; fifty quintals of lac: and as much cotton as may be bought for 400 ducats. The reason assigned for having brought so small a quantity of spice is, that they agreed among themselves, after sailing from hence, that two of the ships should steer for the gold mine, and the other two for Calicut. On this account, each took only such goods as it was thought would be valued in the ports to which they were bound. But when these ships came to Calicut they were not allowed to trade, and were obliged to go to other places. On going to Cananore, they there learnt what had been done by Peter Aliaris, the factor at Cochin for the king. The king or rajah of Cananore received our people honourably, and offered to supply our commanders gratuitously with all kinds of spices; but, thanking him gratefully for this kindness, he declined the offer, saying that he must go in the first place to the kings factor at Cochin, and would then return and accept his spices on credit. Setting out therefore for Cochin, he transacted business with the royal agent, Peter Aliaris; but as the ships did not bring money for their purchases, and as the goods they brought were in small request, and they could not therefore succeed in making purchases, the commander resolved to return to Cananore, where the rajah had expressed so much good will for the Portuguese, and where he bartered his merchandize for spices at a good profit. He here left three persons, with the ships factor and a clerk, because the rajah had advanced money on credit for the spices, that they might not appear to have cheated the rajah. Yet after all, the ships had to come away only half loaded, because they had not taken out money for their purchases, and their goods were in no request. The conclusion from this is evident, that the Indians have no demand for our goods, and that money alone is especially desired by them, and of which they are in great need.
   It has been reported since, that these kings of the Indies gave as much merchandize to our admiral without price as would load four ships, out of fear of the Christians; especially the king of Calicut, who has been told by his soothsayers to beware of the ensuing year, as the stars threaten him with a great slaughter of his men by the Christians, and that his kingdom even would be deserted, owing to dread of that people. We have this intelligence from three men who escaped from the battle at Araschorea with the barbarians. The same thing is reported by a native of Bergamo, who had dwelt twenty-five years at Calicut, which is likewise confirmed by a native of Valentia, who had sojourned there six years. In the meantime the king of Calicut fitted out a large fleet to attack our ships at Cananore; but they immediately sought for safety by setting sail. On this account the king of Portugal has ordered eight or ten ships of burthen to be fitted out by next January, of which seven are already built. Two ships have been sent out this summer, one of which is of 700 tons burthen, and the other of 500. There is a third in the port of Lisbon of 450 tons; two others at Madeira, one of 350, and the other of 230 tons; another is fitting out at Setubal carrying above 160 tons. Besides these six, a caravel is to be added which lately came from the island of Chio, all of which are entirely at the royal charges; and two are to be fitted out by the king for certain merchants, one of 450 tons and the other of 350. It is agreed between these merchants and the king, that the king shall be at the sole expence of the voyage and payment of the sailors, as in his service. That the merchants shall carry out as much money as may suffice for all their purchases; and on the return of the ships half of the goods shall belong to the king, and the merchants shall be at liberty to sell the other half for their own behoof. It appears evident to us that this mode of conducting business will be greatly more to the benefit of the merchants than going entirely at their own risk, as has been done hitherto; so that the king will probably find abundance of people willing to trade to India on these conditions. We have accordingly a share in these two ships; but of the event, God alone can judge.

SECTION V. Of the Weights and Money of Calicut, and of the places whence they procure their Spices585
   Having already treated concerning the articles of commerce of all kinds in the Indies, it is proper to give some account of the prices and weights of these. In the city of Calicut a bahar of nutmegs is sold for 450 favi. A bahar consists of four quintals, of 100 pounds each, and twenty favis are equal to a ducat. A bahar of cinnamon costs 390 favi. A faracula, or the twentieth part of a bahar of dried ginger, is six favi. A faracula of candied ginger is twenty-eight favi. A bahar of tamarinds thirty favi. A bahar of the best pepper 400 favi. A bahar of zerombeci forty favi. A bahar of myrabolans 560 favi. A bahar of zedoary thirty favi. A bahar of red sanders eighty favi. A bahar of lac 260 favi. A bahar of sanasius 160. A bahar of mastic 430 favi. A faracula of camphor 160. A bahar of pepper 360. A faracula of frankincense five favi. A faracula of benzoin six favi. A faracula of aloes wood 400 favi. A faracula of cassia eleven favi. A faracula of rhubarb 400 favi. A bahar of cloves 600 fevi. A faracula of opium 400 favi. A bahar of white sanders 700 favi. A mitrical of ambergris, or six ounces and a quarter. A bahar contains twenty faraculas. A faracula fourteen aratollae and a third; as twenty-three Venetian aratollae are equal to twenty-two Portuguese pounds. A golden ducat is equal to twenty favi.
   As to those things which are carried from Europe for sale at Calicut, a faracula of brass sells for forty-five favi. A faracula of white coral for 1000. A faracula of silver for twenty favi. A faracula of spurious coral for 300. A faracula of alum twenty. An almenum of saffron sells for eighty favi: the almenum exceeds the Portuguese pound two aratollae and a half, and is therefore equal to about three Venetian pounds.
   It appears proper to mention the regions from whence the various spices are brought to Calicut. Pepper is brought from a certain tower near the coast, about fifty leagues beyond Calicut. Cinnamon comes from a country called Zolon, Ceylon, 260 leagues beyond Calicut, and from no other place. Cloves come from the district of Meluza, which is twelve Portuguese leagues from Calicut, and is in the country of Cananore. Nutmegs and mastic come from Meluza, which is 740 leagues from Calicut586. Castor, which is musk, comes from a certain region called Pegu, 500 leagues from Calicut. Fine pearls come from the coast of Armuzi587, 700 leagues from Calicut. Spikenard and myrabolans from the province of Columbaia588, 600 leagues from Calicut. Cassia in twigs589 is procured in the territory of Calicut. Frankincense is brought from Saboea590, 800 leagues distant. Aloes-wood, rhubarb, camphor, and calinga, is sent from the country of Chiva591, 4000 leagues from Calicut. Myrrh from the province of Fastica592, 700 leagues distant. Calicut produces zeromba593; and Cananore sends cardamoms, being only twelve leagues distant. Long pepper is found in Same594. Benzoin from Zan, 700 miles from Calicut. Zedoary is produced in the territory of Calicut. Lac comes from the city of Samoterra595, 500 leagues distant. Brasil wood from the region of Tannazar, 500 leagues. Opium from the coast of Adde, 700 leagues.
   END OF VOLUME SECOND

Notes

1

   Hakluyt, I. p. 44. et sequ.

2

   Now Konieh, Erekli, and Marash; the two former in Karamania, the latter in Syria or Room. –E.

3

   For this story, Hakluyt quotes Hist Bel. Sacr. lib. iii. c. xvii. and Chron. Hierosol. lib. iii c. xxvii.

4

   Hakluyt. I. 44. W. Malmsb. III. 58.

5

   Hakluyt, I.45. Chron. Hierosol. IX. ix. xi. xii.

6

   Hakluyt, I. 47. Chron. Hierosol. lib. x.

7

   Though not mentioned in the text, it seems presumable that these pilgrims deemed it necessary for them to proceed unarmed in execution of their devotions, under an escort. –E.

8

   Hakluyt, I. 70.

9

   Hakluyt dates this expedition in the 32d year of the reign of Henry III. of England. He mentions, in a former passage, I. p. 59. that the same Earl of Salisbury, accompanied Richard Earl of Cornwall, in the 23d year of the same kings reign into Syria against the Saracens, with many other English of note, where they performed good service against the unbelievers, but gives no relation of particulars. –E.

10

   The meaning of this term of reproach does not appear; unless, from some after circumstances, it may have proceeded from their horses having long tails, while those of the French were dockt. –E.

11

   Probably Aboukir. –E.

12

   St John d'Acre. –E.

13

   This is probably meant for that branch of the Nile which they had previously crossed on their way to Mansor. –E.

14

   Astley, I. 11. and 586. Clarke, Progress of Maritime Discovery, I. 167. Although in our opinion a mere romance, we have inserted this story, because already admitted into other general collections. –E.

15

   This work was printed in 1560, and was translated by Hakluyt: There is an abstract of it in Purchas his Pilgrims, II. 1671, and it will be found at the commencement of the second part of this Collection. –E.

16

   In small duodecimo and large print, under the title of Relation Historique de la Decouverte de l'Isle de Madere: containing 185 pages, besides twelve pages of preface. –Clarke.

17

   Clarke, Progress of Maritime Discovery, I. 167.

18

   In a note, Mr Clarke says the name of this lady has been supposed by some writers to have been Dorset, corrupted by a foreign orthography into D'Orset, and thence into D'Arfet. It may have been D' Arcy. –E.

19

   Glas. Disc. and Conqu. passim.

20

   The Author of the History of the Canaries, omits the date of this grant. Clement VI. was Pope from 1343 to 1352, between which years the papal grant must have been made. –E.

21

   A more extended account or these islands will be found in Part III. of this work. –E.

22

   This title was omitted to be inserted in its proper place, and may be supplied in writing on the blank page opposite to page 23 of this volume.

23

   Oxford Collection, II. 353. Clarke, Progr. of Marit. Disc. I. App 1.

24

   Oxford Collection, I. viii.

25

   August. de Civit. Dic. I. 15. c. 20.

26

   The Cape of Good Hope, and the island of Madagascar–E.

27

   Birmahs

28

   Arracan

29

   Pompon. Mela, I. 3. Plin. I. 2. c. 67.

30

   Joseph: Ant. Jud. I. 1. c. 5.

31

   Justin, I. 1.

32

   Berosus.

33

   Diod. Sic. I. 2. c. 5.

34

   Berosus.

35

   Gons. Fern. I. 2. c. 3. Plin. I. 6. c. 31.

36

   Plin. I. 4. c. 22.

37

   Eratosth. ap. Strab. I. 1. p. 26.

38

   Plin. I. 6. c. 29.

39

   The miles here used are three to the league; but the league of the text is nearly equal to four English miles, and the assumed distance of these two ports 140 of our miles–E.

40

   Strab. I. 17. p. 560.

41

   Plin. I. 6. c. 29.

42

   Diod. Sic. I. 4. c. 4.

43

   Strab. I. 1. p. 26.

44

   Kings, I. 9. Chron. II. 8.

45

   Herodot. I. 4.

46

   Arist. de Mirand.

47

   Gonz. Fern. Ovied. I. 2. c. 3.

48

   Plin. I. 9. c. 58. de Maribus Nili.

49

   Joan. Leo Afric. I. 9. de Nilo. -Our author has got into a strange dilemma, by confounding crocodiles and serpents under one denomination. –E.

50

   Plin. and Leo, ub. cit.

51

   Plin. I. 2. c. 67.

52

   Plin. I. 6. c. 31. This subject will be discussed in the Fifth Part of our work; being much too extensive to admit of elucidation in a note. –E.

53

   Hasty readers will have the justice to give the honour of this story to Galvano. –E.

54

   This story will be found hereafter very differently related by Cada Mosto himself, but with a sufficient spice of the marvellous. –E.

55

   The Honey-guide, or Cuculus Indicator, will be noticed more particularly in the Travels through the Colony of the Cape. –E.

56

   The Philosophers of the nineteenth century have fortunately rediscovered the Mermaid in the north of Scotland! Hitherto, wonderful things used to be confined to barbarous regions and ignorant ages. –E.

57

   Arist. de Mirand. Strabo, I. 2. p. 68.

58

   Plin. I. 6. c. 29.

59

   Strabo, I. 17. p. 560, 561.

60

   Strab. I. 17. p. 549.

61

   Plin. I. 6. c. 23.

62

   Id. I. 12. c. 18.

63

   Id. I. 2. c. 67.

64

   Ziphilin. in vit. Traj.

65

   Ramusio, V. f. 372. p. 2

66

   Strabo, I. 11.

67

   Plin. I. 6. c. 11.

68

   Newfoundland?

69

   Jidda.

70

   Leo Afric. Ramus. v. 1. f. 373.

71

   The only quotations used in this Section in the original translation by Hakluyt, are from the Asia of John de Barros, Decade 1. which it has not been deemed necessary to refer to here more particularly. –E.

72

   It is singular that a Portuguese should not be more correct. Henry was the fifth son. –Clarke.

73

   More accurately 28° 40'. –E.

74

   Opportunities will occur hereafter, in particular voyages, to discuss the circumstances of this wonderful tree.

75

   Galvano is again mistaken. Edward or Duarte was the eldest son; Pedro the third. –Clarke.

76

   Dr Vincent, in his Periplus, considers this as a copy of the map of Marco Polo, which was exhibited in the church of St Michael de Murano, at Venice. –Clarke.

77

   Even if this were fact, it proves nothing, as the Cape of Good Hope must have been inserted merely by the fancy of the draughtsman. – Clarke. -It may be added, that in 1528, it was no difficult matter to wrong date a forged map, on purpose to detract from the merit of the actual discoverers. –E.

78

   More correctly in lat. 20° 54' N. There is another Cape Blanco in Morocco in lat. 33° 10' N. and this more southerly cape on the great desert is named Branca in our best charts. –E.

79

   The mouth of the Senegal is in lat. 15° 45' N. –E.

80

   More correctly, 14° 45' N. –E.

81

   It is difficult to ascertain these two rivers: The Rio Grande here meant is properly named Gambia. The river in 12° N. may be the Casamansa, the Santa Anna, or the St Dominico: which last is exactly in 12° N. the two others a little farther north, and nearer the Gambia. –E.

82

   This is one of the many palpable and clumsy fables which were advanced to defraud Columbus of the honour of having discovered the new world, and is even more ridiculous, if possible, than the voyages of Zeno, adverted to in our First Part. –E.

83

   Equal to L.138: 17: 9-1/4 d. English money. -Halk.

84

   Only 6° 45' S. –E.

85

   Mr Clarke explains this as long pepper; but besides that this by no means answers the descriptive name in the text, long pepper certainly is the production of the East Indies. The article here indicated was probably one of the many species, or varieties of the Capsicum; called Guinea pepper, Cayenne pepper, Bird pepper, and various other names. –E.

86

   In the original this is called the country of Prester or Presbyter John. We have formerly, in the First Part of this work, had occasion to notice the strange idea of a Christian prince and priest, who was supposed to have ruled among the pagan nations of eastern Tartary. Driven from this false notion, by a more thorough knowledge of Asia, the European nations fondly transferred the title of Prester John to the half Christian prince or Negus of the semi-barbarous Abyssinians. –E.

87

   Ferdinand was hereditary king of Arragon; but, by marrying Isabella, queen of Castile, had united the several monarchies of Spain, under one government. Ferdinand had no share whatever in the honour of sending out Columbus, the sole charge being defrayed by his consort, Isabella, hereditary queen of Castile and Leon; and who had even to borrow money for the purpose. The contemptuous notice of one Christopher Columbus, must be pardoned to the patriotic rivalry of a Portuguese. –E.

88

   Galvano is here inaccurate: It will be seen in the sequel, that Bartholomew Columbus did not accompany his brother in this voyage, being then in England. –E.

89

   It is certainly possible, that Columbus may have used that mode in his course to the Canaries: But as his run across the Atlantic was nearly on a parallel, he must have kept that part of his voyage by what is called dead reckoning, or by the log. –E.

