The admiral still held on his course westwards among infinite numbers of islands, and came to one on the 22d of May somewhat larger than the rest, which he called St Mary. They landed at a town which was seen on shore, but none of the natives would stay to converse with the Christians, and nothing was found in their houses save fish upon which they feed, and several dogs like mastiffs which feed likewise on fish. They sailed thence to the north-west still among numerous islands, on which they saw many scarlet cranes or flamingos, parrots, and other birds, and dogs like those mentioned before, and the sea was covered with large quantities of weeds. The sailing among so many islands, channels, and shoals, fatigued the admiral extremely, as sometimes they had to stand west, sometimes north, and sometimes south, according as the channels would permit; and notwithstanding his constant care in sounding and keeping men continually on the look-out from the round top, yet the ship often touched, and there was no avoiding it, there being no end to the flats on all hands. Sailing on in this manner, they came at length again to Cuba to take in water, of which they stood much in need. Though no town could be seen because the place was entirely overgrown with trees, yet one of the seamen who was on shore, having gone among the trees to kill some bird or beast with his cross-bow, saw about thirty people armed after the Indian manner with spears and a kind of clubs or staves, which they use instead of swords, and which they call macanas. Among these he said that he saw one person clad in a white coat or vest down to his knees, carried by two others who had white vestments down to their feet, all three of them as white as Spaniards; but that he had no intercourse with them, because being afraid of such a number he called out to his comrades, and the Indians ran away without looking back43.
   Next day, the admiral sent some people on shore to look after these natives, but they could not travel above half a league from the shore on account of the thickness of the trees and bushes, and because all that coast for two leagues up the country, where the hills and mountains begin, is boggy and marshy, so that they only saw a few footsteps of fishermen on the shore, and abundance of cranes like those of Spain but larger. Having sailed about ten leagues farther westwards, they saw some houses on the shore, whence some canoes came off with water, and such food as the Indians use, and for which they were well paid. The admiral caused one of those Indians to be detained, telling him and the rest, by means of an interpreter, that he would freely permit him to go home as soon as he had given him an account of the country and some directions for the voyage. This Indian assured the admiral that Cuba was an island, and that the king or cacique of the western part of it never spoke to any of his subjects but by signs, yet that all his orders were immediately obeyed; that all this coast was very low and full of small islands. This latter information was found to be too true; as next day, the 11th of June, the admiral was forced to have the ships towed over a flat where there was not a foot of water, and its whole breadth did not exceed two ships length44. Bearing up closer to Cuba, they saw turtles of vast bigness, and in such numbers that they covered the sea. At break of day, they saw such an enormous flock of sea crows as even darkened the sun, these were going from sea towards to the island, where they all alighted; besides these abundance of pigeons and other birds were seen; and the next day such immense swarms of butterflies, as even to darken the air, which lasted till night, when a heavy rain carried them all away.
   Perceiving that the coast of Cuba ran far west, and that it was extremely, difficult to sail in that direction, on account of the infinite multitude of islands and shoals, and because provisions were very scanty, the admiral resolved on the 13th of June to return to Isabella. He anchored therefore at an island which he named Evangelista which is thirty leagues in circuit, and lies 700 leagues west from Dominica, to take in wood and water; and thence directed his course southwards, hoping to get better out in that direction from among the labyrinth of islands in which he had been so long bewildered. After sailing in the channel which seemed the clearest for a few leagues, he found it entirely shut up, which dismayed the people extremely, at seeing themselves apparently hemmed in on all sides, and destitute of provisions and all hopes of comfort. But he, who was always wise and courageous, cheered their faint-heartedness, by saying he was thankful for being forced back so soon, as if they had been able to continue their voyage in that direction, they might possibly have got into a situation whence they could hardly have extricated themselves, when they had neither ships nor provisions to carry them back, but which was now easily in their power. He therefore returned to Evangelista, and sailed thence on the 25th of June to the N.W. towards some small islands about five leagues off. Going on still a little farther, they found the sea so patched with green and white that it seemed one entire sand, though there was two fathoms water. Along this singular looking sea they sailed seven leagues, and then came to another sea as white as milk and very thick; this was much wondered at, and dazzled the eyes of all the beholders, who could not conceive that there was water enough for the ships, and yet it was about three fathoms deep. After sailing about four leagues on this white sea, they came to another which was as black as ink, and five fathoms deep45. Through this black sea he held on his course to Cuba, and thence stood to the eastwards46 with scanty winds, and through narrow channels among continual shoals.
   While writing his journal on the 30th of June, his ship ran so fast aground, that neither by means of anchors or any ether invention could she be got off; but it pleased GOD that she was at length drawn over the shoal a-head, though with some damage from beating on the sand. He thence sailed on as the wind and shoal water would permit, always through a white sea of two fathoms regular depth, unless when he approached a shoal when the water became shallower. Besides all this anxious fatigue, occasioned by these perpetual shoals, they were distressed every evening about sun-set by prodigious rains, which arose from the mountains and marshes of Cuba, and continued till he came off Cuba towards the east, the way he had come at first. Thence as he had found before, came off a most refreshing scent as of fragrant flowers. On the 7th of July, the admiral landed to hear mass, when there came to him an old cacique, who was very attentive to the service. When it was ended, by signs, and the best methods which he could find to express himself, he said it was good to give thanks to GOD, because the souls of the good would go to Heaven, while the body remained on earth, whereas wicked souls would go to hell. Among other things, this cacique said that he had been to Hispaniola, where he knew some of the chief men; that he had been to Jamaica, and a great way west in the island of Cuba, and that the cacique of that part was clothed like a priest47.
   Sailing thence on the 16th of July, and still attended by terrible rains and winds, he at length drew near to Cape Santa Cruz in Cuba, where he was suddenly assailed by so violent a squall of wind and furious rain, which laid his ship on her broad-side; but it pleased GOD that they immediately lowered all their sails and dropt their anchors, and the ship soon righted; yet the ship took in so much water at the deck that the people were not able to keep the hold clear, they were so much spent for want of provisions. For some time they had been reduced to a pound of rotten biscuit daily with half a pint of wine, unless when they happened to catch fish, which could not be kept from day to day on account of the climate. This want and short allowance was common to all, and the admiral speaks thus of it in his journal addressed to their Catholic majesties. "I am myself at the same allowance, and I pray to GOD that it may be for his honour and the service of your highnesses, for I shall never again expose myself to such sufferings and dangers for my own benefit; and there never passes a day but we are all on the very brink of death."
   In this state of distress and danger, the admiral arrived at Cape Santa Cruz on the 18th of July, where he was entertained in a very friendly manner by the Indians, who brought him abundance of their bread made from grated roots, which they name cazabi48. They brought likewise a great deal of fish, and abundance of fruit, and other articles of their ordinary provisions, which proved a great relief to the exhausted mariners. The wind being contrary for going to Hispaniola, the admiral stood over to Jamaica on the 22d of July, and sailed along to the westwards close under the shore, the country being all along most delightful, and very fruitful, with excellent harbours at every league distance. All the coast was full of towns, whence the natives followed the ships in their canoes, bringing such provisions as they used, which were much better liked by our people than what they found in any of the other islands. The climate, air, and weather, was the same as in the other islands, for in this western part of Jamaica, there gathered every evening a storm of rain which lasted generally about an hour. This the admiral attributed to the great woods in these countries, as he knew that this was usual at first in the Canaries, Azores, and Madeira islands, whereas now that the woods in these islands are mostly cut down, there are not such great and frequent storms and heavy rains as formerly49. The admiral sailed along the coast of Jamaica, but was obliged by contrary winds to take shelter every night under the land, which appeared green, pleasant, fruitful, abounding in provisions, and so populous that he thought nothing could excel it, especially near a bay which he named De las Vacas, on account of nine islands close to the land. At this place the land was as high as any he had ever seen, insomuch that he believed it to reach above the regions in which the storms are bred. He estimated Jamaica to be 800 miles in compass; and when it was fully discovered, he computed it to be fifty leagues long by twenty leagues broad. Being much taken with the beauty of this island, he was much inclined to have made a longer stay to be fully informed of its nature; but the great want of provisions under which he laboured, and the crazy state of his vessels would not permit. Wherefore, as soon as the weather became a little fair, he sailed away to the westwards, and on Tuesday the 19th of August, he lost sight of that island, standing directly for Hispaniola and named the most easterly cape of Jamaica on the south coast Cabo del Farol.
   On Wednesday the 20th of August, the admiral got sight of the south side of Hispaniola, and called the first point Cape St Michael, which is thirty leagues distant from the most easterly point of Jamaica; but through the ignorance of the sailors that Cape is now called Tiberoun. From this cape, on the 23d of August, a cacique came on board, who called the admiral by his name, and had some other Spanish words, from which circumstance he was convinced that this was the same land with Hispaniola. At the end of August, he anchored at an island called Alto Velo, and having lost sight of the other two ships, he caused some men to go on shore in that little island which was very high, but they were unable to see either of their consorts. When about to return on board, they killed eight sea wolves that lay asleep on the sand, and took abundance of pigeons and other birds; for that island being uninhabited, these animals were unaccustomed to the sight of men, and allowed themselves to be knocked down with sticks. They did the same on the two following days waiting for the ships, which had been missing ever since the 22d of August. At the end of six days they made their appearance, and all three proceeded to the island Beata, twelve leagues from Alto Velo. Hence they continued to coast along Hispaniola, in sight of a delightful country, which was a plain of about a mile broad, before the hills began to ascend, and so populous, that in one place there seemed to be a continued town for the length of a league; and in that plain there appeared a lake five leagues long from east to west. The people of the country having some knowledge of the Christians, came on board in their canoes, and said that some Spaniards from Isabella had been among them, and that they were all well, which news gave the admiral great satisfaction; and to the end that they too might receive intelligence of his return to the island, he ordered nine men to cross the island by way of the forts St Thomas and the Magdalen to Isabella.
   Continuing his voyage eastwards, he sent the boats on shore for water, to a place where a great town appeared, when the Indians came out with bows and poisoned arrows, and with ropes in their hands, making signs to the Spaniards that they would bind them if they came on shore. But as soon as the boats came close to the beach they laid down their weapons, and offered to bring bread and water, and every thing they had, asking in their language for the admiral. Going from hence, they saw a strange fish in the sea as big as a whale, having a great shell on its neck like a tortoise, and bearing its head, as big as a hogshead, above the water, the tail was very long like a tunny fish, and it had two large fins on the sides. From the appearance of this fish and other signs, the admiral foresaw an approaching change of weather, and sought for some harbour to secure himself; and it pleased GOD that on the 15th of September, he discovered an island near the east part of Hispaniola named Adamanoi by the Indians, and the weather being very stormy, dropt anchor in the channel between it and Hispaniola, close to a small island which lies between both. That night he saw an eclipse of the moon, which he said varied five hours and twenty-three minutes from its time at Cadiz50, to the place where he then was. The bad weather, probably owing to the eclipse, lasted so long, that he was forced to remain at that anchorage till the 20th of the month, all the time under great anxiety for the other ships which were not able to get into the same place of security, but it pleased GOD to save them. Having rejoined the other caravels, they all sailed over to the eastern part of Hispaniola, and thence to a little island called Mona by the Indians, which lies between Hispaniola and St John de Boriquen.
   The journal of the admiral breaks off at this island, and he does not inform us of his course from thence to Isabella; but only, that while going from Mona to St John, the great fatigues he had undergone, together with his own weakness and the want of proper food, brought on a violent malady, between a pestilential fever and a lethargy, which presently deprived him of his senses and memory; whereupon, all the people in the three caravels resolved to desist from the design he had then in hand of discovering all the islands in the Caribbean sea, and returned to Isabella, where they arrived on the 29th of September, five days afterwards51. This heavy sickness lasted during five months, but it pleased GOD to restore him afterwards to health. His illness was occasioned by the great sufferings he had gone through in this voyage, during which he had often not been able to sleep three hours in eight days, owing to the perilous nature of the navigation among innumerable islands and shoals; a degree of privation that seems almost impossible, were it not authenticated by himself and those who accompanied him.

   On his return to Hispaniola, the admiral found there his brother Bartholomew Columbus whom he had sent, as formerly related, to treat with the king of England about the discovery of the Indies. On his return to Spain with the grant of all his demands, he learned at Paris from Charles king of France, that his brother the admiral had already made the discovery, and the king supplied him with an hundred crowns to enable him to prosecute his journey into Spain. He thereupon made all the haste he could to overtake the admiral in Spain; but on his arrival at Seville, he found that the admiral had gone out upon his second voyage with seventeen sail, as already related. Wherefore, to fulfil the orders which his brother had left for him at the beginning of 1494, he went to the court of their Catholic majesties at Valadolid, carrying my brother Don James Columbus and me along with him, as we had been appointed to serve as pages to Prince John. Immediately upon our arrival, their majesties sent for Don Bartholomew, and dispatched him with three ships to Hispaniola, where he served several years, as appears from the following memorandum which I found among his papers: "I served as captain from the 14th April 1494, till the 12th of March 1498, when the admiral set out for Spain, and then I began to act as governor till the 24th of August 1498, when the admiral returned from the discovery of Paria; after which, I again served as captain till the 11th of December 1500, when I returned to Spain." On his return from Cuba, the admiral appointed his brother governor of the Indies; though controversies afterwards arose on this subject, as their majesties alleged that they had not given authority to the admiral to make any such appointment. But to end this difference, their highnesses granted it a-new, under the title of adelantado, or lieutenant of the Indies, to my uncle Don Bartholomew.
   Having now the assistance and advice of his brother, the admiral took some rest, and lived in quiet, although he met with sufficient troubles, both on account of his sickness, and because he found that almost all the Indians had revolted through the fault of Don Pedro Marguerite. He, though obliged to respect and honour the admiral, who had left him the command of 360 foot and 14 horse, with orders to travel all over the island, and to reduce it to the obedience of their Catholic Majesties and the Christians, particularly the province of Cibao, whence the chief profit was expected; yet acted in every thing contrary to his orders and instructions, insomuch, that when the admiral was gone, he went with all his men to the great plain called Vega Real, or the Royal Plain, ten leagues from Isabella, where he remained without ever endeavouring to traverse and reduce the island. Hence there ensued discords and factions at Isabella, as Don Pedro endeavoured to make the council which the admiral had instituted in that place, subservient to his own authority, sending them very insolent letters; and perceiving that he could not succeed in getting the whole power and authority into his hands, he was afraid to wait the return of the admiral who would have called him to a severe account for his conduct, and went therefore on board the first ships that returned to Spain, without giving any account of himself or any way disposing of the men who had been left under his command.
   Upon this desertion of Don Pedro, every one went among the Indians as they thought fit, taking away their women and goods, and committing everywhere such outrages, that the Indians resolved to revenge themselves on all whom they should find straggling about the country. The cacique of the Magdalen, Guatiguana, had killed ten, and had privately caused a house to be fired in which there were eleven sick Spaniards. But he was severely punished by the admiral after his return; for though the cacique himself could not then be taken, yet some of his subjects were sent prisoners into Spain in four ships that sailed in February 1495 under Antonio de Torres. Six or seven other Indians who had injured the Christians in other parts of the island suffered for their conduct. The cacique had killed many, and would certainly have destroyed many more, if the admiral had not fortunately come in time to restore order among the Christians, and to curb the refractory spirit of the Indians. On his arrival from his late voyage to Cuba and Jamaica, he found that most of the Christians had committed a thousand insolencies, for which they were mortally hated by the Indians, who refused to submit to their authority. It was no difficult matter for them all to agree in casting off the Spanish yoke, as the whole island was subject to the authority of four principal caciques. These were Caunabo, Guacanagari, Behechico, and Gaurionex; each of whom commanded over seventy or eighty inferior lords or caciques. These paid no tribute to the superior caciques, but were obliged to till the ground when called upon, and to assist them in their wars; but of these four, Guacanagari, who was superior lord of that part of the island in which the town of Navidad had been built, continued always friendly to the Christians. As soon therefore as he heard of the admirals return to Isabella, he went to wait upon him, and represented that he had not been any way aiding or advising with the others, as might appear from the great civility the Christians had always received in his country, where 100 men had always been well used and furnished with every thing of which they stood in need. For which reason the other caciques had become his enemies, as Behechico had killed one of his women, and Caunabo had taken away another; wherefore he entreated the admiral to cause her to be restored, and to assist him in revenging his wrongs. The admiral was disposed to believe that Guacanagari spoke truth, as he always wept whenever the discourse turned upon the slaughter of the Christians at the Nativity; and the admiral was the more inclined to take part with this cacique, as he considered that the discord among the Indian chiefs, would make it the more easy for him to reduce the country to subjection, and to punish the other Indians for their revolt, and for having killed so many of the Christians.
   Having resolved to make war upon the refractory natives, he set out from Isabella on the 24th of March 1495, taking Guacanagari along with him; yet the enterprize seemed difficult, as the malcontent Indians had collected a force of above 100,000 men, whereas the admiral had only about 200 infantry, 20 horsemen, and about the same number of dogs52. Being well acquainted with the nature and qualities of the Indians, when he was two days march from Isabella, the admiral divided his small force, giving half to his brother the lieutenant, that he might attack the multitude which was scattered over the plain in two places at once, believing that the terror of the noise in two places would throw them into disorder, and put them to flight the sooner, as it actually proved in the event. The battalions of foot fell upon the disordered multitude of the Indians, and broke them with the first discharge of their cross-bows and muskets; the cavalry and the dogs next fell upon them in the most furious manner that they might have no time to rally, and the faint-hearted natives fled on every side. Our men pursued them, and made such havock, that in a short time, through GOD'S assistance, many of the enemies were slain, and others taken prisoners, among whom was Caunabo the principal cacique of the whole, with his wives and children, and one of his brothers. Caunabo afterwards confessed that he had killed twenty of the Spaniards who had been left with Arana at the town of the Nativity on the first voyage, when the Indies were discovered; and that he had afterwards gone under colour of friendship to Isabella, that he might observe how best to attack it and do as he had formerly done at Navidad. The admiral had been fully informed of all these things by others, and therefore to punish him for that offence and for this revolt, he sent the whole family prisoners into Spain, not being inclined to execute so considerable a person without the knowledge of their Catholic majesties; but he capitally punished several others of the ringleaders in the revolt. The consequences of this great victory, and the capture of Caunabo put the affairs of the Christians into such good order, that although there were then only 630 Spaniards in the island, many of whom were sick, and others women and children; yet in the space of a year, which the admiral employed in traversing the island without being again constrained to use the sword, he reduced it to entire obedience, and brought the people to engage for the payment of a tribute every three months to their Catholic majesties. All the inhabitants of the province of Cibao, in which the gold mines are situated, from fourteen years of age and upwards; were to pay a large horse bell full of gold dust; while those in the other districts of the island were rated at twenty-five pounds of cotton each person53. That it might be known who had paid their quotas of this tribute, a sort of coin made of brass and tin was stamped, one of which was given to each person that paid, which he was directed to wear hanging from his neck, that whoever was found without this token might be known as not having paid, and be punished accordingly. Doubtless this arrangement would have proved effectual to ensure a respectable revenue, as after the capture of Caunabo, the country became so peaceable, that for the future a single Christian went safely all over the island, and the Indians would even carry the Spaniards about on their shoulders. But the troubles which happened afterwards among the Christians, which will be related in the sequel, overturned all this fair fabric of order.
   The admiral attributed the ease with which he had discomfited so vast a multitude, with only 200 ill armed and half-sick men, to the interposition of Providence and the good fortune of their Catholic majesties. And it pleased the Divine Majesty, not only to enable him to reduce the whole country under authority, but to end such a scarcity of provisions, and such violent diseases among the natives, that they were reduced to a third of the number which they had been when first discovered: Thus making it evident that such miraculous victories, and the subduing of nations, are the gift of Providence, and not the effect of our power or good conduct, or of the want of courage in the natives; for though our men were superior to them, yet their numbers might have compensated for any advantage we had over them in arms and discipline54.
   The people of the island being reduced to subjection, and conversing more freely with our men, many particulars and secrets respecting their religion were discovered, and many circumstances of the nature of the country: Particularly that it contained mines of copper, azure, and amber, and that it produced ebony, cedar, frankincense, and other rich gums, and spice of several kinds, but wild, and which might be brought to perfection by cultivation; as cinnamon of a good colour but bitter, ginger, long pepper, abundance of mulberry trees for making silk which bear leaves all the year, and many other useful trees and plants not known in our parts. I shall here insert an account of the religion of these people as written by the admiral, which is followed by a more particular memorial on the same subject, written at his desire by an Anchorite who understood the language of the natives.
   "I could discover neither idolatry among those people nor any other sect, though every one of their kings, who are very numerous both in Hispaniola and the other islands and continent, has a house apart from the town, in which there are nothing but some carved wooden images which they call cemis55, and every thing that is done in these houses is expressly for the service of these images, the people repairing to these houses to pray and to perform certain ceremonies, as we do to our churches. In these houses they have a handsome round table made like a dish, on which there is some powder which they lay on the head of the cemi, with certain ceremonies; and then by means of a tube which has two branches which they apply to their nostrils, they snuff up this powder, using certain words which none of our people understand. This powder puts them beside themselves as if they were intoxicated. They also give each of these images a name, which I believe to be derived from the names of their fathers and grandfathers; for all have more than one image, and some of them above ten, all in memory of their forefathers. I have heard them commend one of these images as superior to others, and have observed them to shew more devotion and respect to one than to another, as we do in our processions in time of need, and the people and their caciques boast among one another of having the best cemis. When they go to their cemis they shun the Christians, and will not allow them to go into the houses where they are kept; and if they suspect any of our people will come, they take away their cemis into the woods and hide them, for fear we should take them away; and, what stems most ridiculous, they are in use to steal the cemis from one another. It happened once that some Christians rushed into one of these houses, when presently the cemi began to cry out; by which it appeared to be artificially made hollow, having a tube connected with it leading into a dark corner of the house, where a man was concealed under a covering of boughs and leaves, who spoke through the cemi according as he was ordered by the cacique. The Spaniards, therefore, suspecting how the trick was performed, kicked down the cemi and discovered the concealed invention; and the cacique earnestly entreated them not to betray the secret to his subjects and the other Indians, as he kept them in obedience by that policy. This may be said to have some resemblance to idolatry, especially among those who are ignorant of the fraud practised by the caciques, since they believe that it is the cemi that speaks, and all are imposed upon by the deceit, except the cacique and the person who combines with him to abuse their credulity, by which means he draws what tribute he pleases from his people."
   "Most of the caciques have three stones also, to which they and their people shew great devotion. One of these they say helps the growth of all sorts of grain, the second causes women to be delivered without pain, and the third procures rain or fair weather, according as they stand in need of either. I sent three of these stones to your highnesses by Antonio de Torres, and I have three more to carry along with myself. When these Indians die, their obsequies are performed in several manners, but their way of burying their caciques is this. They open and dry him at a great fire, that he may be preserved whole. Of others they preserve only the head. Others they bury in a grot or den, and lay a calabash of water and some bread on his head. Others they burn in their houses, having first strangled them when at the last gasp, and this is done to caciques. Others are carried out of the house in a hammock, laying bread and water at their head, and they never return any more to see after them. Some when dangerously ill are carried to the cacique, who gives orders whether they are to be strangled or not, and their orders are instantly obeyed. I have taken pains to inquire whether they know or believe what becomes of them after death, and I particularly questioned Caunabo, who was the chief cacique in all Hispaniola, a man well up in years, experienced, and of a most piercing wit and much knowledge. He and the rest answered, that they go after death to a certain vale, which every great cacique supposes to be in his own country, and where they affirm they rejoin their relations and ancestors, that they eat, have women, and give themselves up to all manner of pleasures and pastimes. These things will appear more at large in the following extended account which I ordered to be drawn up by one father Roman, who understood their language, and set down all their ceremonies and antiquities: But these are so filled with absurdities and fable, that it is hardly possible to make any thing out of them, except that the natives have some ideas of the immortality of the soul and of a future state."

SECTION VII. Account of the Antiquities, Ceremonies, and Religion of the Natives of Hispaniola, collected by F. Roman, by order of the Admiral56
   I, Father Roman, a poor anchorite of the order of St Jerome, by command of the most illustrious lord admiral, viceroy and governor-general of the islands and continent of the Indies, do here relate all that I could hear and learn concerning the religious opinions and idolatry of the Indians, and of the ceremonies they employ in the worship of their gods.
   Every one observes some particular superstitious ceremonies in worshipping their idols, which they name cemis. They believe that there is an immortal being, invisible like Heaven, who had a mother, but no beginning, whom they call Atabei, Jermaoguacar, Apito, and Zuimaco; which are all several names of the Deity. They also pretend to know whence they came at the first, to give an account of the origin of the sun and moon, of the production of the sea, and what becomes of themselves after death. They likewise affirm that the dead appear to them upon the roads when any person goes alone, but that when many are together they do not appear. All these things they derive from the tradition of their ancestors, for they can neither write nor read, and are unable to reckon beyond ten.
   1. In a province of the island named Caanan, there is a mountain called Carita, where there are two caves named Cacibagiagua and Amaiauva, out of the former of which most of the original inhabitants came. While in those caverns, they watched by night, and one Marocael having the watch, he came one day too late to the door and was taken away by the sun, and he was changed into a stone near the door. Others going to fish were taken away by the sun and changed into trees called jobi, or mirabolans.
   2. One named Guagugiana ordered another person named Giadruvava to gather for him the herb digo, wherewith they cleanse their bodies when they wash themselves. Giadruvava was taken away by the sun and changed to a bird called giahuba bagiaci, which sings in the morning and resembles a nightingale.
   3. Guagugiana, angry at the delay, enticed all the women to accompany him, leaving their husbands and children.
   4. Guagugiana and the women came to Matinino, where he left the women, and went to another country called Guanin. The children thus deserted by their mothers, called out ma! ma! and too! too! as if begging food of the earth, and were transformed into little creatures like dwarfs, called tona; and thus all the men were left without women.
   5. There went other women to Hispaniola, which the natives call Aiti, but the other islanders call them Bouchi. When Guagugiana went away with the women, he carried with him the wives of the cacique, named Anacacugia; and being followed by a kinsman, he threw him into the sea by a stratagem, and so kept all the caciques wives to himself. And it is said that ever since there are only women at Matinino.
   6. Guagugiana being full of these blotches which we call the French pox, was put by a woman named Guabonito into a guanara, or bye-place, and there cured. He was afterwards named Biberoci Guahagiona, and the women gave him abundance of guanine and cibe to wear upon his arms. The cibe or colecibi are made of a stone like marble, and are worn round the wrists and neck, but the guanine are worn in their ears, and they sound like fine metal. They say that Guabonito, Albeboreal, Guahagiona, and the father of Albeboreal were the first of these Guaninis. Guahagiona remained with the father called Hiauna; his son from the father took the name of Hia Guaill Guanin, which signifies the son of Hiauna, and thence the island whether Guahagiona went is called Guanin to this day.
   7. The men who had been left without women were anxious to procure some, and one day saw the shape of human beings sliding down the trees, whom they could not catch. But by employing four men who had rough hands from a disease like the itch, these four strange beings were caught.
   8. Finding those beings wanted the parts of women, they caught certain birds named turiri cahuvaial, resembling woodpeckers, and by their means fashioned them to their purpose.
   9. There was once a man named Giaia, who had a son named Giaiael, which signifies the son of Giaia; and who, intending to kill his father was banished and afterwards killed by his father, and his bones hung up in a calabash. Afterwards going to examine the bones, he found them all changed into a vast number of great and small fishes.
   10. There were four brothers, the sons of a woman named Itiba Tahuvava, all born at one birth, for the woman dying in labour they cut her open. The first they cut out was named Diminan, and was a caracaracol, or afflicted with a disease like the itch, the others had no names. One day while Giaia was at his conichi or lands, these brothers came to his house and took down the calabash to eat the fish; but not hanging it up properly, there ran out so much water as drowned the whole country, and with it great quantities of fish: And in this manner they believe the sea had its original.
   11. After a long story of a live tortoise being cut out from the shoulder of Diminan Caracaracol, quite away from the purpose, F. Roman proceeds to say that the sun and moon came out of a grotto called Giovovava, in the country of a cacique named Maucia Tiuvel. This grotto is much venerated, and is all painted over with the representation of leaves and other things. It contained two cemis made of stone, about a quarter of a yard long, having their hands bound, and which looked as if they sweated. These were called Boinaiel and Maroio, and were much visited and honoured, especially when they wanted rain.
   12. They say the dead go to a place called Coaibai, which is in a part of the island named Soraia; and that one Machetaurie Guaiava, who was lord or cacique of Coaibi, the dwelling-place of the dead, was the first who went there.
   13. They say that the dead are shut up during the day, and walk abroad in the night, when they feed on a certain fruit called guabazza, which is something else during the day and changes to that fruit at night for the use of the dead. The dead go about and feast with the living, who sometimes think they have a woman of Coaibi in their arms who vanishes suddenly; and they allege that those dead inhabitants of Coaibi may be known by the want of navels. The souls of the living they name goeiz, those of the dead opia.
   14. There is a set of men among them called Bohutis, who use many juggling tricks, pretend to talk with the dead and to know all the actions and secrets of the living, whom they cure when sick. All their superstitions and fables are contained in old songs which these Bohutis rehearse, and which direct them in all things as the Moors are by the Coran. When they sing these songs they play on an instrument named Maiohaven, like a calabash with a long neck, made of wood, strong, hollow, and thin, which makes so loud a noise as to be heard at the distance of a league and a half.
   15. Almost every person in Hispaniola has abundance of cemis; some have their fathers, mothers, and predecessors and kindred, some in stone and others in wood, some that speak, some that eat, some that cause things to grow, others that bring rain, and others that give winds. When any one is sick, the Buhuitihu is brought, who must be dieted exactly in the same manner with the sick man. That is both snuff up a certain powder named cobaba by the nose, which intoxicates them and makes them speak incoherently, which they say is talking with the cemis, who tell them the cause of the sickness.
   16. When the Buhuitihu goes to visit a sick person, he smears his face with soot or powdered charcoal. He wraps up some small bones and a bit of flesh, which he conceals in his mouth. The sick man is purged with cohaba. The doctor sits down in the house, after turning out all children and others, so that only one or two remain with him and the sick person, who must all remain silent. After many mumming tricks57, the Buhuitihu lights a torch and begins a mystic song. He then turns the sick man twice about, pinches his thighs and legs, descending by degrees to the feet, and draws hard as if pulling something away; then going to the door he says, "begone to the sea or the mountains, or whither thou wilt," and giving a blast as if he blew something away, turns round clapping his hands together, which tremble as if with cold, and shuts his mouth. After this he blows on his hands as if warming them, then draws in his breath as if sucking something, and sucks the sick mans neck, stomach, shoulders, jaws, breast, belly, and other parts of his body. This done he coughs and makes wry faces as if he had swallowed something very bitter, and pulls from his mouth what he had before concealed there, stone, flesh, bone, or whatever that may have been. If any thing eatable, he alleges that the sick man had eaten this which had occasioned his disorder, pretending, it had been put in by the cemi because he had not been sufficiently devout, and that he must build a temple to the cemi, or give him some offering. If a stone, he desires it to be carefully preserved, wrapped up in cotton and deposited in a basket. On solemn days when they provide much food, whether fish, flesh, or any other, they put it all first into the house of their cemi, that the idol may eat.
   17. If the patient die and has many friends or was lord of a territory, so that the family dare contend with the Buhuitihu, and are disposed to be revenged for the loss of their friend, they proceed as follows; but mean people dare not oppose these jugglers. They take the juice of an herb called gueio or zachon, with which they mix the parings of the dead mans nails and the hair of his forehead reduced to powder, and pour this mixture down the dead mans throat or nostrils, asking him whether the Buhuitihu were the cause of his death, and whether he observed order? repeating this question several times till he speaks as plain as if he were alive, so that he gives answers to all they ask, informing them that the Buhuitihu did not observe due order in his treatment, or that he had occasioned his death. It is said that the Buhuitihu then asks him whether he is alive, and how he comes to speak so plain, to which he answers that he is actually dead. After this strange interrogatory, they restore the body to the grave. There is another mode of conjuration on similar occasions. The dead body is thrown into a violent fire, and covered up with earth like a charcoal furnace, and then questioned as before. In this case the dead body gives ten distinct answers and no more. When the fire is uncovered the smoke proceeds into the house of the Buhuitihu, who falls sick in consequence and is covered all over with sores, so that his entire skin comes off. This is taken as a sure sign that the deceased had not been orderly treated, and the kindred conspire to be revenged on the Buhuitihu58.
   18. After this the kindred of the dead man way-lay the Buhuitihu, and break his legs, arms, and head with repeated blows of heavy clubs till they leave him for dead. They allege that during the night the poor battered Buhuitihu is visited by numerous snakes, white, black, green, and variegated, which lick his face, body, and fractured members till the bones knit together again, when he gets up and walks to his own house, pretending that the cemis had restored him. Enraged at the disappointment of their intended revenge, the kindred again assault him at the first opportunity, putting out his eyes and emasculating him, without which previous operation it alleged that a Buhuitihu cannot be lulled by the bastinado.
   19. The cemis of wood are thus made. A person travelling sees some tree that seems to move or shake its roots, on which in great alarm he asks who is there? To this the tree answers that such or such a Buhuitihu knows and will inform. The astonished traveller applies to the conjurer, who repairs to the spot, where he takes cogiaba or the intoxicating powder formerly mentioned, then standing up addresses the tree with many titles as if some great lord, then asks who it is, what he does there, why he sent for him, and what he would have him do, whether he desires to be out; whether he will accompany him, where he will be carried, and if a house is to be built and endowed for his reception? Having received satisfactory answers, the tree is cut down and formed into a cemi, for which a house is built and endowed, and cogiaba or religious ceremonies performed there at certain stated times. The stone cemis are of several sorts, some being those stones which the Buhuitihus pretend to take from the bodies of the sick, as before related.
   When the natives wish to know if they are to be victorious in war, the great men of the district consult the favourite cemi, no others being admitted into the house or temple. The principal chief snuffs cogiaba, and makes a long address to the idol. Then stands a while with his head turned round resting his arms on his knees, after which looking up to heaven he relates the vision he has seen, pretending to have conversed with the cemi, and delivers his favourable or unfavourable responses, according as it may have struck his imagination during the fit of intoxication produced by the cogiaba.
   20. -2459. The cemis have various names, one was called Baidrama, which is said to have been a burnt dead body restored to shape by having been washed in the juice of giuca. Corocose is the name of another, which is said to have removed itself from a house that was on fire to another dwelling, and used to cohabit with the women. Opigielguoviran is said to have had four feet like a dog, and when the Christians came to the island ran away into a morass and disappeared. Guabancex is said to have been a female cemi and to raise storms, being accompanied by two inferiors; Guataniva, who summoned the other cemis to aid in raising the intended storm, and Coatrischie who gathered the waters of inundations in the mountains and then let them loose to destroy the country. Faraguvaol is the name of another that used often to escape from its temple.
   25. Cazziva a former cacique instituted a fast or abstinence of six or seven days, which the natives still practise. They shut themselves up during that period, without using any food except the juice of certain herbs, in which they likewise wash themselves, and become so weak that they see visions and get revelations. Giocauvaghama, a cemi, is said to have revealed to Cazziva that whoever survived him would soon be subdued by a clothed people who were to arrive in the island and would rule over and kill them. This they first thought was to have been done by the Canibals or Caribs, but they only plundered and fled; and they now believed that the prophecy referred to the Christians.
   When I was at the fort Madalena with Arriaga the governor, it pleased God to give the light of the faith to a whole family of that province of Maroris, consisting of sixteen persons all relations, five of whom were brothers. The first of these who was baptised was Guaticaua, named John in baptism, who suffered a cruel death and in my opinion died a martyr, crying out Dio aboridacha, I am Gods servant. Another of these brothers was named Anthony, and died equally a Christian. I afterwards resided with a cacique named Guarionex nearly two years, who at first seemed much disposed to become a Christian, desiring to be taught the Paternoster, Creed, and other Christian prayers, but he fell off by the persuasions of some of the other principal people. I thence repaired to another cacique named Mauiatue who evinced a favourable inclination to become a Christian; and on our way we left some religious pictures in a house for the use of the catechumens, for them to kneel and pray before. Two days after we were gone six Indians came to that house of prayer by order of Guarionex, took away the pictures by force, threw them down, covered them with earth, and pissed upon them, saying "Now you will see what fruit they will yield."
   26. Don Bartholomew Columbus, then governor for his brother who was gone to Spain, proceeded against these impious men and burnt them. Some days afterwards the owner of the field in which the pictures had been buried, went to dig up his agis, which are roots some like turnips and some like radishes, and in the very spot found two or three of these roots grown in the shape of a cross. This was found by the mother of Guarionex, the worst woman in those parts, who considered the circumstance as a great miracle shewn by God: God knows to what end!