90

   The middle of Guanahana is in lat. 24° 30' N. The centre of Jamaica in 18° 10' N. The latitudes of Galvano are generally inaccurate; and he never pretends to assign any longitudes whatever. The series, likewise, in which he arranges the discoveries of Columbus is very inaccurate. –E.

91

   Gomara, I. 1. c. 15.

92

   Cape de Verd is in 14° 30' N. Deseada in 16° 30' N. a difference of two degrees of latitude. Dominica, in 15° 30' is the first land said to have been discovered by Columbus in his second voyage, in the authentic original narrative by his son, which will be found in the sequel. –E.

93

   Counting from Dominica to the north side of Cuba, between 15° 30' and 23° 15'. –E.

94

   The negociators of the two crowns, as here related, seem to have been ignorant that this loose division of the globe gave the whole reciprocally to each of the parties. –E.

95

   The apparent object seems to have been in search of a passage to the East Indies by way of the north-west, a chimera long and anxiously sought after. It is needless to make any observations on these indistinct notices, as the voyage of Cabot will be afterwards given at full length. –E.

96

   The centre of Trinidada is in 10° 30'N. its S.W. point in 10° 12', and the N.E. cape in 10° 45' N. –E.

97

   De Barros, Dec. I. 1. 4. c. 2. and to the end of ch. 11. -Hakl.

98

   Osorius says this voyage commenced on the 9th of July. –Clarke.

99

   This Panama seems a blunder of some ignorant copyist, for Panarame. –E.

100

   The coast here is nearly N. and S. and their course must have been to the north. –E.

101

   The Marannon and Amazons are the same river. Perhaps by the Rio Dolce the Orinoco may be meant; but in these slight notices of discovery it is impossible at times to ascertain the real positions, through the alteration of names. –E.

102

   From the latitude indicated by Galvano, the land of Cortereal may have been somewhere on the eastern side of Newfoundland. –E.

103

   Barros, Dec. 1. I. 5. c. 10.

104

   Gomara, I. 2.

105

   About 8200 ounces, worth about L. 16,000 sterling; equal in modern efficacy, perhaps, to L. 100,000. –E.

106

   Probably an error for Taprobana; the same by which Ceylon was known to the ancients. –E.

107

   The Cakerlaka of other writers, which can only be large monkeys or baboons, called men with tails, through ignorance or imposture. –E.

108

   Rumi still continues the eastern name of the Turkish empire, as the successor of the Roman emperors, in Assyria and Egypt. Hence these Roman gold coins may have come in the way of trade from Assyria or Egypt, or may possibly have been Venetian sequins. –E.

109

   The author must here mean Cochin China by the coast of Patane. –E.

110

   About 1000 by 320 English miles. –E.

111

   This story of the skull of a small insect is quite unintelligible, and must have been misunderstood entirely by Hakluyt, the translator: It is the Elephant, probably, that is here meant. –E.

112

   Probably the bird of Paradise. –Clarke.

113

   P. Martyr, Dec. 3. c. 10.

114

   The island of Tararequi is in lat. 5° N.

115

   These leagues are elsewhere explained as 17-1/2 to the degree, or about 4 English miles: Hence the estimate of Galvano is 2000 miles long by 1200 miles broad; certainly a very extensive dominion. China Proper may be said to extend in length from lat. 27° to 41° N. and in breadth from long. 97° to 121° E. not very inferior to the above estimate; but including the immeasurable bounds of its dependencies, Chinese Tartary, Thibet, and almost the whole of central Asia, it prodigiously exceeds the magnitude here assigned by Galvano. –E.

116

   Castagnada, I. 4. c. 36. 37. Osorius, I. 11. f. 315. p. 2.

117

   Pet. Mart. IV. iv. Gomar. II. xiv. and xvii.

118

   The text is obscure, and seems to indicate that they were unable to pass between the island of Ascension and the main of Yucatan. The latitudes are extremely erroneous: Cozumel is in lat. 20° N. The island of Ambergris, perhaps the Ascension of the text, is in 18° 30'. From errors in latitude and alterations of nomenclature, it is often impossible to follow distinctly the routes of these early voyagers. –E.

119

   Pet. Mart. IV. vi. Gomar. II. xviii, &c.

120

   Gomar. II. xxi, xxii, xxiii, xxiv.

121

   This certainly ought to be called the Molucca islands; but Galvano uniformly applies the same name, Malacca, both to the spice islands and the city of Malacca on the Continent. –E.

122

   Gomar. IV. iii. Pet. Mart. V. vii.

123

   Ramusio, I. 874.

124

   This seems to mean the Straits of Babelmandel. Having lost sight of Prester John in Tartary, the Portuguese were delighted with the discovery of a Christian king in Africa, the Negus of Abyssinia; and transferred to him that popular fable. –E.

125

   These countries, with the river and cape mentioned in the text, are now unknown, these arbitrary names having merged in the nomenclature of more recent settlers. If the latitude be nearly accurate, it may have been on the confines of Georgia and South Carolina. –E.

126

   Gomar. II. l.

127

   Id. II. lx.

128

   Malacca of the text ought certainly to be Molucca: Bouro is in lat. 3° 20' S. Timor between 8° 30' and 10° 20' S. –E.

129

   Gomar. IV. viii.

130

   Id. VI. iv. li.

131

   Gomar. IV. viii, and xii. Castagn. VI. xli.

132

   Gomar. VI. xii.

133

   Castagn. VI. xlii.

134

   Gomar. II. lxi. The text, in Hakluyt's translation, has the absurd number of 76,000 Castilians lost in this war; 76 is a more probable number, and is considerable out of his small force: yet, the text may mean 76,000 Castellans of gold, as the sum expended on the expedition; and which Hakluyt, or his printer, changed to that number of Castilians. –E.

135

   Gomar. Conqu. de Mex. f. 226.

136

   Id. 242. This bay reaches no farther to the S. than 148 10' N. –E.

137

   Id. f. 229. 230.

138

   Id. f. 233.

139

   Gomar. Conqu. f. 234. and Hist. Gen. III. xxi.

140

   Id: Hist. Gen. II. vii.

141

   In this latitude, on the shore of Costa Rica, there is a town now called Porto Cartago; but whether that indicated in the text it is difficult to say, as Galvano is not always perfectly accurate in his latitudes. –E.

142

   Gomar. Hist. Gen. II. lxv. and Conqu. f. 243.

143

   Gomar. Hist. Gen. II. lxvi, and Conqu. f. 256-261.

144

   The Spanish leagues are 17-1/2 to the degree of latitude, hence this march exceeded 2000 English miles. –E. Gomar. Hist. Gen. II. lxvi. Id. Conqu. 246-273.

145

   Gomar. Hist. Gen. V. i. and ii.

146

   The ambiguity of the language is here utterly inexplicable. –E.

147

   Meaning probably the lake of Titicaca in Peru. It is hardly necessary to say that this slight survey of the Plata must be erroneous, especially in its reports. The Rio San Francisco, alludes to one of the sources of the Great Maranon, or river of the Amazons. –E.

148

   Ramusio, III. 310. Ramusio gives a long and minute account of this unfortunate expedition, entitled, Relation made by Alvaro Nunez, of what befel the armament sent to the Indies (America) under Pamphilo Narvaez in the year 1527, to the end of 1536; when he returned to Seville with three only of his companions. –Clarke.

149

   The inhabitants of this island were most probably tatooted, of which custom a particular description will be given hereafter, in the particular voyages of discovery in the South Sea. –E.

150

   The longitudes being altogether neglected in these relations by Galyano, it is impossible to form any conjecture as to the islands indicated in text. They may possibly have belonged to the Carolines of modern maps, which extend between long. 135° and 180° E. and about the latitudes of the text. –E.

151

   The account which Galvano gives of this voyage is very vague and inconclusive. We shall find afterwards that the Spaniards found out the means of counteracting the perpetual eastern trade winds of the Pacific within the tropics, by shaping a more northerly course from the Philippine islands, where they established the staple of their Indian commerce, between Acapulco and Manilla. –E.

152

   Galvano certainly mistakes here in assigning Tecoantepec, which is at least 340 miles from the nearest part of the bay of Honduras. If a navigation were practicable from Tecoantepec, it would more probably be towards Tabasco, at the bottom of the bay of Campechy. Perhaps he ought to have said from Guatimala to the gulf of Dolse, at the bottom of the bay of Honduras. This splendid navigation between the Atlantic and Pacific, within the tropics, like that between the Mediterranean and Red Sea, still remains an unsolved problem. It will be resumed hereafter, among the voyages and travels to Spanish America. –E.

153

   These seem all to have been brothers to Pizarro, and named from the town of Alcantara in Spain. –E.

154

   The mouth of the Maranon is exactly under the line. –E.

155

   The latitude of Cusco is only 13° 30' S. –E.

156

   Gomar. Hist. Gen. V. vi. vii. viii. ix

157

   Gomar. Hist. Gen. V. xvi. xviii. xix.

158

   So named from the two brothers, Caspar and Michael Cortereal, who are said to have been lost on this coast of North America in 1500, as formerly mentioned by Galvano. –E.

159

   Xalis, or Xalisco, the residence of Gusman is in lat. 21°45'N. The mouth of the river St Francis, on the north-eastern shore of the gulf of California, is in lat. 26° 40' N. so that the discovery on the present occasion seems to have comprised about 350 miles to the north of Xalis. –E.

160

   Gomar. Hist. Gen. II. Lxxiv. xcviii.

161

   Xauxa or Jauja, stands on the high table land of Peru; Lima, or de los Reys, near the coast of the South Sea, in the maritime valley, or low country, and on the river Rimac, called Lima in the text. –E.

162

   Gomar. Hist. Gen. IV. xxiii. and V. xxii.

163

   Gomar. H. G. V. xxiv. and xxv. Almagro appears, both on his march to Chili and back to Cusco, to have gone by the high mountainous track of the Andes, and the carcases of his dead horses must have been preserved from corruption amid the ever during ice and snow of that elevated region. –E.

164

   The text seems ambiguous, and it appears difficult to say whether Galvano means, that Cosesofar, or Coje Sofar, was captain under D'Acunha, or general of the Guzerat army, belonging to Badu. –E.

165

   This probably refers to the Bore, or great and sudden influx of the sea, after a great recession. –E.

166

   Gomar. H. G. IV. xiii.

167

   Probably a mistake for La Paz, the principal town of the north– western district, or mining province, belonging to the Viceroyalty of La Plata. –E.

168

   The only island mentioned in this voyage, which can be traced by the names in our modern maps, is the Piscadores, about lat. 11° N. long. 167° E. –E.

169

   This strange expression is quite inexplicable, and must have been misunderstood by Hakluyt. –E.

170

   Probably Morty, of our present maps. –E.

171

   Chron. del Peru, c. ix, xx.

172

   Ramus. III. 356.

173

   This obviously refers to an inaccurate description of the Babyroussa. –E.

174

   Gomar. H. G. II. lxiv. Ramus. III. 329.

175

   Gomar. H. G. VI. xvii.

176

   In this paragraph we have very vague indications of humming birds, rattlesnakes, and of the animal now called Pecari. –E.

177

   Gomar. H. G. V. xxxv. and Chron. del Peru, c. 103.

178

   The word Brazil in the text obviously includes the whole flat country to the east of the Andes, Guiana, Brazil, Paraguay, Buenos Ayres, and Patagonia. –E.

179

   This idea, ever since the time of Lord Monboddo, has been renewed, and occupies the attention of the explorers of Africa; links may exist, in creation, with which we are yet unacquainted. –Clarke.
   The fancy of tailed men has probably arisen from inattentive observers, seeing people clothed in the skins of beasts, with the tails hanging down. The natives of New South Wales wear tails in imitation of the Kangaroo: Yet, having been closely observed, are not described as tailed men–E.

180

   This word ought to have been Pacos. Of these animals, with the Llamas and Vicugnas, different species of the camel genus, a more extended account will occur, when we come to the particular travels in Peru. –E.

181

   It will be seen afterwards, in the account of the West India Islands, and the Continent of Guiana, that there are many warlike tribes of Caribs, or Caraibs, constantly engaged in predatory warfare; whose women, when their husbands are absent in search of prisoners for food, take arms for the protection of themselves and children; whence they have been reported as nations of female warriors, or Amazons. –E.

182

   Gomar. H.G.V. xxxvi.

183

   The true latitudes of the places mentioned in the text are, Suakim, 19° 30', Massoua, 15° 20', Cossier, 26° 16', Judda, 21° 20', Suez, 30°. –E.

184

   The latitude of 30° N. would lead to the idea of Sonora being the district, or province, indicated in the text by Sibola; Cinaloa is only in 26° N. yet, from the context, appears to be the country intended by Galvano–E.

185

   The idea that a dog, even able to bear a load of fifty pounds, should carry a woman, is truly absurd. If there be any truth in the story, the dogs must have performed the services in the text by drawing sledges; yet nothing of the kind has hitherto been found in North America, though common in North-east Asia. –E.

186

   Gomar. H.G. VI. xviii. and xix.

187

   In other writers Liampa and Siampa, or Tsiompa, are synonimous; but that place is in lat. 12° N. The latitude of the text would lead us to the eastern coast of China, between Ningpo and Nankin. –E.

188

   Gomez, H. G. VI. xviii. This story, which Galvano has reported from Genoa, seems altogether unworthy of credit. –E.

189

   The Matelots are laid down in our modern maps, in lat. 9° N. Long 137° E. not far E.N.E. of the Pelew, or Pillelew islands. –E.

190

   This great inland of Mindanao, to the south of the Philippines, reaches from 9° 30' N. to 5° 30', and from long. 122° to 126° 20' E. being about 300 miles long, by 270 miles broad. –E.

191

   The Philippines, exclusive of Mindanao and Palawa, extend from Lat. 9° to 18° 40' both N. and are in E. long. 122° but their present geographical names, Luzon, Samar, Leyte, Zebu, Negros, Pany, Mindora, and several other smaller isles, have no resemblance whatever with those of the text. –E.

192

   Gomar. H.G. IV. xiv.

193

   Probably Morty, the most north-easterly of the Moluccas. –E.

194

   In the latter part of this journey, the date of his return to Venice is the 10th of April. –E.

195

   Called Tarvisin, in the original. –E.

196

   Called Conigiano, in the edition of Bergeron. –E.

197

   This small city stands on a small river which runs into the Werta, at the western extremity of what was Poland, about sixty-seven miles from Poznan. It is called Messaricie in the original. –E.

198

   Lausicie in the original. –E.

199

   Named Chio in the original. The second name, Magrano, is afterwards called Magraman by Contarini, or his French translator. –E.

200

   Named Chio in the original, but which must necessarily be Kiow, or Kieu, now belonging to Russia. The three formerly mentioned stages Jusch, Aitomir, and Belligraoch, must either be villages of too little importance to find a place in geographical maps, or their names are so corrupted as to be unintelligible. The direct road from Lublin to Kiow, passes through the palatinates of Russia, Wolhynia, and Kiow, provinces of ci-devant Poland, now annexed to the Russian empire. –E.

201

   The original says April, but attention to the context distinctly points out this necessary correction. –E.