   The island is much in need of people to punish the caciques, who refuse to allow their dependants to be instructed in the faith. Some are easily instructed that there is but One God who made heaven and earth, while with others force and ingenuity must be used; for some begin well and have a better end, while others begin well and then fall off, with whom there is need of force and punishment I know a principal cacique named Mahuviativire who has continued three years in his good purpose, desiring to be a Christian, and to have but one wife; whereas many have two or three, and the principal caciques twenty or thirty. May it please God, if my endeavours turn to his good service, to enable me to persevere; and if it must fall out otherwise to deprive me of understanding.
   Here ends the work of the poor Anchorite, Roman Pane.

SECTION VIII. The Admiral returns to Spain, from his Second Voyage
   Having reduced the island to peace and order, and having completed the town of Isabella, and built three forts in different places to protect the Christians, the admiral resolved to return into Spain to acquaint their Catholic majesties with several matters which he considered to be important: but especially because he had learnt that many malicious and envious persons had given false information at court respecting the affairs of the Indies, to the great prejudice and dishonour of him and his brothers. For these reasons he embarked on Thursday the tenth of March 1496, with 225 Spaniards and thirty Indians in two caravels, the Santa Cruz and the Nina, and sailed from Isabella about day-break. Holding his course eastwards along the coast, he lost sight of the eastern point of Hispaniola on Tuesday the twenty-second of March, keeping an easterly direction as far as the wind would permit; but the wind for the most part continuing from the east, and provisions falling short, by which the men were much discouraged, he deviated southwards towards the Caribbee islands, and anchored at Marigalante on Saturday the ninth of April. Although it was not his custom to set sail from any port of a Sunday, yet as his men muttered, saying that when in want of food it was not necessary to keep so strictly to the observation of particular days, he therefore set sail next day.
   He next anchored at the island of Guadaloupe and sent the boats on shore well armed. These were opposed by a great number of women, who came out of a wood armed with bows and arrows and decorated with feathers; seeing whom the people in the boats kept aloof, and sent two women of Hispaniola on shore by swimming to parley with the natives; who, understanding that the Christians only desired to have provisions in exchange for such commodities as they had to barter, desired them to go with their ships to the north side of the island where their husbands then were, who would furnish them with what they wanted. The ships did accordingly, and sailing close to the shore saw abundance of people, who came down to the sea-side and discharged their arrows in vain against our people, setting up loud cries, but their weapons all fell short. When our boats well armed and full of men drew near the shore, the Indians retired into an ambush, whence they sallied forth to hinder our people from landing; but terrified by some discharges of cannon from the ships, they fled into the woods, abandoning their houses and goods, when the Christians took and destroyed all they found. Being acquainted with the Indian method of making bread, they fell to work and made enough to supply their want, as they found abundance of materials60.
   Among other things which they found in the Indian houses on this island, were parrots, honey, wax, and iron, of which last they had hatchets61: and they likewise found looms like those used in Europe for weaving tapestry62, in which the natives weave their tents. Their houses, instead of the ordinary round forms which had been hitherto met with in the West Indies, were square; and in one of them the Spaniards found the arm of a man roasting at a fire upon a spit. While the bread was making, the admiral dispatched forty men into the country to examine into its nature and productions, who returned next day with ten women and three boys all the rest of the natives having fled into the woods. One of these women was the wife of a cacique, who was exceedingly nimble and had been taken with very great difficulty by a man of the Canaries: She might even have got from him, but observing him to be alone she thought to have taken him, and closed with him for that purpose, and even got him down and had almost stifled him, had not some others of the Christians come to his aid. The less of these women are swathed with cotton cloth from the ancle to the knee, which gives them a very thick appearance; and they gird these ornaments, which they call Coiro, and consider as very genteel, so tightly that the leg appears very thin when they happen to slip off63. The same swaths are used both by men and women in Jamaica upon the smaller parts of their arms up to the armpits, similar to the old-fashioned sleeves in Spain.
   The women of this island were excessively fat, insomuch that some were thicker than a man could grasp round; they all wear their hair long and loose upon their shoulders, nor do they cover any part of their bodies except as before mentioned. As soon as their children can use their limbs, they give them bows and arrows that they may learn to shoot. The woman who made so much resistance said that the island was only inhabited by women, and that those who made demonstrations of hindering the landing of our men were all women, except four men who had come there accidentally from another island; for at certain times of the year the men come from the other islands to sport and cohabit with the women of this. The same customs were followed by the women in another island, called Matrimonio or the Island of Matrimony, and this woman gave an account of these islanders similar to what we read concerning the Amazons; and the admiral believed it because of the strength and courage of these women64. It is also said that these women seemed to have clearer understandings than those of the other islands; for in the other islands they only reckon the day by the sun and the nights by the moon, whereas these women reckoned by other stars, saying that it is time to do such and such things when the great bear or certain other stars, as it may be, are due north.
   When they had made provision of bread for twenty days besides what they had on board, the admiral resolved to continue his voyage into Spain. But, considering that the island of Guadaloupe was an inlet to others, he thought fit to send all the women on shore, having first made them some gifts in compensation of the loss they had sustained; except the chief lady, who chose to go into Spain with her daughter along with the other Indians from Hispaniola. One of these was Cannabo, the chief cacique of that island in the late disturbances, who was himself a Carib and not a native of that island. Having furnished all the vessels with bread, wood, and water, the admiral set sail on Wednesday the twentieth of April from Guadaloupe, with the wind very scant, keeping near the latitude of twenty-two degrees north: as at this time they had not found out the method of running away north to meet the S.W. winds.
   Having made but little way and the ships being full of people, they began by the twentieth of May to be much afflicted with scarcity of provisions, insomuch that they were reduced to an allowance of six ounces of bread and less than a pint of water for each person daily, and had no other article of provision besides. Though there were eight or nine pilots in the two ships, yet none of them knew whereabout they were, but the admiral was confident that they were then only a little west of the Azores, whereof he gives the following account in his journal.
   "This morning the Dutch compasses varied as they used to do a whole point, while those of Genoa, which used to agree with them, varied but a very little, though afterwards sailing farther east they varied more, which is a sign that we were 100 leagues west of the Azores or somewhat more; for when we were just 100 leagues there were only a few scattered weeds to be seen, the Dutch needles varying a point while those of Genoa pointed due north; and when we got somewhat farther E.N.E. they altered again." This idea was verified on the twenty-second of May, when by exact reckoning the admiral found that he was 100 leagues to the west of the Azores. He was much astonished at this singular difference between the two kinds of compasses, which he was disposed to attribute to their having been made by different kinds of loadstones; for until they had arrived at that longitude they all varied a point from the true north, and some of them continued to do so even there, while those constructed at Genoa, now pointed due north, and the same remarkable discrepancy continued upon the twenty-fourth of May.
   They thus continued their course, all the pilots going on with blind confidence, till on Wednseday the 8th of June they came in sight of Odemira, between Lisbon and Cape St Vincent; but the admiral, confident that they were near that cape, slackened sail the night before, though laughed at by many, some affirming that they were in the English channel, while those who erred least believed themselves on the coast of Galicia. The scarcity was now become so great that many objected to shortening sail, alleging that it were better to run the risk of perishing at once by running on shore than to starve miserably on the sea; and many, like the canibals, were for eating the Indians who where on board, or at least were for throwing them overboard, on purpose to make some small saving of the provisions which remained; and this would certainly have been done if the admiral had not exerted his whole authority to save them, as human creatures who ought not to be worse used than the rest. At length it pleased God to reward him with the sight of land in the morning, according to his promise the preceding evening; for which he was ever afterwards considered by the seamen as most expert and almost prophetical in maritime affairs.
   Having landed in Spain the admiral went to Burgos, where he was very favourably received by their Catholic majesties, who were then at that place celebrating the marriage of their son Prince John with Margaret of Austria, daughter of the Emperor Maximilian. That princess was conducted into Spain with great splendour, and received by most of the nobility and by the greatest concourse of persons of quality that ever had been seen together in Spain. But though I was present on the occasion as page to prince John, I shall not enter into the particulars of this solemnity, since it does not belong to the history I have undertaken to write, and because the royal historiographers will have doubtless taken care to record this event.
   On his arrival at Burgos, the admiral presented their majesties, with many curious specimens of the productions of the Indies, as birds, beasts, trees, plants, instruments, and other things used by the Indians in their employments and amusements; also girdles, and masks, having ears and eyes made of gold plates; likewise with much gold dust, small and gross as produced by nature, some of the grains as big as vetches, some like beans, and others as large as pigeons eggs. These latter, then so much admired, were not afterwards so much valued, as in progress of time lumps of gold have been found which weighed above thirty pounds; but they were then held in high estimation in prospect of great future hopes, and were received in good part by their majesties. When the admiral had given them an account of all that seemed to him necessary for improving and peopling the Indies, he was very desirous to return thither with all speed, lest some disaster might happen during his absence, considering that he had left the colony in great want of necessaries; and though he strongly solicited and pressed the necessity of speedy succours, such was the tediousness and delay of business in that court, that ten or twelve months elapsed before he could procure the equipment of two ships, which were sent out in February 1498, under the command of Pedro Fernandez Coronel.
   The admiral remained at court to solicit the appointment of such a fleet as he considered to be necessary for his return to the Indies. But he was forced to remain above a year at Burgos and Medina del Campo, where in the year 1497 their majesties granted him many favours, and gave the necessary orders for expediting his affairs, and for the settlement and government of the Indies. These I here mention to shew that their Catholic majesties were, still ready to acknowledge and reward his services and merit; though they afterwards altered greatly in this respect, through the false information and scandalous insinuations of malicious and envious persons, so as to permit gross wrongs to be done him, as will afterwards appear.
   Having at length procured the necessary orders, he proceeded to Seville, and there the fitting out of his fleet was retarded very unprofitably through the negligence and ill management of the public officers, especially Juan de Fonseca, the archdeacon of Seville, who was afterwards bishop of Burgos, and always was a bitter enemy to the admiral and his affairs, and became the chief leader among those who afterwards brought him into disgrace with their Catholic majesties. While engaged at Seville in superintending the equipment, that my brother and I might not suffer by the delays, we having both served as pages to Prince John, who was now dead, he sent us back to court in November 1497 to serve as pages to her majesty Queen Isabella of glorious memory.

SECTION IX. Account of the Admirals third Voyage, during which he discovered the Continent of Paria; with the occurrences to his arrival in Hispaniola
   The admiral forwarded the equipment of this expedition with all possible care, and set sail from the bay of San Lucar de Barameda on the thirtieth of May 1498, having six ships loaded with provisions and other necessaries for the relief of the colonists in Hispaniola, and for the farther settlement and peopling of that island. On the seventh of June he arrived at the island of Puerto Santo, where he heard mass, and took in wood and water and other necessaries, yet he sailed that same night for Madeira, where he arrived on Sunday the ninth of June, and was courteously received and entertained at Funchal by the governor of the island. He remained in this place until Saturday the fifteenth of June, providing all manner of refreshments, and arrived at Gomera on Wednesday the nineteenth of the same month. At this place there was a French ship which, had captured three Spanish vessels; on seeing the admirals squadron, the Frenchman stood out to sea with two of his prizes: and the admiral supposing them to be three merchant vessels which mistook his squadron for French, took no care to pursue till too late, and when informed of what they were, he sent three of his ships in pursuit but they got clear off. They might have carried away the third prize likewise, if they had not abandoned her in the consternation they were in on first noticing our fleet; so that there being only four Frenchmen on board and six Spaniards belonging to her original crew, the Spaniards on seeing assistance at hand, clapt the Frenchmen under the hatches and returned into port, where the vessel was restored to her former master. The admiral would have executed these French prisoners as pirates, but that Don Alvaro de Lugo the governor interceded for them, that they might be given in exchange for six of the inhabitants who had been carried away.
   The admiral sailed from Gomera for Ferro on Thursday the twenty-first of June, whence he resolved to send three of his ships direct to Hispaniola, and going with the rest to the islands of Cabo Verde to sail directly over from thence to discover the continent. He therefore appointed a captain to each of the ships which he sent to Hispaniola. One of those was Pedro de Arana, cousin to that Arana who died in Hispaniola, the second was Alonzo Sanchez de Caravajal, and the third his own kinsman John Anthony Columbus. To these captains he gave particular instructions for the conduct of their voyage, directing that each of them should have the command a week in his turn. Having dispatched these three ships for Hispaniola, he set out with the other three for the Cape Verde islands; but the climate he was then entering upon being unhealthy at that season, he had a terrible fit of the gout in one leg, and four days afterwards he fell into a violent fever; but, notwithstanding this sickness he was still himself, and diligently observed the course made by the ship, the alterations of the weather, and all other circumstances as in his first voyage.
   On the twenty-fifth June he discovered the island de Sal, one of the Cape Verdes, and passing it he came to another very improperly named Bona vista, which signifies good prospect, yet the place is dull and wretched. Here he cast anchor in a channel near a small island in which there are six or seven houses appointed for persons who are afflicted with the leprosy, who come there to be cured. And as sailors rejoice when they discover land, so do these wretches much more when they discover any ship; wherefore they immediately ran down to the shore to speak with the people whom the admiral sent on shore to take in water and salt. There are likewise abundance of goats in that island. Understanding that our people were Spaniards, the Portuguese who had charge of this island for the owner went on board to wait upon the admiral, and made offer of every assistance in his power, for which the admiral thanked him and ordered him to be well treated, and to have some provisions given him, for by reason of the barrenness of the island the inhabitants live very miserably. Being desirous to know what methods were used for curing the leprosy, this man told the admiral that the excellent temperature of the air was one principal cause, and the next the diet of the infected; for there came to this island vast numbers of turtles, on which the sick chiefly feed, and anoint themselves with the blood of these animals, and are by these means speedily cured; but that such as are born with the distemper are longer of being cured. The reason assigned for the great numbers of turtle was, that the shores of the island being all sandy, these creatures resort thither from the west coast of Africa in the months of June, July, and August, to deposit their eggs. They are mostly as large as an ordinary target, and come every night on shore to sleep and to lay their eggs in the sand. The people go along the shore at night with lanterns and other lights, seeking the tracks which the turtle leaves in the sand, which they follow till they find the animal, which being tired with the exertion, sleeps so soundly as not to waken on their approach. Having found a turtle it is turned on its back, and without doing any more harm they go on to seek more, which are treated in the same manner. Having got as many as they think fit, they come back in the morning to choose those they like best, as they cannot possibly recover their feet when once turned over. They then carry off such as they think fit, turning up the smaller ones upon their belly and allowing them to go away. The island being very dry and barren, without either trees or springs, the wretched sick inhabitants have no other sustenance, and are entirely without employment, and they are necessitated to drink of the thick and brackish water of certain wells, there being none else to be found.
   Besides the sick, the only inhabitants of the island consisted of the man who had the charge and four more, and their only employment was to kill and salt goats to be sent to Portugal. There were such multitudes of goats on the island, all derived from eight left there originally, that some years they killed to the value of three or four thousand ducats. The proprietor was Roderick Alfonzo, secretary of the customs to the king of Portugal, by whom the original stock of goats had been carried to this place. These goat-hunters are often four or five months without bread or any thing to eat but goats flesh and fish; for which reason this man made great account of the provisions which the admiral had given him. This man and his companions, with some of the admirals men, went out to hunt goats for the use of the ships, but finding that it would require much time to kill all he had need of, and being anxious to proceed on his voyage, the admiral would not protract his stay in this place.
   On Saturday the 30th of June, he sailed for Santiago, the principal of the Cape Verde islands, where he arrived the next evening, and cast anchor near a church, sending on shore to purchase some bulls and cows, which he wished to carry alive to Hispaniola. But finding it difficult to procure them so soon as he wished, and considering how prejudicial delays might prove to the safety and success of his voyage, he would not remain. He was the more induced to get away with all expedition on account of the unhealthiness of the country, lest his men might fall sick; as during all the time he lay among these islands he never saw the sky or any star, in consequence of a perpetual thick hot fog; insomuch that three fourths of the inhabitants were sick, and all of them had a most unhealthy colour.
   On Thursday the 5th of July, the admiral left the island of St Jago, sailing S.W. with the intention of holding that course till he was under the equinoctial, and then to steer due west, that he might discover some other land before proceeding to Hispaniola. But the currents among these islands set so strongly to the north and north-west, that he was unable to keep his intended course, and was still in sight of Fogo, one of the Cape Verde islands, on the 7th of July. This island is very high land on the south side, and looks at a distance like a great church with a steeple at the east end, which is an exceedingly high rock, whence there usually breaks out much fire before the east winds blow, in the same manner as is seen at Teneriffe, Vesuvius, and Etna. From this last country of the Christians he held on his course S.W. till he came into only 5° of north latitude, where he was becalmed, having till then been continually attended by the before-mentioned fog. The calms lasted eight days, with such violent heat as almost to burn the ships, and it was impossible during all that time for any of the people to remain below deck, and had not the sun been clouded with occasional rains, the admiral thought they would have been burnt up alive together with their ships. On the first day of the calm, being fair, nothing could withstand the heat, had not GOD relieved them with the rain and fog. Having therefore got a little way to the northwards into seven degrees of latitude, he resolved not to hold any farther to the south, but to sail due west in that parallel, at least till he saw how the weather settled, because he had lost many casks in consequence of the hoops starting with the great heat, and the corn and all other provisions were scorched up.
   About the middle of July, the admiral observed the latitude with great care, and found a wonderful difference between the appearances there and in the parallel of the Azores. For at the Azores, when the constellation of the great bear was to the right or east, then the north star is lowest, and from that time began to rise; so that when the great bear was over head, the north star had risen two degrees and a half, and being passed, that began again to descend the five degrees it had ascended. This he observed very carefully, several times when the weather was very fit for his purpose. But at the place where he now was in the torrid zone these appearances were quite contrary; for when the great bear was at its greatest elevation, he found the north star six degrees high; and when in six hours the bear came to the west the north star was then eleven degrees high; when the bear was quite depresssed and could not be seen because of the obliquity of the pole, the north star was six degrees high, so that the difference was ten degrees, and the north star described a circle having a diameter of ten degrees; whereas, in other places, it made but five, and in a different position as to the great bear, for at the Azores the polar star was lowest when the bear was in the west, and here the north star was lowest when the bear was at its greatest elevation. The admiral, not being complete master of this subject, thought this of very difficult comprehension; and observes that probably when at the equinoctial, the full orbit of the star is seen; whereas, the nearer one approaches the pole it seems the less, because the Heavens are more oblique. As for the variation, I believe the star has the quality of all the four quarters, like the needle, which if touched to the east side points to the east, and so of the west, north, and south; wherefore, he that makes a compass covers the loadstone with a cloth, all but its north part, or that which has the power to make the needle point to the north.
   On Tuesday the 31st of July, 1498, having sailed many days west, insomuch that the admiral believed the Caribbee islands were to the north, he resolved to discontinue that western course, and to make for Hispaniola, because he was greatly in want of water, and almost all his provisions had perished, and because he was afraid lest some mutiny or disorder might have broken out in the colony during his long absence, which in fact had been the case as we shall shew hereafter. Therefore, altering his course from the west, he stood to the north65, thinking to fall in with the Caribbee islands to refresh his men, and to take in wood and water, of which he was in great want. While thus sailing one day about noon, Alonzo Perez Nirando, a sailor of the town of Gullva, discovered land from the round top at about fifteen leagues distance, three mountains making their appearance at once, and soon afterwards the land was observed to stretch out towards the N.E. as far as the eye could reach, so that it appeared to have no end. The salve regina and other prayers usual with seamen in times of joy or distress were immediately rehearsed, and the admiral called the land now discovered Trinidada or the island of the Trinity; both because he had before intended to give that name to the first land he might discover, and because it had pleased God to give him a sight of three mountains all at one time. He now altered his course to the west that he might get to a cape which appeared southwards, and making for the south side of the island, came to an anchor five leagues beyond a point which he named Punta de la Galera, or Galley Point, on account of a rock which lay near that point, looking at a distance like a galley under sail.
   Having now only one cask of water remaining for the whole crew, and the other ships in company being in the same condition, and no water being found in this place, he continued his course still westwards, and cast anchor on the Wednesday following at another point which he named Punta de la Plaga, or Sand Point, because of a fine strand or beach where the people landed and procured water at a fine brook66. In this place they found no habitations and saw no people, though along the coast, which they had left behind them, they had seen many houses and towns. They found here, however, the tokens of fishermen who had fled, leaving behind them some of their fishing tackle; and they noticed the prints of the feet of beasts, which they judged might have been goats, and they saw the bones of one, the head of which had no horns, and which, therefore, they thought might have been a monkey, or cat-o-mountain, as they afterwards found it to have been, having found many of these cats in Paria67. This same day, being the 1st of August, while sailing between Cape Galera and la Plaga, they discovered the continent about twenty-five leagues distant, but thinking it another island, it was named Isla Santo, or the Holy Island68. The coast of Trinidada between those two points was thirty leagues in length from E. to W. without any harbour, but all the country appeared pleasantly covered with trees down to the water side, and had abundance of towns. They ran this space of thirty leagues in a very short time, because the current set so violently to the westwards that it looked like a rapid river both day and night; for although the tide flowed and ebbed along the shore above forty paces, as it does at San Lucar de Barameda in Spain, yet the current never ceases to run in the same direction.
   Perceiving that no account could be got of the people of the country at this cape, that it was excessively laborious to take in a full supply of water here, and that there was no convenience for careening the ships, or procuring provisions, the admiral went next day to another point of land which seemed to be the most westerly in the island, which he named Cabo del Arenal, and came here to anchor, thinking that the easterly winds which reign there might not be so troublesome to the boats in going backwards and forwards from the shore. On the way to this point a canoe followed the admirals ship, having twenty-five men on board, and stopped at the distance of a cannon-shot, calling out and speaking very loud. Nothing could be understood, though it was supposed they inquired who our men were and whence they came, as had been usual with the other Indians. As they could not be induced to come on board, either by words or gestures, or by exhibiting looking glasses, little brass basons, and other baubles which used to have great influence on the other natives of the Indies, the admiral ordered some young fellows to dance on the poop to the music of a pipe and tabor. On seeing this, the Indians snatched up their targets, and began shooting their arrows at the dancers; who, by the admirals command, left off dancing and began to shoot with their cross-bows in return, that the Indians might not go unpunished, or learn to despise the Christians; whereupon, the Indians were glad to draw off, and made for another caravel which they immediately went along-side of without any apprehension. The pilot of that ship went over into the canoe, and gave the Indians some baubles with which they were much pleased, and said if they were on shore they would have brought him bread from their houses. The account given of these people was that they were well shaped and whiter than the other islanders, wearing their hair long like women, bound up with small strings, and that they covered their nudities with small clouts. But the people in the caravel did not detain any of them for fear of giving displeasure to the admiral.
   As soon as the ships had anchored at Punta del Arenal, the admiral sent the boats on shore for water, and to endeavour to procure some information respecting the Indians, but they could do neither, that country being very low and uninhabited, and having no springs or rivulets. He therefore ordered them next day to dig trenches or pits on the island in hope of procuring water by that means; and by good fortune, they found these ready made to their hands and full of excellent water, it being supposed that they had been dug by the fishermen. Having taken what water they wanted, the admiral resolved to proceed to another mouth or channel which appeared towards the north-west, which he afterwards called Boca del Drago, or the Dragons Mouth, to distinguish it from the one where he then was, to which he had given the name of Boca del Sierpe, or the Serpents Mouth. These two mouths or channels, like the Dardanelles, are made by the two most westerly points of the island of Trinidada, and two other points of the continent, and lie almost north and south of each other. In the midst of the Serpents Mouth, where the admiral now anchored, there was a rock which he called El Gallo, or the cock. Through this channel the water ran continually and furiously to the northwards, as if it had been the mouth of some great river, which was the occasion of naming it Boca del Sierpe, because of the terror it put our people into; for, as they lay very securely at anchor, there came a stronger current of the water than usual, making a hideous noise and running furiously to the northwards; and being opposed by another current running out from the Gulf of Paria, they met with a hideous roaring noise, and caused the sea to swell up like a high mountain, or ridge of hills along the channel. Soon afterwards, this mountainous wave came towards the ships, to the great terror of all the men, fearing they should be overset. But it pleased GOD that it passed underneath, or rather lifted up the ships without doing any harm; yet it drew the anchor of one of them and carried it away, but by means of their sails they escaped the danger, not without mortal fear of being lost. That furious current being past, and considering the danger of remaining there, the admiral stood for the Dragons Month, which is between the north-west point of Trinidada and the east point of Paria; but he went not through it at that time, but sailed along the south coast of Paria westwards, thinking it to have been an island, and expecting to find a way out northwards into the Caribbean sea towards Hispaniola; and though there were many ports along that coast of Paria, he would put into none, all that inland sea being a harbour locked in by the continent.
   Being at an anchor on Sunday the 5th of August, and it being his custom never to weigh on a Sunday, he sent the boats on shore, where they found abundance of fruit, of the same kinds which they had seen on the other islands; there were great numbers of trees, and marks of people who had fled for fear of the Christians. Being unwilling to lose time, he sailed fifteen leagues farther along that coast without going into any harbour, lest he should not have sufficient wind to bring him out again. While at anchor, there came out a canoe to the caravel called El Borreo having three men; and the pilot, knowing how much the admiral wished to receive some information from these people, pretended to talk with the Indians and let himself down into the canoe, by which means some Spaniards in the boat took these men and sent them to the admiral, who made much of them and sent them on shore with many gifts, at a place where there were a great number of Indians. These, hearing the good account which the three Indians gave them of their treatment, came off in their canoes to barter for such things as they had, which were much the same as had been already seen in the islands before discovered, only that they had no targets or poisoned arrows, which are only used by the Canibals or Caribs. Their drink was a sort of liquor as white as milk, and another somewhat blackish, tasting like green wine, made from unripe grapes, but they could not learn what fruit it was made from69.
   They wore cotton cloths, well wove and of several colours, about the size of a handkerchief, some larger and some less, and what they most valued of our articles was brass, and especially bells. These people seemed more civilized and tractable than the natives of Hispaniola. The men covered their nudities with one of these cloths fastened round their middle, and had another wrapped round their heads, but the women went altogether naked as in Trinidada.
   They saw nothing of value here except some small plates of gold which the natives were hanging from their necks; for which reason, and because the admiral could not stay to dive into the secrets of the country, he ordered six of these Indians to be taken, and continued his voyage to the westwards, still believing that land of Paria which he had called the Holy Island to be no continent. Soon afterwards, an island appeared towards the south, and another towards the west, both high land, cultivated and well peopled, and the inhabitants had more plates of gold about their necks than the others, and abundance of guaninis, which are made of very low gold. They said that this gold was procured from other islands farther to the westwards, of which the inhabitants eat men. The women had strings of beads about their arms, and among these were some very fine large and small strung pearls, some of which were procured as a sample to send to their Catholic majesties. Being asked where they got these things, they made signs to show that in the oyster shells which were taken westwards from that land of Paria, and beyond it towards the north these pearls were found. Upon this good discovery, the admiral remained some time to learn more about it, and sent the boats on shore, where all the people of the country who had flocked together appeared very tractable and friendly, and importuned the Christians to accompany them to a house not far off, where they gave them to eat, and likewise a great deal of their wine. From that house, which was believed to be the kings palace, they were carried to another belonging to his son, where the same kindness was shewn. These people were all in general whiter than any they had yet seen in the Indies, with better aspects and shapes, having their hair cut short by their ears after the Spanish fashion. From them they learnt that the country was named Paria, and that they would gladly be in amity with the Christians. Thus they departed from them and returned to the ships.
   Holding on his course westwards, the admiral found the depth of the water gradually to lessen, till passing through five and four fathoms, they at length had only two and a half at the ebb. The tide differed considerably in this place from what it had been found at Trinidada; for whereas there it ebbed and flowed three fathoms, here, at forty-five leagues to the westward it only rose and fell one fathom. At Trinidada both during ebb and flow, the current always ran west, whereas here the flood made to the west, and the ebb returned to the east. At Trinidada the sea water was brackish, while here it was sweet, almost like river water. Perceiving this difference, and how little water they had, the admiral durst not proceed any farther with his own ship, which being of 100 tons burthen, required three fathoms water; he therefore came to anchor on the coast in a very safe port, land-locked on all sides and shaped like a horse shoe. From this place he sent on the little caravel called El Borreo, or the Post, to discover if there were any passage westwards among these supposed islands. She returned next day, the 11th of August, having gone but a short distance, and reported, that at the western point of that sea there was a mouth or opening two leagues over from north to south, and within it a round bay, having four little bays, one towards each quarter of the Heavens, into each of which a river flowed, which occasioned the water of that sea to be so sweet, which was yet much sweeter farther in; and they added, that all this land which they had considered as separate islands was one and the same continent. They had everywhere in that interior bay four or five fathoms water, which so abounded in those weeds they had seen on the ocean as even to hinder their passage.
   Being now certain that he could get no passage to the westwards, the admiral stood back that same day to the east, designing to pass the Boca del Drago, or that strait which he had seen between Trinidada and the land called Paria by the Indians. In this strait there are four small islands to the east, next that point of Trindada which he named Cabo de Boca, or Cape Mouth, because it was blunt; and the western cape upon the continent he called Cabo de Lapa. The reason why he gave this strait the name of the Dragons Mouth, was because it was very dangerous, on account of the prodigious quantity of fresh water which continually struggles to get out that way into the open sea, and that the strait is divided into three boisterous channels by intervening islands. While sailing through this strait the wind failed, and he was in great danger of being drifted by the raging current against some sand or rock; he gave it this name likewise as corresponding with that he had before given to the other entrance into the gulf of Paria, the Boca del Sierpe or Serpents Mouth, where he was in no less danger. But it pleased God, that what they most dreaded should prove their greatest safety, for the strength of the current carried them clear through. On Monday the 17th of August, he began to sail westwards along the northern coast of Paria, in order to stand over afterwards for Hispaniola, and gave thanks to God who had delivered from so many troubles and dangers, still shewing him new countries full of peaceable people, and abounding in wealth, more especially that which he now certainly concluded to be the continent, because of the great extent of the gulf of Pearls and the size of the rivers that run into it, making it all deep water, and all the Indians of the Caribbean islands had told him there was a vast land to the southward. Likewise, according to the authority of Esdras, the 8th chapter of the 4th book, if the world were divided into seven equal parts, one only is water and the rest land.
   Sailing along to the westwards on the coast of Paria, the admiral fell gradually off from it towards the N.W. being so drifted by the current owing to the calmness of the weather, so that on Wednesday the 15th of August, he left the Cabo de las Conchas, or Cape of Shells to the south, and the island of Margarita to the west, which name, signifying the isle of Pearls, he gave to it as by divine inspiration, as close to it is the isle of Cabagua where an infinite quantity of pearls have since been found; and he afterwards named some mountains in Hispaniola and Jamaica the Gold Mountains, where the greatest quantity and largest pieces of that metal that were ever carried into Spain were afterwards found. But to return to his voyage, he held on his way by six islands which he called de las Guardas, or the Guards, and three others more to the north called los Testigos, or the Witnesses. Though they still discovered much land in Paria to the westwards, yet the admiral says in his journal that he could not from this time give such an account of it as he wished, because through much watching his eyes were inflamed, and he was therefore forced to take most of his observations from the sailors and pilots. This same night, the sixteenth of August, the compasses, which hitherto had not varied, did now at least a point and a half, and some of them two points, and in this there could be no mistake, as several persons had attentively observed the circumstance. The admiral admired much at this, and was much grieved that he had not an opportunity of following the coast of the continent any farther; he therefore held on his course to the N.W. till on Monday the twentieth of August, he came to an anchor between Isla Beata or the Blessed Island and Hispaniola, whence he sent a letter overland to his brother the Adelantado, acquainting him with his safe arrival and his success in having discovered the continent. The admiral was much surprised at finding himself so far to the westwards, for although he was aware of the power of the currents, he did not expect they would have produced so great an effect. Therefore, that his provisions might not fail, he stood to the eastwards for San Domingo, into which harbour he sailed on the thirtieth of August. Here the lieutenant his brother had appointed to build a city, on the east side of the river where it now stands, and which, in memory of his father, named Domingo or Dominick, is now named Santo Domingo.

SECTION X. An account of the Rebellion in Hispaniola, previous to the arrival of the Admiral
   On his arrival at St Domingo, the admiral was almost blind with overwatching and fatigue, and hoped there to rest himself and to find peace among the people of the colony; but he found quite the contrary, for all the people of the island were in disorder and rebellion. Great numbers of those whom he had left were dead, and of those who remained above 160 individuals were ill of the French pox; besides that many were in rebellion, with Francis Roldan at their head, whom he had left as alcalde mayor, or chief justice of the island. And to add to the evil, the three ships that he had dispatched from the Canary islands with supplies had not yet arrived. Of all these matters it is requisite that we should treat in an orderly manner, beginning from the time when the admiral had set out from this island for Spain in March 1496, thirty months before his present return.
   For some considerable time after his departure, matters went on pretty quietly in hopes of his speedy return and receiving supplies and relief. But after the first year, finding their hopes abortive, the Spanish provisions having utterly failed, and sickness and sufferings increasing, the people began to be much dissatisfied with their situation, and to despair of any change for the better. When any discontented persons begin to utter complaints, they are always sure to find some bold spirit to urge them on, desirous to become the head of a party: Such on this occasion was the conduct of Francis Roldan, a native of Torre de Ximena, whom the admiral had left in great power both among the Christians and Indians, by making him chief judge of the colony, so that he had almost as much power and authority as himself. For this reason it is supposed that there was not that good understanding between him and the admirals lieutenant as ought to have been for the public good, as appeared actually to have been the case in the sequel. And, as the admiral neither returned himself nor sent any supplies, this Roldan began to entertain schemes of usurping the supreme authority in the island, and designed for this purpose to murder the admirals brothers as those who were best able to oppose his rebellion, and actually waited an opportunity of putting this nefarious intention into execution. It happened that the lieutenant went to a province in the west called Xaragua, eighty leagues from Isabella, leaving Roldan in the execution of his employment, but subordinate to Don James the admirals second brother. Roldan was so much offended at this procedure, that while the lieutenant was taking order how the caciques should pay their quotas of the tribute to their Catholic majesties after the rate which had been settled by the admiral, Roldan began underhand to draw over some of the malcontents to his party. But that it might not prove fatal to rise too suddenly and without some colourable pretence, Roldan took hold of the following circumstance to favour his covert practices. The lieutenant had caused a caravel to be built at Isabella, to have ready to send to Spain in case of any urgent necessity, and for want of tackle and other necessary equipments it still lay upon the bench unlaunched. Roldan insinuated that the delay in launching this vessel was occasioned by other reasons, and that it was necessary for the common benefit that it should be fitted out, that some persons might be sent into Spain to represent their sufferings and to implore relief. Thus under pretence of the public good, Roldan pressed that the caravel might be launched, and as Don James Columbus refused his consent on account of the want of tackle, Roldan began more boldly to treat with some of the malcontents about launching the caravel in spite of his refusal; telling those whom he thought would fall into his measures, that the reason why the lieutenant and his brother were averse to this measure was, that they were desirous to secure the dominion of the island to themselves and to keep them in subjection, and that there might not be any vessel to carry news of their revolt to their Catholic majesties. And since they were sensible of the cruelty and ill nature of the lieutenant, and the restless and laborious life he led them, in continually building towns and forts without necessity, and as there were now no hopes of the admiral returning with supplies, it was fit they should seize upon that caravel to procure their own liberty and relief, and not suffer themselves, under pretence of pay which they never received, to be kept under the authority of a foreigner, when it was in their power to live in ease and plenty. That by assuming the authority into their own hands, they would have it in their power to divide the island equally amongst them, and would be served by the Indians to their own content; whereas the lieutenant now hold them under such rigorous authority that they could not take to wife any Indian woman they pleased, and were forced to keep the three vows of monachism, chastity, poverty, and abstinence, and were not wanting in fasts and penances, imprisonments, and other punishments, which were liberally bestowed for the smallest offences. Wherefore, since he Roldan held the rod of justice and royal authority, and could screen them against evil consequences on this account, he advised them to act as he directed, in doing which they could not be found guilty. With such pretences and arguments, proceeding from the hatred he bore to the lieutenant, he drew over so many to his party, that one day, after the return of the lieutenant from Xaragua to Isabella, some of the conspirators resolved to stab him, and considered this as so easy a matter that they had provided a halter to hang him up with after his death. The circumstance which more immediately incensed them at this particular period, was the imprisonment of one Barahoria, a friend to the conspirators; and if God had not put it into the heart of the lieutenant not to proceed to the execution of justice at this time against that person, the conspirators had then certainly murdered him.
   When Francis Roldan perceived that he had missed the opportunity of murdering the lieutenant, and that his conspiracy was discovered, he resolved to possess himself of the town and fort of the Conception, thinking that from thence he might be easily able to subdue the island. It happened conveniently for the execution of this design, that he was then near that town, having been sent with forty men to reduce that province to obedience, the Indians having revolted and formed a similar design of making themselves masters of the Conception and massacring the Christians. So that Roldan, under pretence of preventing this evil, gathered his men at the residence of one of the caciques named Marche, intending to put his enterprise into execution on the first opportunity. But Ballester, who commanded in that fort, having some jealousy of Roldans intentions, kept himself well upon his guard, and sent intelligence to the lieutenant of the danger he was in; and the lieutenant with all speed drew together what force he was able to muster and threw himself into the fort for its protection.