202

   From this circumstance it evidently appears that the journey from Kiow had hitherto been on the right or west of the Dnieper or Boristhenes, through the country of the Nogais Tartars, now forming the western portion of the Russian province of Catharinoslau; and we may suppose the wide part of that river they had now to cross to have been somewhere about Cherson. –E.

203

   Named Arcercheriher in the French translation of Contarini; but which must necessarily be some corruption of Baschiserai, the residence of the khan of the Crim Tartars. –E.

204

   We have already seen that it was the 16th of that month when Contarini arrived at Kaffa. Much confusion has occurred in the dates of this journey, which we have no means of correcting, and must, therefore, be contented with them as they are–E.

205

   The names of places in this journal are so corrupted as to be often quite unintelligible. Varsi may possibly be Vardon, in the district to the northwest of Mingrelia, named Abkhas; and Caltichea may perhaps be Sulhuali, a sea port about 30 miles to the east. Phasis probably refers to some town on the river of that name, perhaps Subastei. –E.

206

   Probably Cutais in Imeritia, on the river Riene. –E.

207

   Perhaps Sarassan, about forty miles S. E. from Cutais. –E.

208

   Apparently the same prince named Plangion a little before. –E.

209

   Gori in Georgia, on the river Kur. The journey hitherto must have been through Mingrelia, then apparently subject to the prince or king of Georgia. –E.

210

   Probably Caloyers. –E.

211

   Uzun-Hassan in the Turkish language signifies Hassan the long, which prince was likewise named Hassan-beg, or Lord Hassan, and Ozun-Azembeg, or the long lord Azem or Hassan. By different European writers his name has been corrupted into Unsun Cassan, Uxun-Cassan, and Usum– Chasan. He was a Turkman emir of the Ak-koyunla dynasty, or white sheep tribe, whose ancestor, the governor of a province under the descendants of Timor, had rendered himself independent in the north and west of Persia. –E.

212

   This prince, whose real name was probably Abu Said, was the emir of the Kara-koyunla dynasty, or black sheep tribe of the Turkmans, who had risen to independence after the death of Timor, and who had long contended with the prince of the white sheep tribe for ascendancy. These two tribes derived their distinctive appellations of the black and white weathers, from some peculiarity in their ensigns or dress, equivalent to the distinguishing uniforms and banners of our European armies. –E.

213

   Called Tebriz in modern times. –E.

214

   In the original this name is corrupted to Gurlumamech; but we learn from the Modern Universal History, that his real name was that expressed in the text of our translation. –E.

215

   The ruins supposed to be those of Persepolis are situated near Istakar, about forty miles north from the modern city of Shiraz, in the province of Fars or Persia proper; but the names in the original are often so corrupted as to defy even conjecture. Sylas is probably meant for Shiras. –E.

216

   Named Chali in the original; but it is to be noted that the ch of the Italian is pronounced as k in English. –E.

217

   It is difficult to determine whether Contarini here means Maksud-beg or Masih-beg, as Uzun-Hassan had two sons of these names; Maksad was the elder, and may have been the person named in the text Masu. Bec or Beg signifies Lord or Prince. –E.

218

   The person mentioned before by Contarini as a messenger from Venice, and whom he met with at Kaffa, was named on that occasion Paulus Omnibamus, totally dissimilar from the name in this part of the text. –E.

219

   Assuredly the Sava of modern maps, a city of Irac-agemi, which stands upon one of these extraordinary rivers, so numerous in Persia, which lose themselves in the sands, after a short but useful run. –E.

220

   About sixty miles S. S. E. from Kom. I am disposed to think that Contarini has slumpt his journey on the present occasion; as it is hardly to be believed a person in the weak state he describes himself could have travelled with so much rapidity. Besides, so far as we can learn from his journal, he travelled always with the same set of horses. Indeed the sequel immediately justifies this suspicion, as the subsequent dates are more distant than the travelling days of the text would warrant. –E.

221

   See Travels of Josaphat Barbaro to Asof in 1436, in our Collection, Vol I. p. 501, in the introduction to which article, it will be seen that he had been sent on an embassy from Venice to Uzun-Hassan in 1572, two years before Contarini; and appears to have remained in the east for fourteen years in that capacity, after the departure of Contarini on his return to Venice. –E.

222

   This nowhere distinctly appears; but we may easily understand incidentally, and from the history of the period, that the Venetian republic endeavoured to stir up enemies to the Turkish empire in the east, being unable to resist its power, now exerted against them in the Morea and the Greek islands; and we may even surmise that Uzun– Hassan was subsidized by the Venetians to make war upon the Turks. –E.

223

   This in all probability is a corruption of Tiflis, or Teffliz, the capital of Georgia Georgia, which is situated on the river Kur or Cyrus, erroneously named Tigre in the text. The proper name of this country is Gurgi-stan, or the country of the Gurgi which has been corrupted by the Europeans into Georgia. –E.

224

   Cutais in Imeritia, named Cotachis on a former occasion in the text. –E.

225

   These Turks must have been the Persian ambassadors of Uzun-Hassan;–E.

226

   This proposed route seems to have been through the province of Guria to Batum; and, from the sequel, to have returned to Georgia and Shirvan, passing through Derbent and the Caspian gates, or Daghisten, into western Tartary. But the names in the text are too corrupt for any certainty. Calcicanus, in the text, is probably a corruption of Kalo Johannes, who was then prince, or emperor, of Trebisond. –E.

227

   This name is probably corrupted for Bagration, or Bagrathion, which was once the family name of the sovereigns of Georgia, and, if I mistake not, there is, or was lately, a prince of that family and name in the service of Russia. –E.

228

   The kingdom of Media in the text, is obviously meant to indicate the province of Shirvan, on the west of the Caspian. –E.

229

   Perhaps Saray, on the eastern branch of the Wolga. –E.

230

   Probably Astracan is here meant. –E.

231

   Called Citrarchan in the former section, but certainly what we now call Astracan, then the capital of a Tartar principality, which now forms one of the provinces of the vast Russian empire. –E.

232

   These are large shallow ponds, in which sea water is exposed to evaporation, to procure salt. –E.

233

   In the original this person is called the cham of the Camercheriens. The Tartar government of Astracan belonged to one of the Mongal tribes of Kipschak; but the word used in the original may have been a local term, not now explicable. –E.

234

   Perhaps the kingdom or province of Cazan, higher up the Wolga. –E.

235

   Contarini has forgot to give us any account in what manner he procured leave to quit Astracan. Perhaps, by means of Marcus, he was permitted to pass for one of his attendants. –E.

236

   It may be necessary to remark, that the tails of a peculiar species of sheep, O. Platyurus, or the broad-tailed sheep, common among the Tartars, and other parts of the world, are said sometimes to weigh twenty-five pounds. –E.

237

   Probably an error for 2000. –E.

238

   This journey appears to have been through the country on the west of the Wolga, which they probably passed about Czariein, through the provinces of Saratov, Woronez, and Penza, avoiding the Ilafla, to Rezan or Riazan. –E.

239

   Rezan or Riazan, in the province of that name, on the Oka. In a considerable, part of the track of this journey, there are now towns and villages; but the whole of this south-eastern frontier of European Russia, appears to have been then entirely waste, and pervaded by the wandering Tartars. We are quite in the dark respecting the particulars of the route from Astracan to Rezan. It was certainty on the east of the Wolga at the first, to avoid the Tartars which occupied the country between the Caspian and Euxine. The passage of that vast river may have been at Czariein, at its great elbow, in lat. 48° 30'N. or about Saratov in 51° 20'N. neither of which towns seem to have then existed. From thence they would probably proceed, to avoid the larger rivers, between where Penza and Tchenbar now stand, and by the scite of Morbansk, towards Riazan. –E.

240

   In the original this large bridge is said to have been at Kolomna, which is on the river Mosqua, of very inferior magnitude; and flows into the Oka, which most probably is the Monstrus of the text. –E.

241

   In the original, the commander of this body of cavalry is said to have been a Tartarian general–E.

242

   The word Leopolitain, may possibly be a corruption for Neopolitan, or a native of Naples. Perhaps it may refer to Leopol, in that part of Poland now belonging to Austria, and called Galicia. –E.

243

   Such is the expression in the original, which ought perhaps to be reversed. Yet Contarini possibly meant to say, that the inhabitants of Moscow laid up a sufficient stock of money from the profits of their long winter labours, for their subsistence during summer; when, by the absence of the court, they had little employment. –E.

244

   There are two cities named Novogrod or Novgorod in Russia, nearly at equal distances from Moscow, one to the northwest, and the other to the southwest; the latter of which, named Novgorod Sieverskov, is probably meant in the text, and which ought rather to have been described as towards the frontiers of Poland. The other Novgorod did not then belong to the Russian sovereignty. –E.

245

   The geographical ideas of Contarini are very vague and superficial. This is perhaps the only instance wherein Poland; a portion of European Sarmatia, is considered as belonging geographically to Germany. –E.

246

   The reigning sovereign of Russia at the period was John III. who began to reign in 1463, and was succeeded in 1505 by Basil IV. –E.

247

   This almost certainty a corruption of Troki–E.

248

   Though this place must assuredly be a town in Germany, between Frankfort on the Oder and Nurenburgh, its name is so disguised as to be quite unintelligible. –E.

249

   Uzun-Hassan, as formerly mentioned, was prince of the Turkmans of the white sheep tribe, and acquired the dominion of western Persia, by the defeat of Hassan-ali prince of the black sheep Turkmans, who is probably the person named Causa in the text. –E.

250

   This is a mistake, Persepolis is supposed to have been at, or near Istakar, above twenty miles N.N.E. from Shiras. –E.

251

   Diarbekir, with the cities of Arzunjan, Mardin, Roha, or Orfa, and Siwas, are said to have been committed by Timour to the government of Kara Ilug Ozman, the great grandfather of Uzun-Hassan, who may have retained the original possessions of his tribe after the acquisition of western Persia. -Mod. Univ. Hist. VI. 111.

252

   According to the authors of the Modern Universal History. B. VIII. ch. i. sect. 3. Uzun-Hassan had seven sons: Ogurlu Mohammed, Khahil Mirza, Maksud beg, Jakub beg, Masih beg, Yusuf beg, and Zegnel. Contarini strangely corrupts almost every name that occurs. Uzun-Hassan, he makes Unsuncassan; Ogurlu Mohammed, Gurlu mamech; Kalil mirza, Sultan chali; Yakub beg, Lacubei; Maksud beg, or Masih beg, Masubech; and omits three of the seven. –E.

253

   Uzun-Hassan is said to have been defeated in battle by the Turks, in 1471, near Arzenjan. -Mod. Univ. Hist. VI. 113.

254

   Astley. I. 9. Clarke, I. 140. Purchas, I. 6. Harris, I. 662.

255

   Wealth of Nations, II. 347.

256

   Explained by the celebrated Dr Johnson, as "so named from its progression into the ocean, and the circuit by which it must be doubled." Introduct. to the World Displayed. –Clarke.

257

   Cape Bojador is imagined to have been the Canarea of Ptolemy. – Clarke I. 15

258

   The barcha is a sort of brig with topsails, having all its yards on one long pole without sliding masts, as still used by tartans and settees. The barcha longa is a kind of small galley, with one mast and oars. -Clarke, I. p. 153.

259

   Clarke says in the same year 1418. But this could not well be, as the Discovery of Puerto Santo was made so late as the 1st of November of that year. The truth is, that only very general accounts of these early voyages remain in the Portuguese historians. –E.

260

   Such is the simple and probable account of the discovery of Madeira in Purchas. Clarke has chosen to embellish it with a variety of very extraordinary circumstances, which being utterly unworthy of credit, we do not think necessary to be inserted in this place. See Progress of Maritime Discovery, I. 157. –E.

261

   In the Introduction to the World Displayed, Dr Johnson remarks on this story, that "green wood is not very apt to burn; and the heavy rains which fall in these countries must surely have extinguished the conflagration were it ever so violent." Yet in 1800 Radnor forest presented a conflagration of nearly twenty miles circumference, which continued to spread for a considerable time, in spite of every effort to arrest its progress. –E.

262

   De Barros; Lafitan; Vincent, in the Periplus of the Erythrean sea; Meikle, in his translation of the Lusiad. Harris, in his Collection, Vol. I. p. 663, postpones this discovery to the year 1439. –Clarke.

263

   In Purchas this person is named Antonio Gonsalvo; but the authority of Clarke, I. 188, is here preferred. –E.

264

   Progr. of Nav. Disc. I. 184.

265

   This tribe of Assenhaji, or Azanaghi, are the Zenhaga of our maps, and the Sanhagae of Edrisi and Abulfeda. They are at present represented as inhabiting at no great distance from the coast of Africa, between the rivers Nun and Senegal. –Cl.

266

   No such name occurs in the best modern charts, neither is there a river of any consequence on the coast which answers to the distance. The first large river to the south of the Nuno is the Mitomba, or river of Sierra Liona, distant about 130 maritime miles. –E.

267

   So called from the number of hawks which were seen on these islands when first discovered, Aзor signifying a hawk in the Portuguese language; hence Açores or Aзoras, pronounced Azores, signifies the Islands of Hawks. –Clarke.

268

   Peripl. of the Erythr. Sea, 193.

269

   Hist. of the Disc. of India, prefixed to the translation of the Lusiad, I. 158.

270

   Astley, Col. of Voy. and Trav. I. 573. Clarke, Prog. of Marit. Disc. I. 235.

271

   According to De Faria, as already mentioned in Chap. II. Sect. I Cape Non was doubled, and Cape Bojador discovered in 1415, many years before the death of King John. The present recapitulation by Cada Mosto has been left in his own words, without insisting on the exactness of his chronology. –Astley.

272

   In Grynaeus, this person is called a patrician or nobleman of Venice, and his surname is omitted. –Astley.

273

   Con Veuto da greco et tramantana in poppe; literally, having a Greek, and beyond the mountain wind in the poop. The points of the compass, in Italian maps, are thus named, N. Tramontana. N. E. Greco. E. Levante S. E. Sirocco. S. Mezzoni. S. W. Libeccio. W. Ponente. N. W. Maestro. –Clarke.

274

   This date ought to have been 1413. –Astl.

275

   Barbot says eight leagues; other authors say more, and some less. It is about twelve leagues to the north-east of Madeira. –Astl.

276

   When Sir Amias Preston took this island in 1595, it abounded in corn, wine, and oil, and had good store of sheep, asses, goats, and kine. There was also plenty of fowl, fish, and fruits. –Astl.

277

   From this account it seems to be an inspissated juice. –Astley. This tree has probably received its name from the bark being like the scales of a serpent. About the full of the moon it exudes a vermilion coloured gum. That which grows on the islands and coasts of Africa is more astringent than what comes from Goa. It is found on high rocky land. Bartholomew Stibbs met with it on the banks of the Gambia river, and describes it under the name of Par de Sangoe, or blood-wood tree. The gum is a red, inodorous, and insipid resin, soluble in alcohol and oils; and when dissolved by the former, is used for staining marble. –Clarke.

278

   The woods of Madeira are cedar, vigniatico, laurus Indicus, which has a considerable resemblance to mahogany, barbuzano, chesnut, and the beautiful mirmulano, and paobranco. –Clarke.