   Roldan finding his conspiracy discovered before it was ripe for execution, came to the Conception under a safe conduct, more to make his observations how he might best injure the lieutenant, than through any desire of coming to an accommodation; and with more boldness and impudence than became him, required the lieutenant to order the caravel to be launched, or else to give him leave to do it, which he and his friends were able and willing to do. Incensed at this presumption, the lieutenant answered that neither he nor his friends were seamen, and know not what was proper to be done in that case; and though they had known how to launch the caravel, yet they could not sail in her for want of rigging and other necessaries, and therefore it would only expose the men and the caravel to certain destruction to pretend to send her to Spain. Upon this, conscious that they had no knowledge of sea affairs, and that the lieutenant being a seaman understood these matters, the conspirators differed in opinion on this subject. After this quarrelsome discussion, Roldan went away in anger, refusing to surrender his rod of justice to the lieutenant, or to stand trial for his disobedient and mutinous conduct; saying that he would do both when ordered by their Catholic majesties to whom the island belonged, but that he could not expect to receive an impartial or fair trial from the lieutenant, who bore him hatred and ill will, and would find means to put him to a shameful death if he submitted, whether right or wrong. But in the mean time, not to exceed the bounds of reasonable obedience, he was willing to go and reside in any place that the lieutenant might point out. Whereupon the lieutenant commanded him to go to the residence of the cacique James Columbus70; but he refused this under pretence that there were not sufficient provisions there for his men, and that he would find a convenient place for himself.
   Roldan went from thence to Isabella, where he gathered a company of sixty-five adherents; and finding himself unable to launch the caravel, he and his followers plundered the magazines, taking away what arms, merchandize, and provisions they thought proper, Don James Columbus who was there not being able to oppose them, and would even have been in imminent peril of his life if he had not withdrawn into the fort with some friends and servants. In the process or examinations which were afterwards drawn up on this subject, some of the evidences deposed that Roldan offered to submit to Don James, providing he would take his part against his own brother: Which he refusing, and Roldan being unable to do him any farther harm, and also fearing the succours which were coming from the lieutenant, he and the mutineers left the town, and falling upon the cattle that grazed in the neighbourhood, they killed such as they wanted for food, and took away the beasts of burden to serve them on their journey, as they resolved to go and settle in the province of Xaragua whence the lieutenant had very lately returned. The reason for preferring that province was because of its being the pleasantest and most plentiful part of the island, and its inhabitants were more civilized and wiser than any of the others, besides that the women there were handsomer and of more pleasing manners than in any other district.
   Before putting this design into execution, Roldan resolved to make a trial of his strength, before the lieutenant could have time to increase his power, and punish the rebels according to their demerits. For which reason he resolved to attempt to take the town of the Conception by surprize on the way to Xaragua, and to kill the lieutenant, and if this plan did not succeed to besiege him there. But the lieutenant got timely notice of the design of the mutineers, and stood upon his guard, encouraging his men with good words and the promise of two slaves each and many gifts, if they persisted in performing their duty. Yet he was led to believe that most of those who were with him liked the life of insubordination and license which was led by Roldan and his followers so well, that many of them gave ear to his messages; and therefore Roldan conceived hopes that many of the lieutenants people would go over to his side, which encouraged him to undertake the enterprize upon the Conception, which did not however succeed according to his wishes and hopes. The lieutenant was a man of great resolution, and having the best soldiers on his side, resolved to do that by force of arms which he could not affect by arguments and fair means. He gathered therefore his men together and marched out of the town to attack the rebels on the road.
   Perceiving that his expectations were disappointed, and that not one man deserted to him from the lieutenants party, Roldan was afraid to meet him in the field, and resolved to retire in time to Xaragua as he had first designed. Yet he talked contemptuously of the lieutenant, and stirred up the Indians wherever he went to rebel against him, pretending that he had deserted him because he was a person of a morose and revengeful disposition both against the Christians and the Indians, and abominably covetous, as was seen by the great burthens and tributes he imposed on them; which if they submitted to he would augment every year, though contrary to the will of their Catholic majesties, who required nothing of their subjects but obedience, and wished to maintain them in justice, peace, and liberty. And he declared that he and his friends and followers would assist them to assert their rights against the lieutenant, and declared himself the protector and deliverer of the Indians. After this Roldan forbade the payment of the tribute which had been imposed by the admiral, by which means it could not be gathered from those who were at any distance from the residence of the lieutenant, and he was afraid to collect it from those in his neighbourhood, lest he might provoke them to join with the rebels. Notwithstanding of this concession, no sooner had the lieutenant withdrawn from the Conception than Guarionex, the principal cacique of that province, resolved to besiege that place with the assistance of Roldan, and to destroy the Christians who defended it.
   The better to effectuate this scheme, he called together all the caciques of his party, and privately agreed with them that every one should kill such of the Christians as resided in his district. For the territories in Hispaniola were too small for any of them to maintain a great number of people, and therefore the Christians were under the necessity of dividing themselves into small parties of eight or ten in each liberty or district. This gave the Indians hopes that, by surprizing them all at one and the same time, they might have it in their power to extirpate the whole and suffer none to escape. But having no other way of counting time or ordering any thing else which requires counting, except by means of their fingers, they resolved that every one should be ready to destroy the Christians at the next full moon. Guarionex having thus concerted with his caciques, one of the chiefest among them being desirous to acquire reputation, and looking upon the enterprise as a very easy matter, fell on before the time appointed, not being astronomer sufficient to know the exact time of full moon. After a severe conflict, he was forced to fly for assistance and protection to Guarionex, who put him to death as he deserved, for having thus laid open the conspiracy and put the Christians on their guard.
   The rebels were not a little mortified at this miscarriage of the Indian plot, for it was reported that it had been concerted with their privacy and consent, and they had therefore waited to see whether Guarionex might bring affairs to such a pass, that by joining with him they might be able to destroy the lieutenant. But perceiving that it failed of success, they considered themselves insecure in the province where they then were, and therefore went away to Xaragua, still proclaiming themselves the protectors of the Indians, whereas they were thieves in their actions and inclinations, having no regard to God or the opinion of the world, but following their own inordinate appetites. Every one stole or took away what he could, and their leader Roldan more than any of the rest, commanding every cacique to entertain him that could; and though he forbade the Indians from paying any tribute to the lieutenant, he exacted much more from them under pretence of acting as their defender, insomuch that from one cacique only, named Monicaotex, he received every three months a calabash full of pure gold, containing three marks or a pound and a half, and to make sure of him he detained his son and nephew as hostages. He who reads this must not wonder that we reduce the marks of gold to the measure of a calabash, which is here done to shew that the Indians dealt in all these cases by measure, as they never had any weights.
   The Christians being thus divided, and no supplies coming from Spain, the lieutenant and his brother were unable to keep the people in quiet who still remained with them; for most of them were mean persons, and desirous of leading that life of ease and licentiousness which Roldan offered for their acceptance, by which they became so insolent that it was impossible to keep them in order, or to punish the guilty lest they might be utterly forsaken; neither dared they in these circumstances to attempt reducing the rebels to order, and were necessitated, to bear patiently with their audacious contempt of government. But it being the will of God to afford them some comfort, it pleased him to order that the two ships should arrive which had been dispatched about a year after the departure of the admiral from the Indies. He, considering the nature of the country and the dispositions of the people whom he had left in the colony, and the great danger which might arise from his long absence, had pressed for and obtained, not without great solicitation and difficulty that two of the ships, out of the eight71 which he had been ordered to fit out, might be sent on before with supplies. The arrival of these, the supplies which they brought of men and provisions, and the assurance that the admiral had safely arrived in Spain, encouraged those who were with the lieutenant to serve him more faithfully and made those who adhered to Roldan apprehensive of being punished.
   The rebels being desirous to hear news from home, and to furnish themselves with many things of which they were in want, resolved to repair to the harbour of St Domingo where the ships had put in, not without hopes of being able to draw over some of the men to their party. But as the lieutenant received notice of their design and was nearer that harbour, he moved thither with all the force he could muster to hinder their design, and leaving guards in the passes, he went to the port to visit the ships and to regulate the affairs of that place. And being anxious that the admiral might find the island in a peaceable condition and all troubles at an end upon his return, he again made new overtures to Roldan, who was then six leagues off with his men. For this purpose he sent Peter Fernandez Coronel, the commander of the two newly arrived ships, whom he chose for this employment because he was a man of worth and in authority, and because he could certify to Roldan and the mutineers of the arival of the admiral in Spain, the good reception he had found there, and the willingness their majesties had expressed to support his authority in the Indies. But the chief men among the rebels would not permit him to speak in public, being fearful of the impression he might make upon their deluded followers; they therefore received him on the road in a warlike posture, and he could only speak some words in private to those who were appointed to hear him. Thus unable to do any thing, Coronel returned to the town, and the rebels to their quarters at Xaragua, not without apprehensions lest Roldan and some of the ringleaders might write to their friends at Isabella to intercede for them with the admiral on his arrival to be restored to favour, as all their complaints were against the lieutenant and not against the admiral himself.
   The three ships which the admiral had dispatched from the Canary islands with succours to Hispaniola, proceeded on their voyage with fair winds till they came to those Caribbee islands which sailors first meet with on their way to the port of St Domingo. The pilots were not then so well acquainted with that voyage as they have since become, and knew not how to hit that port, but were carried away by the currents so far to the westwards that they arrived in the province of Xaragua, then occupied by the rebels. These, understanding that the ships were out of their way and knew nothing of the revolt, sent some of their number peaceably on board, who pretended that they were there by the lieutenants orders, on purpose to preserve that part of the country under obedience and to be the better supplied with provisions. But a secret which is diffused among many is easily divulged, so that Alonzo Sanchez de Caravajal, who was the most skilful among the captains of these three ships, was soon aware of the rebellion and discord, and began immediately to make overtures of peace to Roldan, in hopes of persuading him to submit to the lieutenant. But the familiar conversation which the rebels had previously been allowed on board the ships had already produced such effects that his persuasions were disregarded; Roldan having obtained private assurances from many of those who had come fresh from Spain that they would adhere to him, and by this accession of strength he hoped to advance himself to higher power.
   Finding that the negociation was not likely to draw to a speedy conclusion, Caravajal and the other captains thought it convenient and proper that the people who had been brought from Spain under wages to work in the mines and other public employments, should go by land to St Domingo; because the winds and currents being adverse, the voyage there might possibly occupy two or three months, during which these people would consume a great deal of provisions, if they remained on board, and might fall sick, and much time would be lost which they might otherwise have devoted to the several employments for which they were sent out. Having agreed upon this plan, it fell to the lot of John Anthony Columbus to march with the men by land, who were forty in number; Arana was appointed to conduct the ships from Xaragua to St. Domingo; and Caravajal remained to endeavour to bring the rebels to an accommodation. John Anthony Columbus set out with his people the second day after landing; but those labourers and vagabonds who had been sent out to work deserted to the rebels, and left him with only six or seven men who continued in their duty. Upon this John Anthony went boldly to Roldan, to whom he represented, that since he pretended to promote the service of their Catholic majesties, it was not reasonable to suffer those men who had been sent out to people and cultivate the country and who received wages for following their callings, to remain and lose their time without performing their engagements; that by turning them away he would make his words and actions more conformable, and that his staying in this place evinced that he had no inclination to forward the public service, but only to foment discord and division with the lieutenant. But as the desertion of the labourers was favourable to the views of Roldan and his followers, and they considered that a crime committed by many is soonest connived at, he pretended that he could not use violence towards these people, and that his was a religious order which refused no man. Knowing that it was not the part of a discreet person to expose himself to danger by pressing this matter any farther, John Anthony determined to go on board again with those few who still remained faithful; and that they might not be so served by those who remained, he and Arana sailed immediately with their two ships for St Domingo, with the wind as contrary as they feared; for they spent many days at sea and spoiled all their provisions, and Caravajals ship was much damaged upon certain sands, where she lost her rudder and sprung a leak, so that they had much difficulty to bring her into port.

SECTION XI. Continuation of the Troubles after the return, of the Admiral to Hispaniola, to their Adjustment
   When the captains arrived at St Domingo with their ships they found the admiral there, who had returned from his discovery of the continent. Being fully informed of the conduct and situation of the rebels, and having perused the process or examination which the lieutenant had drawn up against them, by which their crimes were fully substantiated, he thought proper to draw out a new process for the information of their majesties, resolving at the same time to use all possible moderation in the affair, and to use his utmost endeavours to reduce them to submission by fair means, and without the employment of an armed force. For this reason, and that neither they nor any others might have reason to complain of him, or to say that he kept them in Hispaniola by force, he issued a proclamation on the twelfth of September, granting leave to all who were inclined to return into Spain, and promising them a free passage and provisions for the voyage.
   On the other hand the admiral received information that Roldan was coming towards St Domingo with some of his men; wherefore he ordered Ballester who commanded at the Conception to look well to the security of his town and fort, and in case of Roldan coming that way, he desired him to say that the admiral was much concerned for his sufferings, and was willing to overlook all that had passed and to grant a general pardon to all the malcontents; and invited Roldan to come immediately to him without, apprehension, that by his advice all things might be duly ordered for the good of the service, and that he would send him a safe conduct in such form as he might require. Ballester made answer on the fourteenth February72 1498, that he had received certain information that Riquelme had come the day before to the town of Bonao, and that Roldan and Adrian, the ringleaders of the mutineers, were to be there in seven or eight days, when he might apprehend them, as he did73. Ballaster conferred with them pursuant to the instructions he had received, but found them obstinate and unmannerly. Roldan said that they had not come to treat of an accommodation, as they neither desired nor cared for peace, as he held the admiral and his authority in his power, either to support or suppress it at his pleasure: That they must not talk to him of any accommodation until they had sent him all the Indian prisoners who were taken at the siege of the Conception. He added other things, by which it plainly appeared that he would enter into no agreement that was not much to his advantage: And he demanded that Caravajal should be sent to treat with him, declaring his resolution to treat with no other person, he being a man of discretion who would listen to reason, as he had found by experience when the three ships were at Xaragua. This answer made the admiral suspect the fidelity of Caravajal, and not without much cause for the following reasons.
   Before Caravajal was at Xaragua, the rebels had often wrote and sent messages to their friends who were with the lieutenant, asserting that they would submit to the admiral on his arrival, and requesting them to intercede with and appease him. Since they promised this as soon as they heard that two ships had come to the assistance of the lieutenant, they had much more cause to perform it when the admiral was actually returned, had they not been dissuaded during their long conference with Caravajal. Had he done his duty, he ought to have kept Roldan and the other chiefs of the rebellion as prisoners in his caravel, as they were two days on board without any security or safe conduct asked or given. And knowing that they were in rebellion he ought not to have permitted them to purchase from the ships 56 swords and 60 cross-bows. As there were strong suspicions that the men who were to land with John Anthony meant to join the rebels, he ought not to have allowed them to land, or should have been more earnest in his endeavours to recover them. Caravajal circulated a report that he had come to the Indies as coadjutor to the admiral, so that nothing might be done without him, lest the admiral might commit some offence. Roldan had written to the admiral that he was drawing near to St Domingo by the advice of Caravajal, to be nearer him to treat for an accommodation on his arrival; and now that the admiral was arrived, his actions not suiting with his letter, it was to be presumed that Caravajal had invited him thither to the end that, if the admiral had been long of coming, or had not come at all, he as the admirals associate and Roldan as chief judge might have usurped the government of the island to the exclusion of the lieutenant. When the other captains came with the caravels to St Domingo, Caravajal came there by land under protection of a guard of rebels, the chief of whom, Gamir, had been two days and two nights on board his ship. Caravajal wrote to the rebels when they came to Bonao, and sent them presents and provisions. And besides that the rebels would not treat through any other person, they had unanimously declared that they would have taken him for their captain, if there had been any occasion for such a measure.
   Notwithstanding of all this, considering that Caravajal was a gentleman of prudence and discretion, who would not be guilty of doing any thing contrary to his duty; that what had been reported of him might not be true, and that every one of these arguments against him might admit of being answered or explained, and the admiral being exceedingly desirous to put an end to the distractions of the colony, he consulted with all the principal people about him respecting Roldans letter, and what was best to be done on this occasion. By their advice he sent Caravajal and Ballester to treat. Roldan answered that since they had not brought with them the Indians he had demanded, he would enter into no conference for an accommodation. Caravajal so discreetly replied and used such convincing arguments, that he influenced Roldan and three or four of the other leaders to agree to wait upon the admiral and endeavour to come to an agreement: But this being disliked by the rest, when Roldan and three others were getting on horseback to go along with Caravajal to the admiral, the rabble surrounded them, declaring they would not allow them to go, and that if any agreement was to be made it should be drawn up in writing, that all might know what was proposed to be done.
   Some days afterwards Roldan, by consent of his men, wrote on the twentieth of October to the admiral, laying the whole blame of the separation on the lieutenant; and saying, as the admiral had not sent them any assurance or security to come and give an account of themselves, they had resolved to send him their demands in writing, which claimed a reward for what they had hitherto done as will appear hereafter. Though their demands were abundantly extravagant, yet Ballester wrote the next day to the admiral, highly extolling Caravajals discourse; and saying that since it had failed to dissuade those people from their wicked designs, nothing less would prevail than granting them all they demanded, he found them so resolute. He added that he looked upon it as next to certain that most of the people who were with the admiral would go over to the rebels, and though he might rely on the fidelity of the men of honour and his own servants, yet these would not be able to withstand so great a number. The admiral already knew this by experience, having made a muster of all who were fit to bear arms at the time when Roldan was near St Domingo that he might be ready to oppose the rebels if necessary; and so many of the people feigned themselves sick or lame that only seventy appeared on the muster, of whom there were not more than forty in whom he could confide.
   Hearing of this muster and considering it a threat to proceed to extremities against them, on the seventeenth of October 1498, Roldan and the other chiefs of the mutineers sent a letter to the admiral subscribed by them all, saying, That they had withdrawn themselves from the lieutenant to save their lives, he having a design to destroy them. That they being his lordships servants, whose coming they had anxiously waited for, as of one who would look upon what they had done as in compliance with their duty and as good service; that they had hindered their adherents from doing any harm to any that belonged to his lordship, as they might easily have done. That since he was now come and was so far from thinking as they did, that he insisted upon taking revenge and punishing them; therefore, that they might be at liberty to carry on their proceedings and to do with honour what they had undertaken, they now took leave of him and of his service. Before this letter was delivered to the admiral, he had transmitted proposals for an accommodation with Roldan.
   In his conference with Roldan, Caravajal represented the confidence which the admiral had always reposed in him, and the good account which he had given to their Catholic majesties of the conduct of the chief justice; and said that the admiral had refrained from writing, lest his letter might have been seen by some of the common people, and have occasioned prejudice to the negociation; and therefore, he had sent a person in whom Roldan knew that the admiral placed much confidence, so that he might regard what was said by him and Ballester, as equally valid and binding as if under the hand and seal of the admiral, and therefore, he might consider what was proper to be done, and he should find him ready to comply with whatever was reasonable.
   On the 18th of October, the admiral ordered five of his ships to depart for Spain, and sent a detailed account by them to their majesties of all the affairs of the colony; saying, that he had detained the ships till then under the belief that Roldan and his confederates would have gone home in them, as they had at first given out; and that the other three ships which he kept, were fitting out to go under the command of his brother, to prosecute the discovery of the continent of Paria, and to form an establishment for carrying on the fishery of pearls, a sample of which he now sent to their majesties by Arogial.
   Having received the admirals letter, Roldan seemed inclining to do all that was required of him, but his men would not allow him to go to treat without a safe conduct, he therefore wrote, desiring one to be sent to him conformably to certain heads which he transmitted; and this communication was signed by himself and the chief men of his party. The safe conduct was accordingly sent without delay by the admiral on the 26th of October; and Roldan soon came, but more with the design of drawing some of the people about the admiral over to his party, than with the intention of concluding an agreement, as appeared by the insolent nature of his proposals. He returned therefore without any thing being concluded, saying, that he would give his people an account of the state of matters, and should then write the result of their deliberations; and that there might be some one along with him having power to treat and sign to whatever might be agreed upon, the admiral sent Salamanca, his steward, to accompany Roldan to Bonao. After much talk among themselves, Roldan transmitted certain articles of agreement for the admiral to sign, telling him that they contained all that he could persuade his people to concede; and that if his lordship thought fit to grant these terms, he should send his assent to the Conception, for they could no longer remain at Bonao for want of provisions, and they should wait for his answer till the ensuing Monday. Having read their answer, and the dishonourable articles which they proposed, and considering them as tending to bring himself, his brothers, and even justice into contempt, the admiral would not grant them: But that they might have no cause to complain that he was too stiff and uncomplying, he caused a general pardon to be proclaimed and posted on the gates for thirty days, of which the following was the purport:
   "Whereas, during the absence of the admiral in Spain, certain differences had occurred between the lieutenant with the chief justice Roldan and others who had fled with him: Yet, notwithstanding any thing that had happened, they might all in general, and every one in particular, safely return to the service of their Catholic majesties, as if no differences had ever been: And that whoever might be inclined to return into Spain should have his passage and an order to receive his pay as was usual with others; provided they presented themselves before the admiral within thirty days after the date of this proclamation, to claim and receive the benefit of this pardon; but that all who did not appear within the time limited, should be proceeded against according to the due course of law."
   The admiral sent this pardon signed by himself to Roldan by Caravajal, and gave him in writing the reasons why he neither could nor ought to grant the articles which had been proposed by them, and exhorting them to consider what they were about, if they had any respect to the service of their majesties. Caravajal went to the rebels at the Conception, who received the admirals proffered pardon in derision, and haughtily said, that he would soon have occasion to ask a pardon from them. All this took place during the space of three weeks; in the course of which time, under the pretence of wishing to apprehend a person whom Roldan desired to execute in his character of chief justice, they besieged Ballester in the fort of the Conception, and cut off his supply of water, thinking to force him to surrender; but upon the arrival of Caravajal they raised the siege; and after many alterations of the proposed articles on both sides, the following were mutually concluded upon:
   Agreement between the Admiral and Roldan74.
   1. The lord admiral shall give two good ships in good order, according to the judgment of able seamen, to be delivered at the port of Xaragua, where Roldan and his company shall embark and sail for Spain.
   2. The admiral shall give an order for payment of the salaries due to them all till that day, with letters of recommendation to their Catholic majesties to cause them to be paid.
   3. The admiral shall give them slaves for their services and sufferings, and certify the gift; and some of them having women big with child, these shall be counted instead of such slaves as they were to have, if carried with them; and their children were to be free, and they might take them to Europe.
   4. The admiral to supply all requisite provisions; but not being able to provide bread, they are to be allowed to make it for themselves in the country. And, lest the Carib bread might spoil, they are to have thirty hundred weight of biscuit, or thirty sacks of corn in lieu thereof.
   5. The admiral shall give a safe conduct for such persons as may come to him to receive the orders for their pay.
   6. The goods of some of those with Roldan having been seized, the admiral shall order restitution.
   7. Demands an order for payment of the value of 350 swine belonging to Roldan, which had been seized.
   8. Gives authority to Roldan to sell his goods, or to do with them as he likes best.
   9. Desiring speedy judgment in a cause respecting a horse.
   10. The just demands of Salamanca to be paid.
   11. Concerning some slaves, not conclusive or explained.
   12. The admiral to grant a safe conduct, and to promise in the name of their majesties, and upon his own faith and the word of a gentleman, that neither he nor any other person shall injure them or obstruct their voyage.
   "I Francis Roldan, judge, promise and engage my faith and word, for myself and all those with me, that the articles here set down shall be faithfully observed and fulfilled on our part, the lord admiral performing his part thereof, and of the following articles.
   1. That from this date, till the answer be brought, for which ten days are allowed; no person, shall be admitted among us from those who are with the admiral.
   2. That within fifty days after receiving the answer, we will embark and sail for Spain.
   3. That none of the slaves freely granted to us shall be taken away by force.
   4. We shall give account to a person deputed by the admiral, of all we carry on board, and shall deliver to him all we may have belonging to their majesties.
   In testimony whereof; I, Francis Roldan, engage for myself and company to observe and perform the same, and have subscribed this writing at the Conception this 16th of November 1498.
   Having examined this agreement, made by Alonzo Sanchez de Caravajal and James de Salamanca with Francis Roldan and his company, this day, being Wednesday the 21st of November 1498; I agree to its being fully observed, upon condition that said Francis Roldan and his followers shall not receive into their company any other Christians of the island of any state or condition whatsoever."
   Matters being thus adjusted, Caravajal and Salamanca repaired to St Domingo to the admiral, and at their request he subscribed his ratification of the articles as above, and granted a new safe conduct, or leave to all who might not incline to go to Spain with Roldan to remain, promising them pay or the liberty of planters as they liked best, and for others to come freely to the seat of government to arrange their affairs. These were delivered to Roldan and his company by the Castellan Ballester at the Conception on the 24th of November, and they went away towards Xaragua to prepare for their departure. Though the admiral was sensible of their villany, and much concerned that the good services which his brother might have performed in continuing the discovery of the continent of Paria, and the settlement of a pearl fishery, was obstructed by giving those ships to the rebels, yet he would not give them occasion to blame him for the continuance of disturbances by refusing them a passage. He began, therefore, immediately to fit out the ships according to the agreement, though the equipment was somewhat retarded by the want of stores and other necessaries. To remedy this defect, he ordered Caravajal to go overland to provide and dispose all things for their departure, while the ships went about to Xaragua, resolving to go soon himself to Isabella to settle affairs in that place, leaving his brother James in the command at St Domingo.
   In the end of January 1499, after his departure, the two caravels being furnished with all necessaries, set out to take up the rebels; but a great storm arose by the way, and they were forced to put into another port till the end of March, and because the caravel Nina was in the worst condition and wanted most repairs, the admiral sent orders to Peter de Arana and Francis de Garai to repair to Xaragua with the Santa Cruz in her stead, on board of which Caravajal went by sea instead of going by land as before intended. He was eleven days by the way, and found the other caravel in waiting.
   In the meanwhile, the caravels not coming, and most of the rebels having no mind to embark, they took the delay as a pretence for remaining in the island, throwing all the blame upon the admiral, as if he had not dispatched them as soon as it was in his power. Being informed of this, he wrote to Roldan and Adrian, endeavouring to persuade them in a friendly manner to perform the agreement and not to relapse into rebellion. Besides this, Caravajal, who was then at Xaragua, entered a formal protest on the 20th of April, before a notary named Francis de Garai, afterwards governor of Panuco and Jamaica, requiring them, since the admiral had furnished them with ships, to embark pursuant to their agreement. And because they would not, and because the ships bottoms suffered much from the ravages of the worms, and the men began to be in want of provisions, he ordered them back to St Domingo on the 25th of April.
   The rebels were no way concerned at this, but rather rejoiced and grew haughty on seeing that such account was made of them, and were so far from acknowledging the civility and attention of the admiral, that they laid it to his charge in writing, that through his fault they were forced to stay; that he had a mind to be revenged upon them, and had therefore delayed to send the caravels, which were in such bad condition that it were impossible they should go in them to Spain; and though they had been never so good, their provisions were all expended in waiting for them, and they could not provide more for a long while to come: For all which reasons they were resolved to remain on the island, and to expect redress of their grievances from the justice of their Catholic majesties. Caravajal returned by land with this answer to St Domingo, to whom at the time of his departure Roldan said he would willingly wait upon the admiral to endeavour to form such an agreement as might be satisfactory to all parties, provided he were furnished with a safe conduct. Caravajal sent word of this to the admiral from St Domingo on the 15th of May, who answered on the 21st, commending him for the pains he had taken, and transmitting the required safe conduct. He sent at the same time a short but forcible letter to Roldan, urging him to peace and submission, and to co-operate in advancing the service of their majesties. This he afterwards repeated more at large on the 29th of June from St Domingo; and on the third of August, six or seven of the chief men about the admiral sent another safe conduct to Roldan that he might come to treat with the admiral. But the distance being great, and the admiral wishing to visit the country, he went with two caravels to the port of Azua west from St Domingo, to be nearer the province where the rebels were, many of whom repaired to that port. The admiral went there about the end of August and conferred with their chiefs, exhorting them to desist from their evil course, and promising them all possible favour and kindness upon their returning to obedience. This they engaged to do, provided the admiral would grant the four following conditions:
   1. That fifteen of their number should be sent into Spain by the first ships that went there.
   2. That to those who remained he should assign land and houses in satisfaction of their pay.
   3. That proclamation should be made that the whole disturbances had been occasioned by the false suggestions of evil disposed men.
   4. That the admiral should renew the appointment of Roldan as chief judge for life.
   All this being concluded and agreed to, Roldan went on shore from the admirals caravel and sent the articles to his companions: These were so much to their mind that they immediately accepted them, saying that if the admiral failed in any part it would be lawful for them to compel performance by force or any other means. The admiral was very eager to conclude this difficult and vexations matter, which had lasted above two years; and as he considered that his adversaries continued more obstinate than ever, and that many of those who were with him were much inclined to join with the mutineers, that they might go off to different parts of the island as Roldan had done, he was induced to sign these articles, as he had done those which were before agreed to. On the Tuesday following, being the fifth of November, Roldan began to exercise his office, and it being a part of his prerogative, he constituted Peter Riquelme judge of Bonao, with power to imprison offenders in criminal cases, but that he should transmit criminals upon life and death to be tried by himself at the fort of the Conception.

SECTION XII. Transactions in Hispaniola subsequent to the settlement of the disturbances, until the sending of Columbus in irons to Spain
   Having adjusted matters with Roldan, the admiral appointed a captain with some men to march about the island to restore it to peace and order, and to reduce the Indians to pay the fixed tribute; and with orders to be always in readiness to suppress the first appearance of mutiny among the Christians, or any rebellion of the Indians. And having taken measures for this purpose, he intended to go over into Spain taking his brother along with him, considering that if he were left behind it would be difficult to forget old quarrels. As he was preparing for this voyage, Alonso de Ojeda who had been out upon discovery with four ships returned to the island.
   Forasmuch as this sort of men sail about to make their fortunes, Ojeda on the fifth of September put into the port which the Christians call Brazil and the Indians Yaquimo, designing to take what he could from the Indians and to load with wood and slaves. While thus employed he did all the harm he could, and to shew that he was a limb of the bishop we have mentioned75, he endeavoured to stir up another mutiny; giving out that Isabella was ready to die, and that as soon as she was dead there would be nobody to support the admiral, and that he as a faithful servant of the bishop might do what he pleased against the admiral, because of the enmity which was between them. Upon these grounds he began to write to some who were not very sound after the late troubles and to hold correspondence with them. But Roldan being informed of his designs and proceedings, went against him by the admirals orders with a party of twenty-one men to prevent him from doing the harm he intended. Roldan came within a league and a half of him on the twenty-ninth of September, and learnt that he was at the house of a cacique named Haniquaba with fifteen men, employed in making bread and biscuit for his crew. Roldan accordingly travelled the whole of that night that he might surprize him; but Ojeda getting intelligence of the intention of Roldan, and being too weak for resistance, resolved to put a bold face on a bad cause and went to meet him, saying that want of provisions had brought him hither to supply himself in the dominions of his sovereigns without meaning to do any harm.
   Ojeda gave an account of his voyage to Roldan, saying that he had been discovering 600 leagues westwards along the coast of Paria, where he found people who fought the Christians hand to hand, and had wounded twenty of his men, for which reason he could make no advantage of the wealth of the country. That he had seen deer and rabbits, the skins and paws of tigers, and guaninis76, all of which he shewed to Roldan in his caravels. He farther said that he should soon repair to St Domingo to give the admiral a full account of his voyage.
   The admiral was much troubled at this time, as Peter de Arana had signified to him that Riquelme, judge of Bonao for Roldan, the substitute being no honester than his master, under pretence of building a house for his herds, had made choice of a strong rock to build a kind of castle or strength, that from thence with a few men he might do all the harm he thought fit. Arana had forbidden this and put a stop to his proceedings; whereupon Riquelme had instituted a legal process attested by witnesses, which he sent to the admiral, complaining that Arana had used violence against him and praying relief. Although the admiral well knew that Riquelme was of an unquiet and mutinous disposition, bethought fit to conceal his jealousy on the present occasion, and rather to connive at this matter which might be guarded against, thinking it quite enough to provide against the open intrusion of Ojeda.
   Having parted from Roldan, Ojeda went with his ships from the port of Yaquimo or Brazil, in February 1500, to Xaragua, where a great many of those who had been in rebellion with Roldan still lived. He there gave out that their Catholic majesties had appointed him and Caravajal as councillors to the admiral, that he might not do any thing they thought prejudicial to the service; and that he had it in command to pay every one in ready money for their services in the island, and as the admiral was not just enough to do that, he was ready to go along with them to St Domingo to compel him to pay them immediately, and to turn him out of the island dead or alive. He farther urged, that they ought not to rely on the agreement which had been entered into, or the promises which the admiral had made, who would keep these no longer than necessity obliged him. Upon these promises and suggestions, many resolved to join with him in a new rebellion, and with their assistance, he made an attack one night upon others who opposed him, and there were some killed and wounded on both sides. Being satisfied that Roldan, who had returned to his duty and the admirals service, would not join them, they resolved to surprize and make him prisoner; but having notice of their designs, he went well attended to Xaragua to put a stop to the designs of Ojeda, or to punish him if he found it expedient or practicable. For fear of him Ojeda retired to his ships, and Roldan and he treated about a conference, each being afraid to put himself into the power of the other. Perceiving that Ojeda was unwilling to trust himself on shore, Roldan offered to treat with him on board, and desired that the boat might be sent for that purpose, which came accordingly well manned, and Roldan went into it with six or seven of his followers on whom he could depend. Seizing their opportunity, Roldan and his people fell unexpectedly on the boats crew with their swords, and having killed some and wounded others, they made themselves masters of the boat, and returned with it to the land. Ojeda had now only a small skiff left, in which he ventured on shore to treat peaceably with Roldan. After apologizing for his offences, he offered to restore some men whom he had made prisoners, providing his boat and people were restored; and represented that the detention of the boat would be the ruin of his ships, as they had now no other fit for service. Roldan readily granted this request, that there might be no reason to complain or to allege that the expedition of Ojeda had suffered prejudice or danger through his means; but he made him engage and give security for the performance of his promise, that he should depart from the island by an appointed time; which Roldan took care to ensure by keeping a strong guard on shore.
   As it is a hard matter to root out cockle so that it may not sprout again, so it is no less difficult for people who have once been habituated to evil to forbear relapsing into their crimes. Only a few days after the departure of Ojeda, one D. Ferdinand de Guevara, who was in disgrace with the admiral as a seditious person, and who had taken part with Ojeda from hatred to Roldan, because he would not permit him to take to wife the daughter of Canua the principal queen of Xaragua, began to gather many conspirators to secure Roldan, that he might succeed him as leader of the mutineers. In particular, he drew over to his party one Adrian de Moxica, a chief man in the late rebellion; and about the middle of May 1499, a plot was laid for securing or murdering Roldan. But having intelligence of their design, Roldan stood upon his guard, and managed matters so dexterously, that he seized D. Ferdinand and Adrian and the other ringleaders of the party. Roldan immediately sent notice of what he had done to the admiral, and desired to have his instructions in what manner he should proceed with the prisoners. The admiral made answer: That since they had endeavoured without any cause or provocation to excite insurrection and rebellion, and that if their crimes were overlooked every thing would go to ruin, he should punish them according to their demerits and as the law directed. The judge accordingly proceeded legally against them, hanged Adrian as the chief author of the conspiracy, and banished others. He kept D. Ferdinand in prison till the 13th of June, when he delivered him with other prisoners to the charge of Gonsalo Blanco, to carry them to La Vega or the Plain, where the admiral then was. This example restored the country to quiet, and the Indians again submitted themselves to the authority of the Christians.
   Such rich gold mines were now discovered, that every man in the island left the royal pay and went away to the mines on their own account, applying themselves to dig for gold at their own expence, paying a third part of all they found to the royal coffers. This prospered so well, that a man often gathered five marks, eight ounces each, in one day, and a single lump of gold has been taken up worth above 196 ducats77. The Indians were perfectly submissive, being afraid to offend the admiral, and many of them became Christians, merely to oblige him and conciliate his favour. When any of their chiefs had to appear in his presence, they used their utmost endeavours to be decently clothed. In consequence of all these favourable circumstances, the admiral resolved to make a progress over the island, and set out for that purpose, accompanied by his brother the lieutenant, on the 20th of February 149978, and came to Isabella on the 19th of March. From thence they set out for the Conception on the 5th of April, and reached that place on the Tuesday following. The lieutenant went thence for Xaragua upon Friday the 7th of June; and on the Christmas day following, in that year 1499, he makes the following memorandum, which I found among his papers.
   "Being forsaken by all the world, the Indians and rebel Christians fell upon me, and I was reduced to such distress, that, leaving all behind me to avoid death, I put to sea in a little caravel. But our Lord presently relieved me saying: "Thou man of little faith fear not I am with you." And so he dispersed my enemies, shewing how he could fulfil his promises. Unhappy sinner that I am, who placed all my hopes on this world79."