279

   This measure is said to weigh about thirty-three English pounds, so that the quantity mentioned in the text amounts to 1850 quarters English measure. –Astl.

280

   I suppose he means at one crop. The quantity in the text, reduced to avoirdupois weight, amounts to twenty-eight hogsheads, at sixteen hundred weight each. –Astl.

281

   In Clarke, this person is named Ferrero; perhaps the right name of this person was Fernando Pereira, who subdued Gomera and Ferro. –E.

282

   A species of moss, or lichen rather, that grows on the rocks, and is used by dyers. –Clarke.

283

   Other authors call the natives of the Canaries Guanchos. –E.

284

   This is erroneous, as there are several towns on the coast of Morocco beyond this Cape, as Saffia, Mogadore, Santa Cruz, and others. Cape Cantin is in lat. 32°30'N. and the river Sus in 30°25', which is 140 miles to the south. There are no towns on the coast beyond that river; but the northern limit of the Sahara, or great desert, is in lat. 27°40', 186 miles to the south of the river Sus, and is surely inhabited by wandering Arabs. Even the great desert, which extends 750 miles from north to south, almost to the river Senegal, is thinly interspersed by several wandering tribes of the Azanhaji. –E.

285

   Called Tombuto in the original, and Ataubat in Grynaeus. –Astl. Hoden stands in an ouasis, or watered island, in the sea of sand, or great desert, about lat. 19°20'N. and W. long. 11°40'. –E.

286

   Under the general name of Azanhaji, which probably signifies the pilgrims or wanderers of the desert, the Nomadic Arabs or Moors are distinguished into various tribes; as Beni-amir, Beni-sabi, Hilil Arabs, Ludajas, and Hagi; sometimes called Monselmines, Mongearts, Wadelims, Labdessebas, and Trasarts; all named in their order from north to south, as occupying the desert towards the Atlantic. –E.

287

   In the text this river is named Senega, and its name probably signifies the river of the Azanhaji. It Is called in Ramusio Oro Tiber. -F.

288

   The name of this place is explained as signifying a chest or bag of gold. There is a place marked in the Saharra, or great sandy desert; under the name of Tisheet, where there are salt mines, in lat. 17° 40' N. and long. 6° 40' W. which may possibly be Teggazza. The distance of Tisheet from Hoden in our maps is about 375 miles E. S. E. But there are other salt mines in the desert still farther to the east. –E.

289

   The distance between Tisheet and Tombuctu, according to our best maps, is about 560 miles E. and by S. In the same proportion, supposing Tisheet to be Teggazza, the distance between Tombuctu and Melli ought to be about 420 miles. Of Melli we have no traces in our modern maps, but it may possibly be referred to Malel, the apparent capital of Lamlem; see Pinkert. Geogr. II. 917, as laid down from the Arabian geographers, nearly 1200 miles E.S.E. from Tombuctu. –E.

290

   This story is probably a fiction, proceeding upon a trade of barter between parties who did not understand the languages of each other. The succeeding part of the story seems a mere fable, without the smallest foundation whatever. –E.

291

   Few persons, perhaps, will be disposed to think the credit of the Africans, however positive, or the belief of the author, however strong, sufficient evidence of the truth of this story. Yet it certainly is a common report of the country, and not the invention of Cada Mosto. Jobson, who was at the Gambra or Gambia in 1620, repeats the whole substance of this story; and Movette relates the circumstances of the blacks trafficking for salt without being seen, which he had from the Moors of Morocco. He leaves out, however, the story of the frightful lips. Every fiction has its day; and that part is now out of date. –Astl.

292

   Melli being itself unknown, we can hardly look to discover the situation of Kokhia or Cochia; but it may possibly be Kuku, a town and district to the N.E. of Bornou, which lies in the direction of the text; or it may be Dar Kulla, greatly more to the S.W. but still in the same track. –E.

293

   In Grynaeus this place is called Ato. As in the direction of the caravan from Tombuto towards Tunis, it may possibly be Taudeny, an ouasis or island of the great desert, in lat. 21° 30' N. –E.

294

   Called Hona in Grynaeus. What part of Barbary this name may refer to does not appear. But the passage ought perhaps to run thus, "to Oran by the Mountain of Wan," as there is a range mountains of that name to the S. E. of Oran, which joins the chain of Atlas, or the Ammer Mountains. –E.

295

   This is the earliest account of the places from whence gold is brought, and of the course of its trade through Africa, and thence into Europe; and is even more particular and exact than any that has been given by later authors. –Astl.

296

   Cada Mosto is incorrect in the chronology of this discovery, and even de Barros is not quite decided as to the first discovery of the Senegal. He says that Denis Fernandez passed it in 1446, and that Lancerot discovered it in 1447; the latter of which is eight years before the visit of Cada Mosto. –Clarke.

297

   The northern mouth of the Senegal is in lat. 16° 40'. The southern in 15° 45', both N. so that the distance between them, or the length of the island mentioned in the text, is about sixty-two miles. –E.

298

   This fancy of all the great rivers in Africa being branches from one principal stream, is now known to be entirely erroneous. –Astl.

299

   Although the first kingdom, or kingdoms of the Negroes lies on the Senegal, Senega, or Sanaghas, and others along the Gambia, yet there were not properly any kingdoms of these names. On the north, indeed, of the Sanagha, lay the country of the Sanhaga, Azanaghi, or Azanhaji, from whence the river seems to have taken its name; but was divided among various tribes of people, and not under any one sovereign. Geographers, however, have since continued to propagate this first error. –Astl.
   The Jalofs and Foulahs inhabit the country between the Senegal and Gambia, on which latter river the Feloops reside. What is meant by Tukhusor in the text does not appear, unless it may obscurely indicate Karta. –E.

300

   The text seems corrupted in giving so large a distance between the Senegal river and this country of king Budomel, as 800 miles to the south, or rather S. S. E. would carry us to what is called the grain, or windward coast of Guinea, in lat. 6° N. and, from the sequel, Cada Mosto does not appear to have passed Cape Verd till after quitting the country of Budomel. According to Brue, as quoted by Clarke, the king of Kayor or Kayhor was styled Damel. Kayor or Cayor appears on our maps above an hundred miles up the Senegal, and on its north side, which therefore can have no reference to the place in the text. I am disposed to believe, that the distance in the text ought only to have been 80 miles, and that the territory of Budomel was in the country of the Jalofs, between the Senegal and Cape Verd, at the mouth of a small river, on which our charts place two towns, Masaye and Enibaul, in lat. 15° 20' N. –E.

301

   The grosso, or Venetian groat, is worth about three farthings. –Astl.

302

   This is almost certainly palm oil, the origin of which will appear in another division of this work. –E.

303

   The text must be here erroneous, as two paces, or ten feet, will scarcely suffice in describing the boa constrictor, sometimes near thirty feet long. –E.

304

   An account of the termites, or white ants of Africa, will appear hereafter. The circumstance of serpents taking up their abode in the large anthills, must be entirely accidental. –E.

305

   Probably the Pintado, or Guinea fowl. –E.

306

   This in Ramusio is called Tabacche, and Sambuka in Grynaeus. –Astl.

307

   Cape Verd is about 100 miles from the southern mouth of the river Senegal; so that the voyagers probably anchored every night within sight of the scarcely known coast. –E.

308

   This is erroneous, as it was discovered in 1446 by Denis Fernandez, nine years before. –Clarke.

309

   It is necessary to be cautious with respect to these early voyages, which, having gone through various transcriptions and translations, are liable to numerous errors. In our best charts, this sand bank, intermixed with sunk rocks, extends two miles out to sea. –E.

310

   Called the Birds islands, or the Magdalens. –Clarke.

311

   In Ramusio these fish are called Orate vecchis, and in Grynaeus Ostreas veteres. –Astl.

312

   This appears to indicate the gulf between Cape Emanuel, near the isle of Goree, and the Red Cape. –E.

313

   The river named Barbasini is above eighty-five miles S.S.E. from Cape Verd, measuring to its northern entrance, and forms a small island or delta at its mouth, having another entrance about eighteen miles farther south. There is a small island named Fetti, off its northern entrance, of which no notice is taken by Cada Mosto. The natives on this part of the coast, to the north of the Gambia, are now called Barras. –E.

314

   From the sequel, I am apt to conclude that this second river is the Barbasini of our charts; and that the river named Barbasini in the text of Cada Mosto, is that named Joall in modern charts. –E.

315

   Cada Mosto betrays strange ignorance of the previous discoveries of the Portuguese, considering that he had resided some time with Don Henry at Sagres. This fine river was discovered in 1447, nine years before, by Nuno Tristan, who ascended it some way, and was slain there by the poisoned arrows of the Negroes. Perhaps even Don Henry was misled by the name of Rio Grande which it then received, and confused the Venetian in his search for the Gambia. –Clarke.

316

   From this it would appear, that Gambra or Gambia is the name of the country, not of the river. Johnson says that the natives always call it Gee, which merely signifies the river. –Astl.

317

   The centre of the mouth of the Gambia is in lat. 13° 30' N. –E.

318

   It may be noticed, that during the whole of his narrative, Cada Mosto constantly speaks of Spain, and the Spanish language, as if forgetting that the ships and crews were Portuguese. –Clarke.

319

   There is some difficulty respecting the date of this second voyage. In the former, Cada Mosto sailed from Portugal in March 1455. In the course of his proceedings, the month of November is mentioned, and some subsequent transactions are said to have happened in July, which, on this arrangement, must necessarily have been of the year 1456. If, therefore, the dates of the former voyage be accurate, the second ought to have been dated in 1457. –E.

320

   This part of the narrative is involved in difficulty, and most be erroneous. A storm from the S. W. off Cape Branco, almost in lat. 21° N. and a N. W. course, could not possibly lead to the discovery of the Cape Verd islands, almost six degrees farther south, and at least six degrees farther west. This difficulty may be solved, by supposing the storm from the N.E. and that the ships drove to the S.W. from off Cape Branco. –E.

321

   This passage alludes to the voyage of Antonio de Noli in 1462. And it may be remarked, that de Faria, who mentions the discovery of these islands by Noli, takes no notice of the actual discovery by Cada Mosto. –Astl.

322

   The editor of Astleys Collection considers this as having been St Jameses island, which is about twenty miles up the Gambia: But there is a small island near the northern bank, now called Charles I. which exactly corresponds with the distance in the text. –E.

323

   According to our best maps or charts of the Gambia, this river is never less than four miles broad, and generally above five, till we get near 100 miles up the river, to the reach which encircles the Devils Point, where it still is two miles wide. It is possible that the original journal of Cada Mosto may have had leagues of three marine miles each, in which case the residence of Battimansa may have been at or near the Devils Point, above 100 miles up the river. –E.

324

   Though this country will be amply described in other voyages in our Collection, it may be proper to remark, that both sides of the river Gambia are inhabited by a mixed population of three nations, the Feloops, Foleys, and Mandingoes, each of whom have their own separate villages interspersed. This population is divided into many states, lordships, or little kingdoms; as Joalli, Barrah, Kolar, Badibu, Barsalli, &c. on or near the northern bank; Kumbo, Fonia, Kaen, Jagra, Yamini, &c. on the southern. –E.

325

   The meaning of this expression is obscure. Perhaps it implies that their Mahometan teachers had no mosques, because the Negroes were ignorant of the means and method of construction. The knowledge of God among the northern Negroes was assuredly due exclusively to the Mahometan missionaries. –E.

326

   Called Gnumi-Mensa in Grynaeus. According to Jobson, Mensa, or Mansa, signifies a king in the Mandingo language. –Astl.

327

   A Venetian silver coin, not exceeding a silver penny. –Astl.

328

   This animal is nowhere explained. Perhaps the crocodile or alligator. –E.

329

   At this place Grynaeus calls him Batrinense; though he had named him rightly Bati-mansa before. –Astl.

330

   This is now called Cape St Mary. –E.

331

   This seems to allude to what is now called Bald Cape, about twenty miles south from Cape St Mary, and stretching somewhat farther west; from which there extends breakers or sunken rocks a considerable distance from the land. –E.

332

   Between the mouth of the Gambia and that of the Casamansa, there are three inlets, which appear to be smaller mouths of the latter river. The most northern of these is named St Peter, the most southerly Oyster river; the intermediate one has no name. –E.

333

   The actual distance is barely a degree of latitude, or less than seventy English miles. Cada Mosto probably estimated by the log, the more circuitous track by sea. –E.

334

   Cada Mosto does not mention the remarkable change which takes place here in the direction of the coast. From the Gambia to Cape Rosso, the coast runs direct south; after which its direction is E.S.E. to the mouth of the river St Ann. –E.

335

   Called in modern charts, Rio S. Dominica. –E.

336

   According to de Faria, Rio Grande was discovered by Nunez Tristan in 1447, nine years before it was visited by Cada Mosto. –Astl.

337

   Cada Mosto is exceedingly superficial in his account of the Rio Grande; and it even seems dubious if he ever saw or entered this river, as he appears to have mistaken the navigable channel between the main and the shoals of the Rio Grande for the river itself; which channel extends above 150 English miles, from the island of Bulam in the E.S.E. to the open sea in the W.N.W. This channel agrees with his description, in being twenty miles wide, whereas the real Rio Grande is greatly smaller than the Gambia. –E.

338

   These may be the island of Waring and the Marsh islands, at the north-western entry of the channel of the Rio Grande, forming part of the Bissagos islands. –E.

339

   For this exordium or introduction, we are indebted to the editor of Astley's Collection of Voyages and Travels, said to have been a Mr John Green. The infant Don Henry of Portugal died in 1463; so that there must have been an interval of six or seven years between the second voyage of Cada Mosto and this of Piedro de Cintra: Though de Faria seems to put this voyage as having been executed before the death of that excellent prince, yet Cada Mosto, who then actually resided at Lagos, could not be mistaken is this important particular. – Astl.

340

   In a note to the second voyage of Cada Mosto, it has been already noticed that he seems to have given the name of Rio Grande to the channel between the Bissagos islands, or shoals of the Rio Grande and the Main. This river Besegue, may possibly be the strait or channel which divides the island named particularly Bissagos, or more properly Bissao, from that of Bassis or Bussi. Yet, this river Besegue may even have been that now called Rio Grande, in which, about twenty-four leagues above its mouth, there is an island called Bissaghe. –E.

341

   It is strange that the Rio de Nuno, close by this cape, the estuary of which is not less than seven or eight miles wide, should be here omitted; but the present voyage is very superficially narrated throughout. –E.

342

   The text is here obviously defective, as no river is mentioned before; but the allusion must be to the river Pongo, Pongue, or Pougue, at the mouth of which Cape Sagres is situated; indeed that cape seems to be formed by one of the islands off the mouth of the river. –E.

343

   There are a number of small rivers on the coast, between Cape Sagres and Cape Tagrin, such as Tofali, Dania, Buria, Berrea, Tanna, Pogone, Cagrance, dos Casas; but our modern charts have none named as in the text on this part of the coast. –E.