   From the Conception, the admiral meant to set out on the third of February 1500 for St Domingo, to prepare for returning into Spain to give their Catholic majesties an account of the affairs of the colony. While these disorders were going forwards of which mention has been made, many of the rebels, by letters which they sent from Hispaniola, and by some of their adherents who returned into Spain, continually conveyed false information to their majesties and the council against the admiral and his brothers; alleging that they were cruel and tyrannical and unfit for the government of the colony, both because they were strangers and aliens, and because they had not formerly been in a condition to learn by experience how to govern and command over gentlemen. They affirmed, if their highnesses did not apply some remedy, those countries would be utterly ruined and destroyed; or that the admiral would revolt and join in league with some prince who would support him, for he pretended that the whole belonged to himself, as having been discovered by his industry and labour: That the better to compass his designs, the admiral concealed the wealth of the country, and would not permit that the Indians should serve the Christians, or that they should be converted to the holy faith; because by conciliating them he hoped to draw them to his side, that he might fortify himself against the authority of their highnesses. They proceeded in these and such like slanders, continually importuning their majesties and perpetually speaking ill of the admiral, and complaining that there were several years pay due to the men, which gave occasion to all that were about the court to rail against the admiral. At one time about fifty of those shameless wretches brought a load of grapes and sat down in the court of the castle and palace of the Alhambra at Granada, crying out that their majesties and the admiral caused them to live in misery by withholding their pay, and using many other scandalous expressions; and if the king went out they all flocked round him, calling pay! pay!
   My brother and I were then at Granada as pages to the queen; and when we chanced to pass by these people they would cry out in a hideous manner, making the sign of the cross, "There go the sons of the admiral of the Morescoes; he that has found out false and deceitful countries to be the ruin and burial place of the Spanish gentry." Adding many more such insolencies, which made us very cautious of appearing before them. By continual complaints and constantly importuning the favourites at court, it was at length determined to send a judge to Hispaniola to inquire into all these affairs; who was authorized, if he found the admiral guilty of what had been laid to his charge, to send him home to Spain and to remain himself as governor of the colony. The person chosen for this purpose was Francis de Bovadilla, a poor knight of the order of Calatrava, who besides his full and ample commission was supplied with blank directed letters subscribed by their majesties, which he was empowered to direct to such persons as he might think fit in Hispaniola, commanding them to be aiding and assisting to him in the discharge of his commission.
   Thus furnished with ample powers, Bovadilla arrived at St Domingo in the latter end of August 1500, at which time the admiral happened to be at the Conception settling the affairs of that province, in which his brother had been assaulted by the rebels, and where the Indians were more numerous and of quicker capacity and more enlarged understandings than in any other part of the island.
   Finding no person at his arrival who could in any way keep him in awe, Bovadilla immediately took possession of the admirals palace, and appropriated every thing he found there to his own use as if it had fallen to him by inheritance. He gathered together all whom he could find who had been in rebellion, and many others who hated the admiral and his brothers, and immediately declared himself governor of the colony; and to secure the affections of the people, he proclaimed a general freedom for twenty years. He then summoned the admiral to appear before him without delay, as necessary for their majesties service; and to justify this measure he sent on the seventh of September the royal letter, of which the following is the substance, by F. John de la Sera, to the admiral.
   "To D. Christopher Columbus, our Admiral of the Ocean."
   "We have ordered the commander Francis de Bovadilla, the bearer, to aquaint you with certain things from us; wherefore we command you to give him entire credit, and to obey him."
   "Given at Madrid, the twenty-first of May 1500.
   "I the King. I the Queen."
   "By command of their majesties. Mich. Perez de Almazan."
   On seeing the letter of their Catholic majesties, the admiral came immediately to St Domingo to Bovadilla, at the beginning of October 1500. And Bovadilla being eager to assume the government, without any delay or legal information, immediately sent the admiral and his brother James as prisoners in irons on board ship under a strong guard, forbidding all persons under severe penalties to hold any intercourse with them by word or letter. After this, by Abington law80, he drew up examinations against them, admitting their enemies the rebels as witnesses in the process, and publickly favouring all who came forwards to speak evil of them. These gave in such villanous and incoherent depositions, that he must have been blind indeed who did not plainly perceive their falsehood and malice. For this reason, their Catholic majesties would not admit of the truth of the charges, and afterwards cleared the admiral, sore repenting that they had sent such a man as Bovadilla in that employment.
   He ruined the island and squandered the royal revenues, that all men might be his friends; saying that their majesties required no more than the honour of the dominion, and that all the profits should belong to their subjects. Yet he neglected not his own share, but combining with all the richest and most powerful men of the colony, he gave them Indians to serve them on condition of having a share in all the acquisitions which were made by their means. He sold by auction all the possessions and rights which the admiral had acquired for the crown; saying that their majesties were not farmers or labourers, and only kept these for the benefit of their subjects; and while selling all things under these pretences, he took care on the other hand that every thing should be purchased by his own confederates at a third of the value. Besides all this, he made no other use of his judicial power than to enrich himself and to gain over the affections of the people; being still afraid that the lieutenant, who had not yet come from Xaragua, might put a stop to his proceedings, and might endeavour to set the admiral at liberty by force of arms. But in this the brothers conducted themselves with the utmost prudence and propriety; for the admiral sent to the lieutenant, desiring him to come peaceably to Bovadilla, that the island might not be thrown into confusion and civil war; as, when they arrived in Spain, they should the more easily obtain satisfaction for the wrongs that had been done them, and secure the punishment of Bovadilla for his senseless and injurious conduct.
   Yet did not all this divert Bovadilla from putting the admiral and his brother in irons; and he allowed the baser people to rail against them in public, blowing horns in triumph about the harbour where they were shipped, besides placarding them in many scandalous libels pasted up at the corners of the streets. When informed that one James Ortir, who was governor of the hospital, had written a malicious libel against the admiral, which he read publickly in the market-place, so far from punishing his audacity, he seemed to be much gratified by it, which encouraged others to do the same thing. And perhaps from fear lest the admiral should swim on shore, he gave strict injunctions to Andrew Martin, the commander of the ship to guard the admiral with the utmost care, and to deliver him in irons to the bishop D. John de Fonseca, by whose advice and direction it was believed he had thus proceeded. Yet when at sea, the master being sensible of the unworthy proceedings of Bovadilla, would have taken off the irons from the admiral; but this he would not permit, saying, that since their majesties had commanded him to perform whatsoever Bovadilla might order in their names, and that he had been put in irons in virtue of their authority and commission, he would not be freed from them unless by the express command of their highnesses. He also declared his determination to keep these fetters as a memorial of the reward he had received for his many services. I afterwards saw these irons constantly in his chamber, and he gave orders that they should be buried along with his body.
   Being arrived at Cadiz, the admiral wrote to their majesties on the 20th of November 1500, acquainting them of his arrival; and they, understanding the condition in which he was, gave immediate orders that he should be released, and sent him very gracious letters expressive of their sorrow for his sufferings and the unworthy behaviour of Bovadilla towards him. They likewise ordered him up to court, engaging that care should be taken about his affairs, and that he should be speedily dispatched with full restitution of his honour. Yet I cannot remove blame from their Catholic majesties for employing that base and ignorant person; for had he known the duty of his office, the admiral would have been glad of his coming, for he had desired in his letters to Spain that some impartial person might be sent out to take a true information of the perversity of the colonists, and to take cognizance of their crimes; he being unwilling to use that severity which another would have done, because the original of these tumults, and rebellions had been raised against the lieutenant his brother. But although it might be urged that their majesties ought not to have sent out Bovadilla with so much power and so many letters, without limiting his commission; yet it is not to be wondered at, as the complaints which had been sent against the admiral were numerous and heavy, though false and malicious.
   As soon as their majesties learnt the arrival of the admiral at Cadiz and of his being in irons, they sent orders on the 12th of December to set him at liberty, and wrote for him to repair to Granada, where he was most favourably received with the most gracious discourse. They assured him that his imprisonment had not been by their desire or command; that they were much offended at it, and would take care that full satisfaction should be given to him, and those who were in fault severely punished. Having thus graciously received him, they gave orders that his business should be immediately gone into; and the result was, that a governor should be sent to Hispaniola, who was to restore all that had been taken from the admiral and his brother, and to reinstate them in their rights. And that the admiral should be allowed all the profits and emoluments belonging to him, according to the articles of agreement which had been originally granted; and that the rebels should be proceeded against and punished according to their offences. Nicholas de Obando, commandary of laws, was the person appointed to this high office. He was a wise and judicious man; but, as afterwards appeared, extremely partial, crafty in concealing his passions, giving credit to his own surmises and the false insinuations of malicious people. He therefore acted cruelly and revengefully in the conduct of his government, as particularly appears by the death of the 80 caciques of the island who have been before mentioned81.
   As their majesties were pleased to appoint Obando to the government of Hispaniola, so they thought it proper to send the admiral upon some voyage of farther discovery which might redound to his and their advantage, and might keep him employed till Obando could pacify and reduce the island to order and subjection; as they did not then incline to keep him long out of his rights without just cause, the informations transmitted by Bovadilla now plainly appearing to be full of malice and falsehood, and containing nothing which could justify the forfeiture of his rights. But the execution of this design being attended with delay, it being now the month of October 1500, and evil disposed men still endeavouring to insinuate that new informations might be expected on the subject, the admiral applied personally to their majesties, entreating them to defend him against his enemies, and afterwards repeated the same by letter. When the admiral was ready to proceed upon his voyage, they promised him their protection and favour, by letter to the following effect:
   "Be assured that your imprisonment was very displeasing to us, of which you and all men must have been sensible, seeing that we applied the proper remedies as soon as we heard of the circumstance. You likewise know with how much honour and respect we have always commanded you to be treated, which we now direct shall be contined towards you, and that you receive all worthy and noble usage. We promise that the privileges and prerogatives by us granted you shall be preserved in the most ample manner, which you and your children shall enjoy without contradiction or disparagement, as is reasonably due. And, if requisite to ratify them of new, we will order it to be done, and will take care that your son be put into possession of the whole; for we desire to honour and favour you even in greater matters. And be assured that we shall take due care of your sons and brothers after your departure; for the employment shall be given to your son as has been said. We pray you therefore not to delay your departure."
   "Given at Valentia de la Torre, 14th March 1502."
   The occasion of this letter was, that the admiral had resolved to trouble himself no farther with the affairs of the Indies, but to transfer his employment upon my brother; for he said justly, that if the services he had already performed were not sufficient to have those villanous people punished who had rebelled against his lawful authority, all that he could do for the future would never obtain justice. He had already performed the grand object of his undertaking before he set out to discover the Indies; which was to shew that there were islands and a continent to the westwards, that the way was easy and navigable, the advantages great and manifest, and the people gentle and unwarlike. As he had verified all this personally, there only now remained for their highnesses to pursue what was begun, by sending people to discover the secrets of these countries; for now the way was opened up and made plain, and any one might follow out the course, as some had done already who improperly arrogated the title of discoverers; not considering that they had not discovered any new country, but that all which they had done or could do in future was merely to pursue and extend the first discovery, the admiral having already shewn them the route to the islands and to the province of Paria, which was the first discovered land of the new continent. Yet, having always a great desire to serve their majesties, more especially the queen, he consented to return to his ships and to undertake the proposed voyage to be now related, for he was convinced that great wealth would be discovered, as he formerly had written to their majesties in 1499. All of which has since been verified by the discovery of Mexico and Peru, though at that time, as generally happens to the conjectures of most men, nobody would give credit to his assertions.
   Having been well dispatched by their majesties, the admiral set out from Granada for Seville in the year 1501; and so earnestly solicited the fitting out of his squadron, that in a short time he rigged and provisioned four vessels, the largest of 70 tons and the smallest 50, with a complement of 140 men and boys, of whom I was one.

SECTION XIII. Account of the Fourth Voyage of Columbus to the West Indies
   We set sail from Cadiz on Monday the 9th of May 1502, and departed from St Catharines on the 11th of the same month for Arzilla, intending to relieve the Portuguese in that garrison who were reported to be in great distress; but when we came there the Moors had raised the siege. The admiral sent on shore his brother D. Bartholomew and me, along with the other captains of our ships to visit the governor, who had been wounded by the Moors in an assault. He returned thanks to the admiral for the visit and his offers of assistance, sending several gentlemen on board for this purpose, among whom were some relations of Donna Philippa Moniz, the admirals former Portuguese wife. We sailed from Arzilla on the same day, and arriving at Gran Canaria on the 20th of May, casting anchor among the little islands, and on the 24th went over to Maspalomas in the same island to take in wood and water for our voyage, and set out next night for the Indies. It pleased God to give us a fair wind, insomuch that on Wednesday the 15th of June, without handing our sails the whole way, we arrived at the island of Matinino. There, according to the custom of those who sail from Spain for the Indies, the admiral took in a fresh supply of wood and water, and ordered the men to wash their linens, staying till the 18th, when we stood to the westwards and came to Dominica ten leagues distant from Matinino82. So continuing our course among the Caribbee islands we came to Santa Cruz, and on the 24th of June we ran along the south side of the island of St John83; and thence proceeded for St Domingo, where the admiral proposed to have exchanged one of his ships for another. The vessel he wished to part with was a bad sailer, and besides could not carry sail without running its lee gunwale almost under water, and was a great hindrance to the voyage. His original design was to have gone directly to the coast of Paria, and to keep along the shore to the westwards till he should discover the straits, which he concluded must be somewhere about Veragua or Nombre de Dios. But on account of the fault of that ship he was forced to repair to St Domingo in hope of exchanging her for a better.
   That the commandary Lores84, who had been sent out by their majesties to call Bovadilla to account for his mal-administration, might not be surprised at our unexpected arrival, the admiral sent on the 29th of June, being then near the port, Peter de Terreros, captain of one of the ships, with a message to him signifying the necessity there was for exchanging one of the ships. For which reason, and because he apprehended the approach of a great storm, he requested permission to secure his squadron in the harbour; and he advised him not to allow the fleet then preparing to sail for Spain to quit the port for eight days to come, as it would otherwise be in great danger. But the governor would not permit the admiral to come into the harbour; neither did he delay the sailing of the fleet which was bound for Spain. That fleet consisted of 18 sail, and was to carry Bovadilla who had imprisoned the admiral and his brothers, and Francis Roldan with all those who had been in rebellion and done so much harm; all of whom it pleased God so to infatuate that they would not listen to the admirals good advice. I am satisfied that the hand of God was in this; for had they arrived in Spain they would never have been punished as their crimes deserved, as they enjoyed the protection of the bishop Fonseca. This impunity was prevented by their setting out from St Domingo for Spain, as no sooner were they come to the east point of Hispaniola than there arose a terrible storm; the admiral of the fleet went to the bottom, and in her perished Bovadilla with most of the rebels, and so great was the havock among the rest, that only three or four vessels escaped of the whole eighteen.
   This event happened on Thursday the 30th of June; when the admiral, who had foreseen the storm and had been refused admittance into the port, drew up as close to the land as he could to shelter himself from its effects. The people on board his vessels were exceedingly dissatisfied at being denied that shelter which would have been given to strangers, much more to them who were of the same nation, and they feared they might be so served if any misfortune should afterwards befal them in the prosecution of their voyage. The admiral was greatly concerned on the same account, and was yet more vexed to experience such base ingratitude in a country which he had given to the honour and benefit of Spain, where he was thus refused shelter for his life. Yet by his prudence and judgment he secured his ships for that day. But next night the tempest increasing, and the night being extremely dark, three of the ships broke from their anchors and drifted from him. All were in imminent danger, and the people on board of each concluded that all the others were certainly lost. Those in the Santo suffered greatly by endeavouring to save their boat, which had been ashore with their captain Terreros, and now dragged astern where it overset, and they were obliged to cast it loose to save themselves. The caravel Bermuda was in infinite danger; for running out to sea it was almost covered and overwhelmed by the waves, by which it appeared what good reason the admiral had to endeavour to exchange that vessel, which all men concluded was saved, under God, by the wisdom and resolution of the admirals brother, than whom there was not at that time a more expert sailor. After all had suffered extremely, except the admiral who rode out the gale, it pleased God that they all met again on Sunday the 3d of July in the port of Azna on the south side of Hispaniola, where every one gave an account of his misfortunes. It appeared that Bartholomew Columbus had weathered this great storm by standing out to sea like an able sailor; while the admiral had avoided all danger by hugging close to the land like a wise astronomer, who knew whence the peril was to come.
   His enemies might well blame him, by saying that he had raised this storm by magic art to be revenged on Bovadilla and the rest of his enemies who perished with him, since none of his own four ships were lost; whereas of the eighteen which had set out at the same time with Bovadilla, the Ajuga, or Needle, only held on its course for Spain, where it arrived in safety though the worst of the whole fleet, the other three that escaped having returned to St Domingo in a shattered and distressed condition. In the Ajuga there were 4000 pesos of gold belonging to the admiral, each peso being worth eight shillings.
   The admiral gave his men a breathing time in the port of Azua, to recover from the fatigues which they had encountered in the storm; and as it is one of the usual diversions of seamen to fish when they have nothing else to do, I shall make mention of two sorts of fish in particular which I remember to have seen taken at that place, one of which was pleasant, and the other wonderful. The first was a fish called Saavina, as big as half an ordinary bull, which lay asleep on the surface of the water, and was struck by a harpoon from the boat of the ship Biscaina; being held fast by a rope so that it could not break loose, it drew the boat after it with the swiftness of an arrow in various directions, so that those who were in the ship, seeing the boat scud about at a strange rate without knowing the cause, could not imagine how it could do so without the help of oars. At length it sunk, and being drawn to the ships side was hoisted on deck by the tackle. The other fish is called Manati by the Indians, and there is nothing of the kind seen in Europe. It is about as large as an ordinary calf, nothing differing from it in the colour and taste of the flesh, except that it is perhaps better and fatter. Those who affirm that there are all sorts of creatures to be found in the sea, will have it that these fishes are real calves, since they have nothing within them resembling a fish, and feed only on the grass which they find along the banks85.