344

   This is now called Cape Tagrin, and forms the northern point at the entrance of the Sierra Leone river, otherwise called the Mitomba or Tagrin river. The southern point is named Cape Sierra Leone; and in some maps is likewise named Liedo very improperly. It is necessary to distinguish carefully between the Cape of Sierra Leone, and the mountainous ridge of the same name, which appears to extend a considerable way along the coast to the S. E. near fifty miles, to the river Kates, or Sa. Ma. della Neue. But, from the baldness of the narrative, there is great difficulty in tracing out this voyage. –E.

345

   These are now called Bananas islands, in lat. 8° N. –E.

346

   Perhaps the Camaranca. –E.

347

   Probably that now called Tassa Point, or Cabo de S. Anna. –E.

348

   This account seems again to refer to the river Camaranca and Tassa Point; otherwise called Cape St Ann; yet this cape is brought in immediately afterwards. Indeed this voyage is inextricably confused, probably incorrect or corrupt. –E.

349

   The large island of Sherbro, with Sherbro Strand and Shoals, a very prominent feature of this part of the African coast, is here entirely overlooked; unless we suppose de Cintra to have gone on the outside of that island, considering the sound as a river, and naming the N. W. point of Sherbro island Cape St Ann. –E.

350

   We have already seen that Don Henry died in this year, which must, therefore, be here an error of the press, either in the original publication by Cada Mosto, or in some of the after editions. –E.

351

   Astley, I. 15. Clarke, I. 290. Purchas, I. Harris, I. 664.

352

   Clarke, I. 295.

353

   These may possibly be the nuts of the Ricinus Palma Christi, from which the castor oil is extracted. –E.

354

   Strictly speaking the northern limits of Loango, one of the divisions of the extensive kingdom of Congo, is at the Sette river, ten leagues S.S. E. from Cape St Catherine. –E.

355

   There is no island of that name in this position; so that the island of St Matthew of de Barros must refer to Annobon. –E.

356

   These dates would throw back the discovery of this island, and the passage of the line by the mariners of Don Henry, to the year 1438, at a time when they had not reached the latitude of 25° N. which is quite absurd. –E.

357

   Ramusio. Clarke I. 298. This voyage was communicated by the relator to Count Raimond della Torre, a nobleman of Verona. –Clarke.

358

   A description of the islands of Cape Verd, and an account of the supply of salt usually taken on board by the Portuguese ships at the island of Sal, for the purpose of laying in a sea store of salt fish, is here omitted. –Clarke.

359

   This geographical expression is utterly unintelligible, but may be a strange mode of denoting its latitude, which is 15° N. but I know not what to make of the thirty leagues towards the south, unless the author meant that it was thirty leagues in extent from north to south, and seventeen leagues from east to west. –E.

360

   The description in the text is not applicable to maize, and must refer to some species of bean, or kidney-bean. –E.

361

   Called likewise Maleguette, and named also the Grain-Coast and the Pepper-Coast. Manicongo is obviously the kingdom of Congo. –E.

362

   Some of this is smuggled and sold in England. –Clarke.
   This Guinea pepper is probably that now known under the name of Jamaica pepper; but the extremely pungent kind must be some of the numerous species of capsicums, usually called Cayenne pepper. –E.

363

   This strange expression seems to imply 4° of north latitude. –E.

364

   Called likewise Balestriglia, being the Venetian name for the cross– staff, or fore-staff, an astronomical instrument which has been superseded by the quadrant and sextant. -E

365

   In an after part of this narrative, the pilot informs us, that his first voyage to the island of San Thome was in 1520, and that he made five voyages to that place. If, therefore, the date of his present voyage were fixed to 1530, it would carry us back to 1450, or even earlier, for the date of this discovery, near thirteen years before the death of Don Henry. –Clarke.
   In Mr Clarkes note on this passage, he erroneously calculates on the above data that the discovery might have been in 1460, which is only seventy years back from 1530. But the result of the data in the text shews, that either the pilot was mistaken as to the real date of the discovery, or that his narrative has been corrupted, so that no reliance can be placed on his dates. –E.

366

   The direction of Il Principe, or Princes Island, from St Thomas, is N. N. E. and the distance does not exceed seventy miles. –Clarke.

367

   These batatas are probably a different species from our potatoes, and may be what are called sweet potatoes in the West Indies; perhaps the igname cicorero is the West Indian yam. Four species of igname or batata, are mentioned in Barbot as originally from Benin, Anwerre, Mani-Congo, and Saffrance. The first of these is remarkably sweet, and the second keeps well. A variety of esculent roots might prove of high utility to navigators, and are too much neglected. Among these, the parsnip and Jerusalem artichoke deserve notice, as being very nutritive, and proof against all weathers. –Clarke.

368

   Prog, of Mar. Disc. I. 329. note r.

369

   Bruce's Abyssinia, II. 105.

370

   Clarke, I. 342.

371

   Clarke, i. 384. Purchas, II. 1091.

372

   El Tor is on the Arabian coast of the Red Sea, near the mouth of the Bahr Assuez, or Gulf of Suez, in lat. 28° 10' N. long. 33° 36' E. –E.

373

   Bibl. des Voyages, V. 2.

374

   By Mr Clarke this person is named Gonзalo Nunez.

375

   Mr Clarke alleges, that Lichefield, our original translator, has fallen into an error in this date, which ought to have been the 28th July. –E.

376

   If Saturday were the 5th July, on which the fleet sailed from Lisbon, the 3d of August must have been on Thursday. But it does not seem necessary to insist upon such minute critical accuracy; which, besides, is unattainable. –E.

377

   This strange expression probably means, that Gama stretched directly across the gulf of Guinea, not creeping as usual along the coast, and endeavoured to make a direct course for the Cape of Good Hope. –E.

378

   Our old English translator, Lichefield, strangely mistakes in calling this place the island of Sancta Haelena; which is assuredly St Elena bay, in lat. 32° 40' S. It has since been sometimes named St Martin's bay, but the proper and general name is the bay of St Elena, the S. W. point of entry being called St Martin's Point. –E.

379

   Perhaps the Berg river, at the bottom of St Elena bay. –E.

380

   This paragraph is added to relation of Castenada from the works of Faria and Osorius. –Clarke.

381

   If the Thursday on which they came in sight of the Cape were the 16th, the Wednesday following must have been the 22nd of the month. –E.

382

   This paragraph is an addition to the text of Castaneda from Osorius– Clarke, I. 342

383

   From the circumstances in the text, this watering-place of St Blaze is probably what is now called St Katherines or St Sebastians Bay; yet that place hardly exceeds forty-seven Portuguese leagues east from the cape. The sixty leagues of the text would carry us almost a degree farther east, to what is now called Kaffercroyts river. Clarke removes this place still farther to Flesh Bay, otherwise called Angra de St Braz, or Aguada de St Braz by De Barros. This latter place is seventy Portuguese leagues, or above eighty marine leagues east from the cape. –E.

384

   This account seems erroneous, whether St Katherines or Flesh Bay be the one in question, as both ought to be safe in north winds, and the winds between the S and E points give both a lee shore. –E.

385

   Probably a species of Penguins: Lichefield calls them stares, as large as ducks; Osorius says the natives called them satiliario, and that they were as big as geese. –E.

386

   Probably Rock Point, forming the western boundary of Algoa or Zwartkops bay, in long. 27° E. bring the rocky extreme promontory of the Krakakamma ridge. –E.

387

   It is infinitely difficult to guess the course of these early voyages, without latitudes or longitudes, and only estimated distances by dead reckoning in uncertain leagues; but the Rio del Infante of this voyage and that of Diaz, is probably that now called Great-fish river, in the Zuureveld of Graaff Reynet, in long. 28° 20' E• which, however, is twenty-six Portuguese leagues, or thirty geographical leagues from Rocky Point, instead of the fifteen leagues of the text. –E.

388

   The sixty leagues in the text are inexplicable on any rational supposition, as they seem to have again made the Rocks de la Cruz, or rather Rocky Point, said just before to be only fifteen leagues from Infante river, to which they were then bound. –E.

389

   The Portuguese ships appear to have been now on the coast of Natal, or the land of the Caffres, certainly a more civilized people than the Hottentots of the cape. But the circumstance of Alonzo understanding their language is quite inexplicable: as he could hardly have been lower on the western coast than Minz, or perhaps Congo. Yet, as a belt of Caffres are said to cross the continent of Africa, to the north of the Hottentots, it is barely possible that some Caffre slaves may have reached the western coast. –E.

390

   This grain was probably what is now well known under the name of millet. –E.

391

   According to Barros, Aguada da boa Paz. –Clarke.

392

   Gibb's Orosius, I. 50.

393

   The text here ought probably to be thus amended, "He and his brother, with Nicholas Coelle," &c. –E.

394

   These probably swam off to the ships. –E.

395

   De Faria alleges that the people of this river were not so black as the other Africans, and wore habits of different kinds of stuffs, both cotton and silk, of various colours, and that they understood Arabic; and adds, that they informed De Gama there were white people to the eastwards, who sailed in ships like those of the Portuguese. Osorius likewise says, that one of the natives spoke Arabic very imperfectly, and that De Gama left two of his convicts at this place, which he called San Rafael. –Clarke.

396

   There is no circumstance in the text from which the situation of this river can even be conjectured. Clarke, p.440, alleges that it was Soffala; and yet, in a note in his preceding page, says, "That De Gama seems to have passed Cape Corientes during the night, and to have kept so far from land, on account of a strong current setting on shore, as not to have noticed Sofala." In the notes on the Lusiad, this river of Good Signs is ascertained to have been one of the mouths of the Zambeze, or Cuama River, which divides Mocaranga from the coast of Mozambique; the different mouths of which run into the sea between the latitudes of 19° and 18° S. –E.

397

   They were evidently afflicted with the scurvy; and accordingly De Barros refers the disease to its proper cause, "Having been for so long a time confined to the use of salt fish and corrupted biscuit. – Clarke."

398

   Addition to the narrative of Castaneda, from De Barros. –Clarke.

399

   This obscure expression seems to mean that De Gama wished them to precede the ships, and point out the way into the harbour. –E.

400

   This expression has probably been misunderstood by the original translator. It appears that these Moors of Mozambique spoke Arabic, here called the language of Algarve, and finding themselves understood and answered by the strangers, mistook the Portuguese for Moors. –E.

401

   Mozambique is in lat. 15° 35' S. and in 41° of E. Long–E.

402

   The observations here inserted, and marked with inverted commas, are made by the Editor of the present collection. They are much too long for insertion in the form of a note, and appeared of too much importance to be omitted; being chiefly from Clarke, I. 447. –E.

403

   For the materials of this addition to the text of Castaneda, we are chiefly indebted to the Progress of Maritime Discovery, p. 447, 458. –E.

404

   His name, as given by Osorius, was Zacocia, and De Barros adds, that he wore richly embroidered clothes, and had his sword ornamented with diamonds. –Clarke.

405

   This is probably the same person named Fernan Alvares on a former occasion. –E.

406

   It is added by De Barros, that three Abexijs, or Abyssinians, from the territory of Preste Joano, came on board the fleet, along with the Moors who brought provisions; and, seeing the image of the angel Gabriel painted on the ship of that name, and being accustomed to such representations of angels in their own country, they made their adorations to this holy picture. –Clarke.

407

   Mr Clarke, Progr. of Marit. Disc. I. 464, strangely misrepresents this story; saying, "that the pilot of Paulo de la Gama had deserted to the Moors, though a Christian."–E.

408

   According to De Burros, after the inhabitants abandoned the town, the zeque sent De Gama a pilot to navigate Coello's ship, from whom De Gama learnt that Calicut was a months voyage from Mozambique. -Clarke, I. 464.

409

   If Sunday, as above, were the first of April, the Friday following must have been the 6th. –E.

410

   The text is here obscure; but it would appear that only some of the men belonging to these two boats remained on board, and the rest returned to the coast. Not that the Moorish pilots from Mozambique were here dismissed, as the text of Lichefild's translation seems to insinuate. –E.

411

   Motta, in the Portuguese East Indian Pilot, places this town in lat. 3° 50'S. He says the entrance is much incommoded with shoals, and so narrow in some places as not to exceed the length of a ship. This city is said to have once stood on a peninsula, converted into an island by cutting a canal across the isthmus. -Clarke, I. 469.

412

   This may be understood that part of the inhabitants were unmixed Arabs, comparatively whites; while others were of a mixed race between these and the original natives, perhaps likewise partly East Indian Mahometans, of a similar origin. –E.

413

   This is surely an oversight in Castaneda or his translator, for one year. –E.

414

   It is difficult to ascertain what place in India is here meant. Cranganore comes nearer in sound, but is rather nearer Melinda than Calicut; Mangalore is rather more distant. The former a degree to the south of Calicut, the latter not quite two to the north; all three on the Malabar coast. On a former occasion, Castaneda says these merchants were of Cambaya or Guzerat, above eleven degrees north of Calicut. –E.

415

   This seems to be the same office with that named Kadhi, or Khazi, by the Turks and Persians, which is rather the title of a judge than of a priest, which is named Moulah. –E.

416

   It is probable that this passage should be thus understood, "The king sent him a pilot, who was an idolater from Guzerate, &c."–E.

417

   The addition to, or observations on the text, inserted in this place within inverted commas, are from Clarke, I. 486, 487. –E.

418

   In Lichefild's translation this date is made the 22d; but the Friday after Sunday the 21st, must have been the 26th of the month. –E.

419

   The difference of longitude between Melinda and Calicut is thirty– four degrees, which at 17-1/2 leagues to the degree, gives only 575 Portuguese leagues, or 680 geographical leagues of twenty to the degree. Thus miserably erroneous are the estimated distances in old navigators, who could only compute by the dead reckoning, or the log. –E.

420

   The course from Melinda to Calicut is about E. N. E. the former being about three degrees to the S. and the latter almost eleven degrees to the N. of the line. –E.

421

   This vague account of the extent of Malabar is erroneous or corrupt, as sixty-one Portuguese leagues would barely reach from Cape Comorin to Calicut. The extreme length of the western maritime vale of India, from Cambay to Cape Comorin, exceeds 250 Portuguese leagues. –E.

422

   The proper name of this prince who is said to have thus divided the kingdom of Malabar, was Shermanoo-Permaloo. -Clarke, I. 395.

423

   This must be erroneous, as the Mahometans reckon from the year of the Hegira, or flight of Mahomet from Mecca, which commences in 622 of the Christian era. –E.

424

   This story seems an Arabian tale, perhaps partly founded upon some real revolution in the government of Malabar. But it would much exceed the bounds of a note to enter upon disquisitions relative to Indian history. –E.

425

   Laker is a kind of gum that proceedeth of the ant. This marginal note, in Lichefild's translation of Castaneda, indicates the animal origin of lac, which has been elucidated of late by Dr Roxburgh. –E.

426

   From the sequel in the narrative of Castaneda, this Colastrian rajah seems to have been the sovereign of Cananor. –E.

427

   This word pagoda, applied by the Portuguese, to denote an Indian, temple, is said to be derived from a Malabar or Indian word, Pagabadi, signifying any idol. -Astley, I. 51.

428

   This is described by Castaneda as a coin equal in value to three crowns.

429

   By De Faria, this man is named Monzayde. –Astl. I. 30.

430

   The title of kutwal is of Arabic origin, and properly signifies the governor of a fort or castle, but the office may be different in different places. In some instances, the kutwal seems to have been the deputy-governor, sheriff, or judge of a town. –Astl. I. 30.

431

   Such are the expressions used by Lichefild; but I suspect the sense here ought to have been, That the kutwal required De Gama to land immediately, that he might go to Calicut, on purpose to be presented to the zamorin. –E.

432

   In Astley, I. 81. this place is named Kapokats. –E.

433

   Kafr is an Arabic word, signifying an infidel or unbeliever; and is applied by the Mahometans to all who do not believe the doctrines of Mahomet, and especially to all who worship images, including the Roman Catholics. The priests mentioned in the text were obviously bramins. The origin of the term here used by mistake, was obviously from the interpretation of Bontaybo, the friendly Moor; and explains the mistake of De Gama in believing the Malabars to have been Christians. Bontaybo applied the same significant term of kafr to the image worshippers of all denominations, without discriminating one species of idolater from another. –E.

434

   On this part of the text, the author, or the original translator, makes the following singular marginal reflection:-"The general deceived, committeth idolatry with the Devil."–E.

435

   Astley, I. 24. a.

436

   Called in Astley sharafins. –Astl. I. 36.

437

   De Faria says that this fleet belonged to a pirate named Timoja, of whom frequent mention will be made hereafter; and that the eight ships were so linked together, and covered over with boughs of trees, that they resembled a floating island. –Astl. I. 38. a.

438

   More probably Anche-diva, or Ange-diva. –Astl. I. 38. b.

439

   These vessels seem more probably to have been the squadron of Timoja. –Astl. I. 38. c.

440

   Frangnes, Franghis, or Feringays, a common name all over the East for Europeans; assuredly derived from the Francs or French, long known as the great enemy of the Mahometans, by their exploits in the crusades. –E.

441

   De Faria says this person was a Jew, and that he made the sign of the cross from the shore to be taken on board. –Astl. I. 39. b.

442

   Or rather one of the three kings of Collen. –Astl. I. 39.

443

   Since called Cuama. –Astl. I. 39. c.

444

   Magadoxo is in lat. 2° 20' N. and about 45° 40' E. long. –E.

445

   Pate stands on the coast of Zanguebar, on the Rio Grande, one of the mouths of the river Zebee, in lat. 1° 50' S. and about 41° 20' E. long. –E.

446

   De Faria says this ship was lost on the shoals called after her name but the men were saved. –Astl. I. 40. a.

447

   De Faria alleges that Coello was separated by a storm near Cape Verd, and arrived at Lisbon, thinking De Gama had got home before him. –Astl. I. 40. b.

448

   De Faria says fifty-five, and that they were all rewarded by the king. –Astl. I. 40. c.

449

   The translator values this pension at 200l. a-year, perhaps equal in present value to 2000l. –E.

450

   This does not appear to have been actually done until his return from India the second time, as will be mentioned hereafter. –E.

451

   According to Astley, but without quoting any particular authority, De Gama had a grant from the king of the title of Don for himself and his descendants, and a pension of 3000 ducats: Coello was raised to the rank of Fidalgo, or gentleman, and had an appointment of 100 ducats yearly. –Astl. I. 40.

452

   It will appear in the sequel that there was another captain named Vasco de Tayde. –E.

453

   Astley says only 1200,-Astl. I. 40.

454

   According to Astley, there were eight Franciscan friars besides the vicar, eight chaplains, and a chaplin-major; and that their orders were to begin with preaching, and in case that failed, to enforce the gospel by the sword. In other words, to establish the accursed tribunal of the inquisition in India, to the eternal disgrace of Portugal, and of the pretended followers of the ever-blessed Prince of Peace. –E.

455

   The remainder of this paragraph is given in the precise words and orthography of the original translator, Nicholas Lichfild, as a curious specimen of the nautical language of Britain in 1582. –E.

456

   According to De Faria, this vessel parted in a storm near Cape Verd, and returned to Portugal. –Astl. I. 41. a.

457

   By some unaccountable mistake, the translation of Castaneda by Lichefild says to the east. –E.

458

   It appears that Cabral had twenty malefactors on board for such purposes, who had received pardon on condition of submitting to be landed on occasions of danger. –E.

459

   Puerto Seguro is in lat. 16°S. and about long. 39° 40'W. This country of Brasil derived its name from the dye-wood so called. –E.

460

   Originally, according to Castaneda, there were only ten ships and two caravels: Both the caravels have been already accounted for as having left the fleet; and after the loss of four ships, six only ought to have remained. Astley makes the whole fleet originally to have consisted of thirteen vessels, which will allow of seven now remaining. –E.

461

   This part of the voyage is very indistinctly described. From the lat. of 27°S. where Cabral is said to have fallen in with the eastern coast of Africa, to Sofala, in lat. 19°S. the coast stretches out nearly five degrees to the east, to Capes Corientes and St Sebastian, with many rivers, the great bays of Delogoa and Asnea, and the islands of Bocica or Bozarnio, all of which must have been seen by Cabral during the slow navigation close along shore, but all of which are omitted in the text. –E.

462

   Named Inhazato. Sofala is in lat. 13°S. and almost 36°E. from Greenwich. –E.

463

   According to De Faria, this person was uncle to the king of Melinda, and was named Sheikh Foteyma. –Astl. I. 41. b.

464

   In modern maps this extensive line of coast is divided into the following separate territories, Inhambane, Sabia, Sofala, Mocaranga, Mozambico, and Querimba; which will be illustrated in future portions of this work. –E.

465

   This word miso is probably an error of the press for mylyo, by which the African grain named millet is distinguished in other parts of Castaneda. The small cattle of the text are probably meant for sheep, as they are frequently thus contradistinguished in other parts of the original from great cattle, not here mentioned. –E.

466

   These vessels were probably precisely similar to the Arab dows of the Red Sea and Persian Gulf, which will be afterwards more particularly described. –E.

467

   Thus the translation of Castaneda by Lichefild. It was more probably a superstitious ceremony to guard against witches. –E.

468

   In an account of this voyage by a Portuguese pilot, inserted in the collection of Ramusio, the name of the reigning zamorin is said to have been Gnaffer. Ramus. I. 125.

469

   Probably the person who was carried prisoner from Anchediva by De Gama, in the former voyage. –E.

470

   According to De Faria, the hostages demanded on this occasion were six principal men of the Bramin cast, whose names were brought from Portugal by Cabral, by the advice of Bontaybo or Moncayde, the Moor who went off with De Gama. –Astl. I. 43. b.

471

   Named by De Faria, Coje Cimireci. –Astl. I. 44, a.

472

   Called Coje Bequi by De Faria; or rather Khojah Beki, or Beghi: But most of the foreign names are so corruptly given that it is difficult to rectify them. –Astl. I. 44. b.

473

   According to De Faria, this house was granted not without great difficulty, and was taken possession of by Correa with sixty men. – Astl. I. 45.

474

   According to De Faria, this event was occasioned by the Moorish admiral of Calicut, without the knowledge of the zamorin, who instigated Cabral to the attempt in hope of injuring the Portuguese, and sent information to the Moors to be on their guard. He adds that Cabral, having discovered the fraud, restored the ship and cargo to the owners, whom he satisfied for their damages, in order to gain the favour of the rajah of Cochin. –Astl. I. 45.

475

   Perhaps meant by Lichefild instead of emperor; or it may be some native term of dignity. –E.

476

   The latitude of Cochin is almost 10° N. while Calient is about 11° 10'. -E

477

   This Michael Jougue or Joghi, is said to have been a bramin, or Malabar priest; one of these devotees who wander about the country, girt with chains and daubed with filth. Those wanderers, if idolaters, are named Jogues; and Calandars if Mahometans. –Astl. I. 47. a.

478

   The rajah who then reigned at Cochin is named Triumpara, or Trimumpara, by De Faria, De Barros, and other early writers. –Astl. I. 47. b.

479

   In other parts of Castaneda, this officer is called the kutwal–E.

480

   According to De Barros, the rajah of Cochin was offended by the conduct of the zamorin, on several accounts, and among the rest for monopolising the trade on the Malabar coast. –Astl. I. 43. a. We may easily conceive that one strong ground of favour to the Portuguese at Cochin, was in hopes by their means to throw off the yoke of the zamorin. –E.

481

   One of these Christians died during the voyage, but the other, named Joseph, arrived in Portugal. This is the Josephus Indus, or Joseph the Indian, under whose name there is a short voyage in Grynжus: which properly speaking is only an account of Cranganore and its inhabitants, particularly the Christians and their ceremonies, with some account of Calient, Kambaya, Guzerat, Ormuz, and Narsinga, very short and unsatisfactory. –Astl. I. 48. b.

482

   Called Caitaio in the original, but obviously Cathay, or Northern China, in which we have formerly seen that there were Nestorian Christians. –E.

483

   In Lichefilds translation, the account of the day of these Indian Christians runs thus, which we do not pretend to understand: "They have their day, which they do call Intercalor, which is of forty hours."
   This account of the Christians found in India by the Portuguese, is exceedingly imperfect and unsatisfactory; but it would lead to a most inconvenient length to attempt supplying the deficiency. Those of our readers who are disposed to study this interesting subject, will find it discussed at some length in Mosheim, and there is a good abstract relative to these Oriental sects given by Gibbon, in the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. –E.

484

   Named Canyfistola in Lichefilds translation.

485

   Lagartos in the original.

486

   In Grynaeus, Pedro Alvarez de Cabral, is named Peter Aliares. –E.

487

   It afterwards appears that one vessel only was destined for this particular trade: Perhaps the second was meant for Quiloa. –E.

488

   According to Astley, I. 49. the crews of these four vessels consisted in all of 400 men. –E.

489

   Called de Atayde by Astley. –E.

490

   According to Astley, I. 49. Nueva discovered in this outward voyage the Island of Conception, in lat. 8° S. But this circumstance does not occur in Castaneda. –E.

491

   Before arriving at Melinda, Nueva gave chase to two large ships belonging to the Moors, one of which he took and burnt, but the other escaped. –Astl. I. 49.

492

   According to De Faria, Nueva took in a part of his loading; at Cochin, with a view perhaps to preserve the credit of the Portuguese nation at that place. –Astl. I. 50. a.

493

   In the original this linen cloth is said to have been made of algadon, a word left untranslated by Lichefild, probably al-cotton, or some such Arabic word for cotton: The linen cloth, therefore, was some kind of calico or muslin. –E.

494

   According to De Faria, five great ships and nine paraws were sunk in this action. De Barros says ten merchant ships and nine paraws. –Astl. I. 50. c.

495

   On this part of the voyage, Astley remarks, on the authority of De Faria, that Nueva touched at the island of St Helena, which he found destitute of inhabitants; though it was found peopled by De Gama in his first voyage, only four years before. What is called the island of St Helena in De Gamas first voyage, is obviously one of the head-lands of St Elens bay on the western coast of Africa. The island of St Helena is at a vast distance from the land, in the middle of the Atlantic ocean. –E.

496

   According to Astley, much difference of opinion took place in the council of Portugal, whether to continue the trade to India for which it was requisite to employ force, or to desist entirely from the attempt; but the profits expected from the trade, and the expectation of propagating the Romish religion and enlarging the royal titles, outweighed all considerations of danger; and it was resolved to persist in the enterprize. –Astl. I. 50.

497

   The distribution, of this force is somewhat differently related by Astley. Ten ships only are said to have been placed under the immediate command of Vasco de Gama; five ships under Vincente Sodre, who had orders to scour the coast of Cochin and Cananor, and to watch the mouth of the Red Sea, on purpose to prevent the Moors, or Turks and Arabs, from trading to India; the third, as in the text, was under Stephen de Gama, but with no particular destination mentioned; and the whole were under the supreme command of Vasco de Gama, as captain– general. –Astl. I. 50.

498

   Such is the expression in the translation by Lichefild; but which I suspect ought to have been, "and had passed Cape Corientes."–E.
   In Astley, the following incident is mentioned: When off Cape Verd, Vasco de Gama met a caravel bound from La Mina, on the western coast of Africa, carrying much gold to Lisbon. He shewed some of this to the ambassadors whom Cabral had brought from Cananor, and who were now on their return to India. They expressed much surprize at this circumstance; as they had been told by the Venetian ambassador at Lisbon, that the Portuguese could not send their ships to sea without assistance from Venice. This insinuation proceeded from envy, as the Venetians were afraid of losing the lucrative trade with India which they had long enjoyed through Egypt. –Astl. I. 51.

499

   According to De Faria, De Gama began by cannonading the city of Quiloa; but on the king consenting to become tributary, all was changed to peace and joy-Astl. I. 51. a.

500

   According to Astley, De Gama was forced beyond Melinda, and took in water at a bay eight leagues farther on; and going thence towards India, he spread out his fleet that no ship might escape him; in consequence of which he took several, but was most severe on those belonging to Calicut. –Astl. I. 51.

501

   In Astley this ship is said to have belonged to the soldan of Egypt, and was very richly laden, besides being full of Moors of quality, who were going on pilgrimage to Mecca. –Astl. I. 51.

502

   DeFaria says there were twenty of these children, whom De Gama caused to be made Christian friars, to make amends for one Portuguese who turned Mahometan. –Astl. I. 51. c.

503

   Castaneda, or rather his translator Lichefild, gets somewhat confused here, as if this factory were settled at Cochin, though the whole previous scene is described as at Cananor. –E.

504

   De Faria says the bodies of these unfortunate Malabars were thrown into the sea, to be carried on shore by the tide. –Astl. I. 52. a.

505

   By the straits of Mecca are here meant the straits of Bab-el-mandeb, or the entrance from the Indian Ocean into the Red Sea; and by the coast of Cambaya, what is now called Guzerat. –E.

506

   The rajah or king of Cochin has already been named Triumpara, or Trimumpara, on the authority of De Barros, De Faria, and other ancient authors; yet De Faria, in other instances, calls him Uniramacoul-Astl. I. 52. b.

507

   It is difficult to say what may have been meant by this last article. In old French writings Rouge comme Sendal means very high red, or scarlet; from which circumstance, this may have been a piece of scarlet satin or velvet. –E.

508

   Of the animal called bulgoldolf in the text we have no knowledge, nor of this stone of wonderful virtue; but it may possibly refer to the long famed bezoar, anciently much prized, but now deservedly neglected. –E.

509

   According to De Faria, this messenger was a bramin, who left his son and nephew at Cochin as hostages, and accompanied De Gama to Calicut, where he carried various messages between the zamorin and the admiral. –Astl. I. 53. b.

510

   De Faria says he was accompanied by a caravel. –Astl. 1.53. b.

511

   The son and nephew of the messenger, according to De Faria. –Astl. I. 53. c.

512

   In addition to the narrative of Castaneda, De Barros, Maffi, and De Faria relate, that ambassadors came to De Gama while at Cochin from the Christian inhabitants in Cranganore and that neighbourhood, who they said amounted to 30,000. They represented, that they knew he was an officer of the most Catholic king in Europe, to whom they submitted themselves; in testimony of which, they delivered into his hands the rod of justice, of a red colour, tipped with silver at both ends, and about the length of a sceptre, having three bells at the top. They complained of being much oppressed by the idolaters; and were dismissed by De Gama with promises of a powerful and speedy assistance. –Astl. I. 53. d.

513

   De Faria alleges that the persons who were appointed to settle matters relative to trade at this port, differed much upon the price of spices: on which occasion many threatening messages were sent to the rajah, who at length through fear complied with all the demands of the Portuguese. He says that the rajahs of Cochin and Cananor were as refractory and adverse at first as the zamorin; and that when De Gama arrived at Cochin, the three princes combined to make him winter there by fraud, and joined their fleets to destroy him. That on the failure of this combination, a durable peace was made with Trimumpara; and the rajah of Cananor, fearing the Portuguese might not return to his port, sent word to De Gama that he was ready to comply with all his demands, -Astl. I. 54, a.

514

   In Castaneda this date is made 1503; but from an attentive consideration of other dates and circumstances in that author, this must have been a typographical error. –E.

515

   This army is said to have amounted to 50,000 men. Panani is six leagues from Cochin. –Astl. I. 54.

516

   This person is named Naubea Daring by Astley, and is said to have been nephew to the zamorin. –Astl. I. 56.

517

   In Astley this prince is called the nephew of the rajah of Cochin. – Astl. I. 55.

518

   These are a cluster of islands, otherwise called Chartan and Martan, on the coast of Yemen, between the latitudes of 17° and 18° north. –E.

519

   Of the four officers mentioned in the text, three are enumerated at the commencement of the former voyage of De Gama as commanders of separate vessels. The fourth, Badarsas, is not in that list of captains, and may have been appointed captain of Vincente Sodres flag– ship. –E.

520

   This seems to be the island named Chirapipil on a former occasion. –E.

521

   Thus I understand the expression in Lichefilds translation of Castaneda, "Forty were armed with, shot."–E.

522

   Caliver is the old name of the matchlock or carabine, the precursor of the modern firelock or musket. –E.

523

   A very ordinary precaution in India, to guard the passage of the wet ditch in fortified places, both against desertion and surprise, is by keeping numbers of crocodiles in the water. –E.

524

   A falcon or faulcon is described as a small cannon of two pound shot. The following enumeration of the ancient English ordnance, from Sir William Monsons Naval Tracts, in the reigns of Elizabeth and James the First, is given in Churchills Collection, Vol. III. p. 803. I suspect the weight of the basilisk, marked 400 pounds in this list, may be a typographical error for 4000. –E.
   Names. Bore. Weight. Shot. Powder. Random inches. libs. libs. libs. paces. Cannon-royal 8-1/2 8000 66 30 1930 Cannon 8 6000 60 27 2000 Cannon-serpentine 7 5500 53-1/2 25 2000 Bastard cannon 7 4500 41 20 1800 Demi-cannon 6-3/4 4000 30-1/2 18 1700 Cannon-petro 6 3000 24-1/2 14 1600 Culverin 5-1/2 4500 17-1/2 12 2500 Basilisk 5 400* 15 10 3000 Demi-culverin 4 3400 9-1/2 8 2500 Bastard culverin 4 3000 5 5-3/4 1700 Sacar 3-1/2 1400 5-1/2 5-1/2 1700 Minion 3-1/2 1000 4 4 1500 Faulcon 2-1/2 660 2 3-1/2 1500 Falconet 2 500 1-1/2 3 1500 Serpentine 1-1/2 400 3/4 1-1/2 1400 Rabanet 1 300 1/2 1/3 1000

525

   Two weights of that name are described as used in India for the sale of pepper and other commodities, the small and the large bahar; the former consisting of three, and the latter of four and a half peculs. The pecul is said to weigh 5 1/2 pounds avoirdupois: Consequently the smaller bahar is equal to 16 1/2, and the larger to 24 3/4 English pounds. A little farther on in the present work of Castaneda, 4000 bahars are said to equal 1200 quintals; which would make the bahar of Cochin equal to thirty Portuguese pounds. –E.

526

   This is a species of bark of some burthen, then used on the Malabar coast. –E.

527

   Such is the expression of Lichefild; which I suspect ought to have been 500 nayres of Cochin in paraws. –E.

528

   The quantity in the text is probably exaggerated considerably, as only a few pages before, the factory at Cochin is said to have only been able to procure 300 quintals. –E.

529

   In Astleys Collection, I. p. 55. Coulan or Koulan is said to have been governed at this time by a queen or rana. By Narsinga Bisnagar is to be understood, which was one of the sovereignties into which the Decan or southern peninsula of India was then divided–E.

530

   The western coast of India below the Gauts, is divided into three portions, the Concan in the north, after this the coast of Canara, and in the south, the country of Malabar, reaching from Mount Deli to Cape Comorin. At the present period, Malabar was divided into seven kingdoms or provinces: Cananor, Calicut, Cranganor, Cochin, Porka, Coulan, and Travancore; which last was subject to the kingdom of Narsinga or Bisnagar. Cananor, Calicut, and Coulan only were considered as independent rajahs, the others being less or more subjected to the authority of these three. –E.

531

   According to Astley, his whole force consisted of 110 men. Vol. I. p. 65.

532

   This story of Reynel and the pepper promised by the zamorin, is so confusedly told in Lichefild's translation of Castaneda, as to be altogether unintelligible. –E.

533

   In Astley the weight of the large pearls is reduced to 40 pounds. Even with that correction, the immense quantity of pearls in the text is quite incredible. There must be some error in the denomination, but which we are unable to correct. –E.

534

   The remainder of this section is taken from Astley, I. 56, being there appended to the abridgement of the voyage of the Albuquerques. It is an isolated incident, having no apparent connection with the history in the text, yet seemed proper to be preserved in this place. –E.

535

   Mombasa belonged to the Portuguese for near 200 years. In 1698 it was very easily taken by the Muskat Arabs, who put twenty Portuguese to the sword. –Astl. I. 56. a.

536

   No islands of that name are to be found on our maps. The islands of Socotora, Abdul Kuria, and los dos Hermanas, are to the eastwards of Cape Guardafu: Chartan Martan, or the islands of Kuria Muria, are a considerable distance N.N.E. on the outer or oceanic coast of Yemen. –E.

537

   This paragraph, enumerating the forces of the zamorin, is added to the text of Castaneda from Astley, Vol. I. p. 56.

538

   The particular distribution of the force under Pacheco at this time is thus enumerated in Astleys Collection: In the fort thirty-nine men; in the ship left to defend Cochin twenty-five; in the caravel which accompanied him in the expedition to Cambalan twenty-six; into one boat twenty-three; and in the boat along with himself twenty-two; making his whole effective force 135 men; seventy-one only of which went along with him to defend the pass. –Astl. I. 56.

539

   A very short space before these are only stated as twenty; but the numbers and names in the text seem much corrupted. –E.

540

   In a former note we have given a list of the names and circumstances of the English ordnance near this period. In that list the saker is described as a light cannon of only 5-1/2 pound ball, now looked upon as one of very small importance; we may therefore conclude that the other cannon used on the present occasion could hardly exceed falcouns, or two-pounders. –E.

541

   Such is the unintelligible expression in Lichefilds translation. In the account of this war compiled by the editor of Astleys Collection from the Portuguese historians, the enemy are said to have lost in the former part of this battle, twenty paraws sunk, 180 persons of note, and above 1000 common men; while in the second attack, nineteen paraws were sunk, sixty-two fled, and 360 men were slain. In this account, a third naval engagement is mentioned, in which sixty-two paraws were sunk, and sixty fled; after which 15,000 men were defeated by land, and four towns were burnt by Pacheco. –Astl. I. 56.

542

   Castaneda tells a long ridiculous story at this place, of a ceremonial defiance of the zamorin, not worth inserting. In Astley, I. 56. we are told that the Moors of Cochin were detected about this time communicating intelligence to the enemy, and that Trimumpara allowed Pacheco to punish them. On which he put five of their chief men into strict confinement, giving out that they were hanged; which gave much offence to the rajah and his people. –E.

543

   Such are the words of Lichefild; which, perhaps may have been intended to imply that there was not yet sufficient depth of water to allow of their approach to the caravels; or it may mean that they waited for the tide of ebb, to carry them towards the Portuguese caravels, being too cumbrous for management by means of oars. –E.

544

   This seems the same story which has been already mentioned in a former note, from Astleys Collection; but which is there related as having taken place with Moors. –E.

545

   The nativity of St John the Baptist is the 24th June; the eve therefore is the 23d, yet Castaneda has already said that June was ended. –E.

546

   About this time, in consequence of a message from the Portuguese factor at Coulan, stating that the Moors obstructed the market for pepper, Pacheco went to that place, where he made five Moorish ships submit, and settled the pepper market on fair terms, yet without doing them any harm. –Astl. I. 57.

547

   According to Astley, the zamorin lost 18,000 men in this war in five months, and desired peace, which was granted by the rajah of Cochin. – Astl. I. 57. Yet this could hardly be the case, as the first operation of the new commander-in-chief in India was to cannonade Calicut. –E.

548

   These are said to have been the largest ships hitherto built in Portugal, and to have carried 1200 men; perhaps soldiers, besides their ordinary crews. –Astl. I. 57.

549

   The Turkish empire, as succeeding that of the Romans or Greeks of Constantinople, is still called Rumi in the east. It will be afterwards seen, that these Rumes, Romans, or Turks, made some powerful efforts to drive the Portuguese from India, as greatly injurious to the Indian trade with Europe through the Red Sea and Egypt. –E.

550

   This expression is quite inexplicable, unless we may pick out very darkly that it belonged to the Calicut confederacy against the Portuguese. Yet Castaneda, or his imperfect translator Lichefild, does not inform us whether this vessel was made a prize. Lichefild seems almost always to have had a very imperfect knowledge of the language of the author, often to have mistaken his meaning or expressed it with great obscurity, and sometimes writes even a kind of jargon, by endeavouring to translate verbally without being able to catch an idea from the original. –E.

551

   According to Astley, from De Fariz only five ships; and indeed in the sequel, Castaneda only mentions two ships as employed, on the present occasion and three others that were drawn up on shore. –E.

552

   At the commencement of this section, Castaneda names this person Lope Mendez de Vasconcelles; in Astley, I. 58, he is called Manuel Tellez Barreto. –E.

553

   In Lichefilds translation of Castaneda, this date is made the 27th September, which is an obvious mistake. –E.

554

   By some strange blunder, Lichefild says they came to Cananor; but from all the circumstances in the contexts, it is obvious that the fleet came to anchor on the outside of the bar at Pandarane. –E.

555

   Arabs probably, whites in the estimation of the Portuguese as compared with the native blacks of Malabar. –E.

556

   This part of the story is very confusedly translated by Lichefild. According to his relation, in one sense, the admiral alone returned in his boat for the caravels; while, by another part of his expressions, the whole boats returned for the admiral and the caravels. –E.

557

   According to Astley, a peace was concluded between the Portuguese and the zamorin immediately after the victory obtained by the rajah of Tanore; but this does not agree with the circumstances just related respecting the destruction of the Moorish fleet in the harbour of Pandarane, which would hardly have been done during a time of peace–E.

558

   By some strange typographical mistake, Lichefild makes this date 1525, both in the text and in a marginal note, thus adding no less than twenty years to the true chronology. In Astleys Collection, the conclusion of this voyage is dated 22d July 1506; but we have chosen to retain the regular series of dates as given by Castaneda. Owing to the mistake in Lichefilds translation not being detected till a part of this chapter was printed off, it has been repeated in our introduction to this article, which our readers are requested to correct. –E.

559

   In Astley, the ship commanded by Pedro Mendoza, is said to have been stranded during the homeward voyage, fourteen leagues from the Aguada, or watering-place of St Blas, and never more heard of. –Astl. I. 58.

560

   Astley concludes the account of the honours conferred on Pacheco in the following words: "But soon after imprisoned, and allowed him to die miserably. A terrible example of the uncertainty of royal favour, and the little regard that is had to true merit!"-Astl. I. 58.

561

   Novus Orbis Grynжi, p. 94-102.

562

   Bibl. Univ. des Voy. I. 55, and V. 486.

563

   This letter is dated on the 20th of June 1501, and obviously refers to the voyage of Cabral, who had returned from India not long before. The writer is described as a native of Crete, and envoy from the lords of Venice to the king of Portugal. –E.

564

   The strange geographical language here used is inexplicable, probably because the ideas of the writer were confused. He seems to mean the Mina in Guinea, which is five or six degrees within the equator, or to the north; but is at least 18° west from the meridian of Sicily. –E.

565

   Meaning the tropic of Capricorn, on which the sun is during our winter solstice–E.

566

   The recession of the coast inwards from Cape Delgado to Melinda, which may be called the Bay of Zanzibar. –E.

567

   In the map of Grynaeus already mentioned, this Terra Psittacorum or Land of Parrots, is placed on the south-west coast of Africa, between the Cape of Good Hope and Congo. Yet there can be no doubt that the recent discovery of Brazil on the eastern coast of South America is here alluded to: Consequently, instead of the lebeccio vento, or S.W. wind of the text, it would naturally have required a S. E. wind to force the Portuguese fleet so far to the westward of its intended course. –E.

568

   The author assuredly uses these words to denominate two kinds of ordnance or cannon then used in the Portuguese ships of war. –E.

569

   By the sultan or prefect of Syria, twice so designed in this dispatch, is evidently meant the Mameluk sultan of Egypt; but who was soon afterwards defeated and slain by the Turkish emperor. The ineffectual exertions of the Mameluks and Turks, instigated by Venice, to obstruct the Portuguese trade in India, will be afterwards mentioned. –E.

570

   It is difficult to say what is meant by a cantarus in the text; perhaps a quintal or 100 pounds. The castor of the text, and other perfumes, may mean musk, civet, and ambergris. –E.

571

   Perhaps the king of Congo, or some other prince of the west coast of Africa is here alluded to; or perhaps the xeque or prince of the Moors at Sofala. –E.

572

   By the new gold mines Sofala seems indicated, as contradistinguished from the old gold mines of Guinea. The story of the two ships on their voyage to India from Sofala, obviously alludes to the Guzerate vessels, more particularly mentioned already in the voyage of Cabral –E.

573

   This letter has no date, but must have been very early in the sixteenth century, probably in 1504, from the circumstance to which it alludes at its commencement. Although said to be from Spain, there is every reason to suppose it was written from Lisbon, as we find Portugal frequently considered as in Spain, which it actually is in the most extensive geographical sense. –E.

574

   This, as formerly observed, alludes to the Mameluk sultan of Egypt, through whose dominions the trade between India and Europe was entirely carried on before this era. This treaty of peace and alliance between Portugal and Calicut, may possibly have been proposed at this period, but certainly was not then agreed to; as there were long wars with the zamorin before his power was reduced under the influence and dominion of the Portuguese. –E.

575

   This is rather an anachronism, as at this period the Portuguese had no fortress on the Red Sea.

576

   The Castor of the text was probably musk, and its amber ambergris. –E.

577

   This alludes to the misfortune of Vincente Sodre and his squadron, already more distinctly related in the preceding chapter. –E.

578

   The expression of the original, ex centenario lucro quadrugenarium, is not easily understood: It is here translated a quarter part of the return cargo, conformably with the regulations of Don Henry for the trade of Guinea, as already stated in Vol. I. p. 204, from which the present were probably copied. –E.

579

   It is difficult to guess what bay, and who may be the king of the Chaldeans here alluded to. Perhaps the town of Sofala, the emporium of the gold trade of Eastern Africa, which was ruled by an Arabian prince or sheik. By the idolaters in the text, are apparently meant the Negroes of the interior, where the gold came from by way of Sofala. –E.

580

   This alludes to the Maldives and Lakedives. –E.

581

   This letter is dated 9th October 1501. It is probable that Pasquali would hardly write this from the court of Portugal to his brothers in Lisbon; it being more likely that they resided in Venice. –E.

582

   The discovery here referred to, seems to have been the coast of Labradore; and the other country under the north may possibly be Greenland. This voyage was probably in quest of a north-west passage to India. –E.

583

   In this passage we surely ought to read ships may be built. –E.

584

   This letter is dated 16th September 1502; and by it P. Pascquali appears to have gone from Portugal into Spain:–E.

585

   This Section is taken from the Novus Orbus of Grynaeus, p 63. in which it forms part of the navigations from Lisbon to Calicut, attributed to the pen of Aloysius Cadamosto. The information it contains respecting the principal commodities then brought from India to Europe, and their prices, is curious: Yet there is some reason to suspect that the author, or editor rather, has sometimes interchanged the bahar and the faracula, or its twentieth part, in the weights of the commodities. Several of the names of things and places are unintelligible, probably from corrupt transcription. –E.

586

   Meluza may possibly be the city of Malacca, then a great emporium of Indian trade; but it is impossible to reconcile or explain Meluza in Cananore twelve leagues from Calicut, and Meluza 740 leagues from thence. –E.

587

   This may possibly refer to the island of Ramisseram in the straits of Manaar, between Ceylon and the Coromandel coast, near which the famous pearl fishery is still carried on. –E.

588

   Evidently Cambaya or Guzerat. –E.

589

   Probably Cassia lignea, or in rolled up bark like twigs, to distinguish it from the drug called Cassia fistula. –E.

590

   Perhaps the coast of Habesh on the Red Sea. –E.

591

   Probably a typographical error for China. –E.

592

   Alluding to some part of the coast of Arabia. –E.

593

   Perhaps Zedoary, repeated afterwards under its right name. –E.

594

   Same and Zan probably are meant to indicate some of the Indian islands. Same may be Sumatra. Zan may be some port in Zangibar, on the eastern coast of Africa. –E.

595

   Samoterra probably alludes to some port in the Bay of Bengal. Tannazar, almost certainly Tanaserim in Siam. Adde, probably is Adel or Aden in Arabia. –E.

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol.III

Robert Kerr


A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, #3

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. III
PART II.
BOOK II.
CHAPTER I.
CHAPTER II.
CHAPTER III.
CHAPTER IV.
CHAPTER V.

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. III
by Robert Kerr

   A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,
   ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:
   FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE PRESENT TIME.
   BY
   ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.
   ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.
   VOL. III.

   WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH; AND T. CADELL, LONDON MDCCCXXIV

   (Illustration: West Indies)

PART II.
(CONTINUED)

BOOK II.
HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA, AND OF SOME OF THE EARLY CONQUESTS IN THE NEW WORLD

CHAPTER I.
HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA, BY CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS; WRITTEN BY HIS SON DON FERDINAND COLUMBUS1



INTRODUCTION
   (Illustration: West Indies)
   The whole of this chapter contains an original record, being a distinct narrative of the discovery of America by COLUMBUS, written by his own son, who accompanied him in his latter voyages. It has been adopted into the present work from the Collection of Voyages and Travels published at London in 1704, by Awnsham and John Churchill, in four volumes folio; in which it is said to have been translated from the original Italian of Don Ferdinand Columbus, expressly for the use of that work. The language of that translation is often obscure and ungrammatical, as if the work of a foreigner; but, having no access to the original, has necessarily been adopted for the present occasion, after being carefully revised and corrected. No farther alteration has been taken with that version, except a new division into sections, instead of the prolix and needlessly minute subdivision of the original translation into a multitude of chapters; which change was necessary to accommodate this interesting original document to our plan of arrangement; and except in a few rare instances, where uninteresting controversial argumentations have been somewhat abridged, and even these chiefly because the original translator left the sense obscure or unintelligible, from ignorance of the language or of the subject.
   It is hardly necessary to remark, that the new grand division of the world which was discovered by this great navigator, ought from him to have been named COLUMBIA. Before setting out upon this grand discovery, which was planned entirely by his own transcendent genius, he was misled to believe that the new lands he proposed to go in search of formed an extension of the India, which was known to the ancients; and still impressed with that idea, occasioned by the eastern longitudes of Ptolemy being greatly too far extended, he gave the name of West Indies to his discovery, because he sailed to them westwards; and persisted in that denomination, even after he had certainly ascertained that they were interposed between the Atlantic ocean and Japan, the Zipangu, or Zipangri of Marco Polo, of which and Cathay or China, he first proposed to go in search.
   Between the third and fourth voyages of COLUMBUS, Ojeda, an officer who had accompanied him in his second voyage, was surreptitiously sent from Spain, for the obvious purpose of endeavouring to curtail the vast privileges which had been conceded to Columbus, as admiral and viceroy of all the countries he might discover; that the court of Spain might have a colour for excepting the discoveries made by others from the grant which had been conferred on him, before its prodigious value was at all thought of. Ojeda did little more than revisit some of the previous discoveries of Columbus: Perhaps he extended the knowledge of the coast of Paria. In this expedition, Ojeda was accompanied by an Italian named Amerigo or Almerico Vespucci, whose name was Latinized, according to the custom of that age, into Americus Vespucius. This person was a Florentine, and appears to have been a man of science, well skilled in navigation and geography. On his return to Europe, he published the first description that appeared of the newly discovered continent and islands in the west, which had hitherto been anxiously endeavoured to be concealed by the monopolizing jealousy of the Spanish government. Pretending to have been the first discoverer of the continent of the New World, he presumptuously gave it the appellation of America after his own name; and the inconsiderate applause of the European literati has perpetuated this usurped denomination, instead of the legitimate name which the new quarter of the world ought to have received from that of the real discoverer.
   Attempts have been made in latter times, to rob COLUMBUS of the honour of having discovered America, by endeavouring to prove that the West Indies were known in Europe before his first voyage. In some maps in the library of St Mark at Venice, said to have been drawn in 1436, many islands are inserted to the west of Europe and Africa. The most easterly of these are supposed in the first place to be the Azores, Madeira, the Canaries and Cape Verds. Beyond these, but at no great distance towards the west, occurs the Ysola de Antillia; which we may conclude, even allowing the date of the map to be genuine, to be a mere gratuitous or theoretic supposition, and to have received that strange name, because the obvious and natural idea of Antipodes had been anathematized by Catholic ignorance. Still farther to the north-west, another fabulous island is laid down, under the strange appellation of Delaman Satanaxia, or the land created by the hand of Satan. This latter may possibly have some reference to an ignorant position of Iceland. Both were probably theoretic, for the fancied purpose of preserving a balance on the globe with the continents and islands already known; an idea which was transferred by learned theorists, and even persisted in for a considerable part of the eighteenth century, under the name of the Terra Australis incognita; and was only banished by the enlightened voyages of scientific discovery, conducted under the auspices of our present venerable sovereign.
   The globe of Martin Behaim, in 1492, repeats the island of Antillia, and inserts beyond it to the west, the isle of St Brandan or Ima, from a fabulous work of the middle ages. Occasion has already occurred to notice two other ancient pretended discoveries of the New World: the fabulous voyages of the Zenos, another Venetian tale; and the equally fabulous Portuguese island of the Seven Churches, abounding in gold, and inhabited by Spanish or Portuguese Christians. Britain even had its Madoc prince of North Wales; and a white nomadic nation in North America, speaking Welsh, is still among the puerile fancies of this nineteenth century.
   All these pretended proofs of any previous knowledge of the western world, resolve into complete demonstrations of perfect ignorance, even in the art of deception and forgery. Not only is the world indebted to COLUMBUS for this great and brilliant discovery, but every subsequent improvement in navigation, geography and hydrography, is justly attributable to his illustrious example. Much and deservedly as our COOK and his coadjutors and followers have merited from their country and the world, they are all to be considered as pupils of the truly great archnavigator COLUMBUS; himself a worthy scholar from the nautical academy of the truly illustrious and enlightened father of discoveries, DON HENRY. All other discoveries, whether nautical or by land, dwindle into mere ordinary events, when compared with his absolutely solitary exertion of previous scientific views. The sagacious and almost prophetic induction, persevering ardour, cosmographical, nautical, and astronomical skill, which centered in COLUMBUS, from the first conception to the perfect completion of this great and important enterprize, the discovery of a large portion of the globe which had lain hid for thousands of years from the knowledge of civilization and science, is altogether unexampled. He was incontestibly the first bold and scientific mariner who ever dared to launch out into the trackless ocean, trusting solely to the guidance of the needle and the stars, and to his own transcendent skill and intrepidity.
   There can be no doubt that Greenland, in some measure an appendage of America, was discovered in 982, by the Norwegians or their Icelandic colony; and that the same people accidentally fell in with Newfoundland, or a part of Labradore, in 1003; of which early real discoveries particular notices have been taken in the first part of this work. But these were entirely accidental, and were lost to the world long before COLUMBUS began his glorious career; and do not in the least degree detract from the merit or originality of his discovery.
   The name even of the great COLUMBUS has of late been fastidiously endeavoured to be rejected, in favour of the Spanish appellation Colon, which he adopted on entering into that service, which repaid him with base ingratitude and cruel injuries for his transcendent services. It will be seen, however, from the authority of his own son, that the original name of his family was Colombi; though some branches in other parts of Italy had adopted the modern or middle age Roman name of Collona. COLUMBUS, therefore, ought certainly to remain in our language as the Latinized original name of this illustrious person.
   In supplement to the history of Columbus by his son, we have chosen to give an account of the first Discovery of America, by Herrera the royal historiographer of Spain. To some readers this may appear superfluous: But, as Don Ferdinand Columbus may naturally enough be supposed to have written under a degree of partial attachment to the glory of his immortal father, it seems fortunate that we possess an authentic early history of the same unparalleled event, from a more certainly impartial and well informed author, having access to the public archives. That portion of our work is given as an original record, almost without any remark; leaving it to the ingenious industry of such of our readers as may be so disposed, to make a critical comparison between the work of Don Ferdinand Columbus, a rare and valuable monument of filial piety, and that of Antonio de Herrera. We have only to regret, that the transcendent genius, who possessed the unexampled sagacity to devise, and the singular good fortune, perseverance, capacity, and conduct, to succeed in Discovering the Western Hemisphere, had not sufficient health and leisure to have favoured the world with his own commentaries of this greatest enterprise that was ever achieved by man. –Ed.
   * * * * *
   Abridged Series of the Epochs of American Discovery2.
   A.D. 982. East Greenland discovered by the Norwegians or Icelanders, who planted a small colony. This was long afterwards shut in by the accumulation of arctic ice, and entirely lost.
   1003. Winland, either Newfoundland or Labradore, was discovered by the Icelanders, but soon abandoned and forgotten.
   1492, August 3d. COLUMBUS commenced his first voyage. 12th October discovered Guanahani, one of the Bahama group, which he named St Salvador, now named Cat Island. In this voyage, besides several others of the Bahama islands, he discovered Cuba and Hispaniola, leaving a colony in the latter, which was cut off by the natives. He returned to Spain from this voyage on the 4th March 1493.
   1494, September 25th. Second voyage of COLUMBUS began; in which he discovered the Carribbee islands, and founded a permanent colony in Hispaniola or Haiti. He returned from this voyage in 1496.
   1497. Giovanni Gabotta, a Venetian, employed by Henry VII. of England, discovered Newfoundland, and traced the eastern coast of North America as far south as Virginia.
   1498. Third voyage of COLUMBUS, in which he discovered Trinidad and the coast of Paria in South America; now called the Spanish Main by the English. He was sent home in irons from Hispaniola in 1500.
   1499. Ojeda was sent from Spain to interfere with the great privileges granted to COLUMBUS; but did very little more than retrace some of his previous discoveries. In this voyage, as already mentioned, Ojeda was accompanied by Americus Vespucius, who usurped the right of giving the New World his own name America, which still continues universal.
   1500. Cabral, a Portuguese admiral, while on a voyage to India, accidentally discovered Brazil.
   In this year likewise, Corte de Real, a Portuguese navigator, discovered Labradore, while in search of a north-west passage to India.
   1502. Fourth, voyage of COLUMBUS, in which he discovered the continental coast, from Honduras to near the Isthmus of Darien.
   1513. Vasco Nunez de Balboa, descried the Pacific Ocean, or great South Sea, and waded into the waves, taking formal possession for the crown of Spain; and even embarked on that ocean in a canoe, as a more formal act of conquest.
   In the same year, Florida was first discovered by Ponce de Leon, a Spanish officer.
   1515. The continent of South America was explored down to the Rio de la Plata.
   1519. Cortez began the conquest of Mexico, which he accomplished in 1521.
   About the same time, Magalhaens, usually named Magellan, explored the Pacific Ocean.
   1526. Pizarro visited the coast of Peru, which he invaded in 1530, and afterwards conquered.
   * * * * *

THE AUTHORS PREFACE
   Because admiral DON CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, my father, was a person most worthy to be held in eternal remembrance, it seems reasonable that I his son, who sailed some time along with him, should to my other performances add this my chiefest work: The history of his life, and of his wonderful discovery of the West Indies.
   In consequence of his great and continual sufferings, and the diseases he long laboured under, my father had not time to reduce his own notes and observations into historical order; and these having fallen to me, enable me to execute the present undertaking. Knowing that many others had undertaken to execute this task, I long delayed its performance. But, having read those other narratives, I found that they exaggerated many circumstances, had passed lightly over other matters of importance, and had even entirely omitted much that was deserving of particular notice. From these considerations I have been induced to publish this work; thinking it more becoming that I should undergo the censure of wanting skill, rather than to permit the truth respecting my noble father to remain in oblivion. Whatever may be the faults in this performance, these will not be owing to my ignorance of the truth; for I pledge myself to set down nothing which I do not find in his own papers or letters, or of which I have not actually been a witness.
   In the following work, the reader will find a faithful record of all the reasons which induced the admiral to enter upon his great and glorious and successful enterprize, and will learn how far he personally proceeded in his four several voyages to the New World. He will see what great and honourable articles were conceded to him, before going upon his great discovery, by King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella, how basely all these were violated, and he most unworthily and inhumanly treated, after performing such unparalleled services; how far he established the affairs of Hispaniola, the first settlement of the Spaniards in the New World; and what care he took that the Indians should not be oppressed, but rather prevailed on by kind usage and good example, to embrace the Catholic faith. In this work, likewise, will be found a faithful picture of the manners and customs of the Indians, an account of their opinions and practices respecting religion, and every thing that can reasonably be looked for in a work like the present: The foundation for which was laid by the great discoverer, and the superstructure raised by me his own son, who possessed every advantage derivable from a liberal education and the possession of authentic original documents, to fit me for executing a work of such importance.