   Having refreshed his men and repaired his ships, the admiral went from Azua to the port of Brazil called Yaquimo by the Indians, to shun another storm of which he observed the approach. From thence he sailed again on the 14th of July, and was so becalmed that instead of holding on his course he was carried away by the current to certain small sandy islands near Jamaica; not finding any springs in these islands, the people had to dig pits or wells in the sand whence they procured water; on account of which circumstance the admiral named them Islas de los Poros, or the Well Islands. Then sailing southwards86 for the continent, we came to certain islands, where we went on shore on the biggest only called Guanaia; whence those who make sea charts took occasion to call all those the islands of Guanaia, which are almost twelve leagues from that part of the continent now called the province of Honduras, but which the admiral then named Cape Casinas. These fabricators of charts often commit vast mistakes from ignorance; thus these same islands and that part of the continent nearest them are twice inserted in their charts, as if they were different countries; and though cape Garcias a Dios, and that they call Cape87 -. The occasion of this mistake was, that after the admiral had discovered these countries, one John Diaz de Solis, from whom the Rio de Plata was named Rio de Solis because he was there killed by the Indians, and one Vincent Yanez Pinzon, who commanded a ship in the first voyage when the admiral discovered the Indies, set out together on a voyage of discovery in the year 1508, designing to sail along that coast which the admiral discovered in his voyage from Veragua westwards; and following almost the same track which he had done, they put into the port of Cariari and passed by Cape Garcias a Dios as far as Cape Casinas, which they called Cape Honduras, and they named the before mentioned islands the Guanaias, giving the name of the biggest to them all. Thence they proceeded farther on without acknowledging that the admiral had been in those parts, that the discovery might be attributed to them, and that it might be believed they had found out extensive countries; although Peter de Ledesma, one of their pilots who had been with the admiral in his voyage to Veragua, told them that he knew the country, having been there with the admiral, and from whom I afterwards learnt these circumstances. But, independent of this authority, the nature of the charts plainly demonstrates that they have laid the same thing down twice, as the island is of the same shape and at the same distance; they having brought a true draught of the country, only saying that it lay beyond that which the admiral had before discovered. Hence the same country is twice delineated on the same chart, as time will make apparent when it shall please God that this coast shall be better known; for they will then find but one country of that sort. But to return to our voyage; the admiral ordered his brother Bartholomew to land with two boats on the island of Guanaia, where he found people like those of the other islands, except that their foreheads were not so high. They also saw abundance of pine trees, and found pieces of lapis calaminaris, such as is used for mixing with copper in the process for making brass; and which some of the seamen mistaking for gold concealed for a long time.
   While the admirals brother was on shore, using his endeavours to learn the nature of the country, it so happened that a canoe eight feet wide and as long as a galley, made all of one piece, and shaped like those which were common among the islands, put in there. It was loaded with commodities brought from the westwards, and bound towards New Spain88. In the middle of this canoe there was an awning made of palm-tree leaves, not unlike those of the Venetian gondolas, which kept all underneath so close, that neither rain nor sea water could penetrate to wet the goods. Under this awning were the women and children, and all the commodities; and though there were twenty-five men in the canoe, they had not the courage to defend themselves against the people in our boats who pursued them. The canoe being thus taken without any opposition, was brought along side of the admiral, who blessed GOD for having given him samples of the commodities of that country, without exposing his men to any danger. He therefore ordered such things to be taken as he judged most sightly and valuable; such as quilts, cotton shirts without sleeves, curiously wrought and dyed of several colours; some small cloths for covering the nudities, large sheets, in which the women in the canoe wrapped themselves, as the Moorish women in Granada used to do, long wooden swords, having a channel on each side where the edge should be, in which many pieces of sharp-edged flints were fixed by means of thread and a tenacious bituminous matter; these swords could cut naked men as well as if they had been made of steel; hatchets for cutting wood made of good copper, and resembling the stone hatchets usual among the other islanders, also bells and plates of the same metal, and crucibles for melting it. For provisions, they had such roots and grains as they eat in Hispaniola, and a sort of liquor made of maize like English beer. They likewise had abundance of cacao nuts, which serve as money in New Spain, and on which they seemed to place great value; for when these were brought on board along with their other goods, I observed that when any of them fell, they all anxiously stooped to gather them up as if they had been of great importance.
   These poor creatures seemed to be in a manner out of their wits, on being brought on board as prisoners among a people so strange and fierce as our men seemed to them; but so prevalent is avarice in man, that we ought not to wonder that it should so prevail over the apprehensions of these Indians, as to make them so anxious about their cacao-nut money, even in their present situation89. The modesty of their demeanour was admirable; for in getting them from the canoe into the ship, it happened that some of their clouts were removed, when they would clap their hands before them to supply the deficiency; and the women wrapped themselves up like the Moors of Granada, to avoid observation. The admiral restored their canoe, and gave them some things in exchange for those of which they had been deprived. And he only detained one old man named Giumbe, who seemed the chief, and the most intelligent person among them, that from him something might be learnt concerning the country, and that he might draw others of the natives to converse and traffic with the Christians. This he did very readily and faithfully all the while he sailed with us, where his language was understood; and as a reward for his service, when we came to where a different language was spoken, which was before we reached Cape Garcias a Dios, the admiral gave him some things, and sent him home quite satisfied.
   Though the admiral had heard so much from those in the canoe concerning the great wealth, politeness, and ingenuity of the people westwards, towards what is now called New Spain; yet, considering that as these countries lay to leewards, he could sail thither whenever he might think fit from Cuba, he would not go that way at this time, but persisted in his design of endeavouring to discover a strait or passage across the continent, by which he might clear a way into what we now call the South Sea, in order to arrive at those countries which produce spice. He therefore determined to sail eastwards towards Veragua and Nombre de Dios, where he imagined that strait would be found, as in effect it was; yet was he deceived in this matter, as instead of an isthmus, he expected to discover a narrow gulf or inlet, communicating between the two seas. This mistake might proceed from the similarity of the two names; for when the natives said that the strait which he so anxiously desired to find was towards Veragua and Nombre de Dios, it might be understood either of land or water, and he understood it in the most usual sense, and that which he most earnestly desired90. And though that strait is actually land, yet it is the means of acquiring the dominion of both seas, and by which such enormous riches have been discovered and conveyed to Spain; for it was GODS will that this vast concern should be so found out, as from this canoe the admiral received the first information respecting New Spain.
   There being nothing worthy of notice in the islands of Guanaia, he sailed thence to a point which he called Casinas, in order to find out the strait before mentioned. It received this name on account of its abounding in the trees which produce a species of fruit known by the name casinas to the natives of Hispaniola; which fruit is rough like a spongy bone, and good to eat, especially when boiled. As there was nothing worthy of notice in that part of the country, the admiral would not lose time in examining a large bay which is in that place, but held on his course eastwards, along that coast which reaches to Cape Garcias a Dios, which is all very low and open. The people nearest to Cape Casinas, or Honduras, wear those painted shirts or jackets before mentioned, and clouts before their nudities; and likewise use certain coats of mail made of cotton, strong enough to defend them against their native weapons, and even to ward off the stroke of some of ours.
   The people farther to the eastwards about Cape Garcias a Dios are almost black, of a fierce aspect, go stark naked, are very savage, and according to Giumbe eat mans flesh and raw fish. They have their ears bored with holes, large enough to admit a hens egg, owing to which circumstance the admiral called this coast De las Orejas, or the Land of Ears91. On Sunday the 14th of August, Bartholomew Columbus went ashore in the morning, with the captains and many of the men to hear mass; and on the Wednesday following, when the boats went ashore to take formal possession of the country, above 100 of the natives ran down to the shore loaded with provisions; and as soon as the lieutenant landed, came before him, and suddenly drew back without speaking a word. He ordered them to be presented with horse-bells, beads, and other trinkets, and endeavoured to make inquiry concerning the country by means of Giumbe; but he having been only a short time with us, did not understand our language, and by reason of his distance from Hispaniola, could not comprehend those of our people who had learnt the language of that island; neither did he understand those Indians. But they, being much pleased with what had been given them, above 200 of them came next day to the shore, loaded with various sorts of provisions; such as poultry much better than ours, geese, roasted fish, red and white beans like kidney beans, and other things like the productions of Hispaniola. This country, though low, was verdant and very beautiful, producing abundance of pines and oaks, palm trees of seven different kinds, mirabolans, of the kind called hobi in Hispaniola, and almost all the kinds of provisions produced in that island were found here. There were likewise abundance of deer, leopards, and other quadrupeds, and all sorts of fish that are found either at the islands or in Spain.
   The people of this country are much like those of the islands, but their foreheads are not so high, neither did they appear to have any religion. There are several languages or dialects among them, and for the most part they go naked, except the clout before mentioned, though some of them wore a kind of short jerkin without sleeves, reaching to the navel. Their arms and bodies have figures wrought upon them with fire, which gave them an odd appearance; some having lions or deer, and others castles, with towers or other strange figures painted on their bodies. Instead of caps, the better sort wore red and white cotton cloths on their heads, and some had locks of hair hanging from their foreheads. When they mean to be very fine upon a day of festival, they colour their faces, some black and some red, and others draw streaks of several colours; some paint their noses, others black their eyes, and thus adorning, themselves as they think to look beautiful, they look in truth like devils.
   The admiral sailed along the coast de las Orejas, or the Mosquito shore, eastwards to Cape Garcias a Dios, or Thanks be to GOD, so called on account of the difficulty of getting there, having laboured seventy days to get only sixty leagues to the eastwards of Cape Casinas or Honduras. This was occasioned by opposing currents and contrary winds, so that we had continually to tack out to sea and stand in again, sometimes gaining, and sometimes losing ground, according as the wind happened to be scant or large when we put about. And had not the coast afforded such good anchoring we had been much longer upon it; but being free from shoals or rocks, and having always two fathoms of water at half a league from the shore, and two more at every league farther distant, we had always the convenience of anchoring every night when there was little wind. When on the 14th of September we reached the cape, and found the land turned off to the southwards, so that we could conveniently continue our voyage with those levanters or east winds that so continually prevailed, we all gave thanks to GOD for the happy change, for which reason the admiral gave it the name of Cape Garcias a Dios. A little beyond that cape we passed by some dangerous sands, that ran out to sea as far as the eye could reach.
   It being requisite to take in wood and water, the boats were sent on the 16th of September to a river that seemed deep and to have a good entrance, but the coming out proved disastrous, for the wind freshening from the sea, and the waves running high against the current of the river, so distressed the boats, that one of them was lost with all the men in it; for which the admiral named it Rio de la Disgratia, or the River of Disaster. In this river, and about it, there grew canes as thick as a mans leg. Still running southwards, we came on Sunday the 25th of September to anchor near a small island called Quiriviri, and near a town on the continent named Cariari, where were the best people, country, and situation we had yet seen, as well because it was high and full of rivers, and thickly wooded with forests of palms, mirabolans, and other trees. For this reason, the admiral named this island Hucite. It is a small league from the town named Cariari by the Indians, which is situated near a large river, whither a great number of people resorted from the adjacent parts; some with bows and arrows, others armed with staves of palm tree, as black as coal and as hard as horn, pointed with fish bone, and others with clubs, and they came in a body as if they meant to defend their country. The men had their hair braided, and wound round their heads, and the women wore their hair short like our men. But perceiving that we had no hostile intentions, they were very desirous to barter their articles for ours; theirs were arms, cotton jerkins, and large pieces of cotton cloth like sheets, and guaninis which are made of pale gold, and worn about their necks like our relics. With these things they swam to our boats, for none of our people went on shore that day or the next. The admiral would not allow any of their things to be taken, lest we might be considered as covetous, but ordered some of our articles to be given to them. The less we appeared to value the exchange, the more eager were they to bring it about, and made many signs to that effect from the shore. At last, perceiving that none of our people would go on shore, they took all the things which had been given them, without reserving the smallest article, and tying them up in a bundle, left them on that part of the beach where our people first landed, and where our people found them on the Wednesday following when they went on shore.
   Believing that the Christians did not confide in them, the Indians sent an ancient man of an awful presence, bearing a flag upon a staff, and accompanied by two girls of about eight and fourteen years of ages and putting these into the boat as if giving hostages, he made signs for our people to land. Upon their request, our people went ashore to take in water, the Indians taking great care to avoid doing any thing which might have alarmed the Christians; and when they saw our men about to return to the ships, the Indians made signs to take the girls along with them with their guaninis about their necks, and at the request of the old man, they complied and carried them on board. In this conduct these people shewed themselves of a more friendly disposition than any we had yet met with; and though the girls evinced uncommon undauntedness in trusting themselves unconcernedly among strangers, they always behaved themselves with great modesty and sweetness. The admiral treated them well, clothed and fed them, and sent them again on shore, where they were received by the old man and about fifty others, with great signs of satisfaction and content. On the boats going on shore again the same day, they found the same people with the girls, who insisted upon restoring all that had been given them by the admiral.
   Next day, the admirals brother went on shore to endeavour to learn something of these people, when two of the chiefs came to the boat, and taking him by the arms made him sit down on the grass between them; and as, when he was about to ask them questions, he ordered his secretary to write down the information they might give, the sight of the pen, ink, and paper, threw them into such consternation that most of them ran away92. It was supposed they did this from dread of being bewitched; for to us they appeared to be sorcerers and superstitious people, as whenever they came near the Christians, they used to scatter some powder about them in the air, and to burn some of the same powder, endeavouring to make the smoke go towards the Christians; besides their refusing to keep any thing that belonged to us showed a degree of jealousy like the proverb, which says, "A knave thinks every man like himself93." Having remained here longer than was convenient, considering the haste we were in, and having repaired the ships, and provided all we wanted, the admiral sent his brother on shore with some men on the 2d of October, to view the town, and to endeavour to learn as much as possible of the manners of the people, and the nature of the country. The most remarkable thing they saw was a great wooden building covered with canes, in which were several tombs. In one of these there lay a dead body dried up and embalmed, in another two bodies wrapped up in cotton sheets and without any ill scent; and over each there was a board carved with the figures of beasts, and on one of them the effigies as was supposed of the person deposited underneath, adorned with guaninis, beads, and others of their most valued ornaments. These being the most civilized Indians yet met with, the admiral ordered some to be taken that he might learn the secrets of the country; seven men were accordingly seized, and of these two of the chiefest were selected, and the rest sent away with some gifts and courteous treatment, that the country might not be left in commotion; and these were told as well as we could express our meaning, that they were only to serve as guides upon that coast, and then to be set at liberty. But believing that they were taken out of covetousness, in order that they might ransom themselves with their valuable goods, great numbers of the natives came down next day to the shore, and sent four of their number on board to the admiral to treat for the ransom of their friends, offering such things as they possessed, and freely giving three hogs of the country, which, though small, are very ferocious. Observing, therefore, the uncommon policy of this nation, the admiral was the more anxious to be acquainted with them; and though he would not listen to their offers of ransoming their friends, he ordered some trifles to be given to the messengers that they might not go away dissatisfied, and that they should be paid for their hogs.
   Among other creatures which that country produces, there is a kind of cats of a greyish colour, as large as a small greyhound, but with a much longer tail, which is so strong, that whatever they clasp with it is as if bound fast with a rope. These animals ran about the trees like squirrels, and when they leap, they not only hold fast with their claws, but with their tails also, by which they often hang to the boughs, either to rest themselves or to sport. It happened that one Ballaster brought one of these cats out of a wood, having knocked him from a tree, and not daring to meddle with it when down because of its fierceness, he cut off one of its fore paws and brought it on board in that mutilated condition. Even in that maimed state, it terrified a good dog we had on board, but put one of the Indian hogs into much greater fear. The hog used to run at every person, and would not allow the dog to remain on deck; but the moment it saw the cat it ran away with signs of the utmost terror. The admiral therefore gave orders that the hog and the cat should be placed close together; the cat immediately wound her tail around the snout of the hog, and with its remaining fore-leg fastened on the pole of the hog, which grunted the while most fearfully. From this we concluded that these cats hunt like the wolves or dogs of Spain.
   On Wednesday the 5th of October, the admiral sailed from Cariari, and came to the bay of Caravaro, which is six leagues long and two broad; in this bay there are many small islands, and two or three channels to go out and in by. Within these channels the ships sailed as it had been in streets or lanes between the islands, the branches of the trees rubbing against the shrouds. As soon as we anchored in this bay, the boats went to one of the islands where there were twenty canoes on the shore, and a number of people all entirely naked; most of them had a plate of gold hanging from the neck, and some an ornament of gold resembling an eagle. These people were perfectly peaceable, and shewed no tokens of being afraid of the Christians. Assisted by the two Indians from Cariari, who acted as interpreters, our people bought one of the gold plates which weighed ten ducats for three horse-bells, and the Indians said that there was great plenty of that metal to be had farther up the country at no great distance.
   Next day, being the 7th of October, our boats went ashore upon the continent, where they met ten canoes full of people; and as they refused to barter away their gold ornaments, two of their chiefs were taken prisoners, one of whom had a gold plate weighing fourteen ducats, and the other an eagle of gold which weighed twenty-two. Being examined by the admiral, with the assistance of our interpreters, they said that there was great plenty of gold up the country, at places which they named, and which might be reached in a day or two. Vast quantities of fish were taken in the bay, and there were abundance of these creatures on shore which were before seen at Cariari; also great abundance of food, as grain, roots, and fruit. The men were entirely naked, except a narrow cotton cloth before, and had their faces and body painted all over with various colours, as red, white, and black. From this bay of Caravaro, we went to another close by it called Aburena, which in some measure is like the other.
   On the 17th of October we put to sea to continue our voyage; and came to Guaiga, a river twelve leagues from Aburena. When our boats were going on shore here by order of the admiral, they saw above 100 Indians on the strand, who assaulted them furiously, running into the water up to their middles, brandishing their spears, blowing horns, and beating a drum in a warlike manner; they likewise threw the water at the Christians, and chewing certain herbs, they squirted the juice towards them. Our men lay upon their oars and endeavoured to pacify them, which they at length accomplished, and they drew near to exchange their gold plates, some for two, and others for three horse bells, by which means we procured sixteen gold plates worth 150 ducats. Next day, being Friday the 19th of October, the boats went again towards the land, intending to barter; but before going on shore, they called to some Indians who were under certain bowers or huts, which they had made during the night to defend their country, fearing the Christians might land to injure them. Though our people called long and loud, none of the Indians would approach, nor would the Christians venture to land till they knew what were the intentions of the Indians; for it afterwards appeared that the Indians waited to fall upon our people as soon as they might land. But perceiving that they came not out of the boats, they blew their horns and beat their drum, and ran into the water as they had done the day before, till they came almost up to the boats, brandishing their javelins in a hostile manner. Offended at this proceeding, and that the Indians might not be so bold and despise them, the Christians at last wounded one of them in the arm with an arrow, and fired a cannon to intimidate them, on which they all scampered away to the land. After this four Spaniards landed and called the Indians to come back, which they now did very quietly, leaving their arms behind them; and they bartered three gold plates, saying they had no more with them, as they had not come prepared for trade but for war.
   The only object of the admiral in this voyage being to discover the country, and to procure samples of its productions, he proceeded without farther delay to Catiba, and cast anchor in the mouth of a great river. The people of the country were seen to gather, calling one another together with horns and drums, and they afterwards sent two men in a canoe towards the ships; who, after some conversation with the Indians who had been taken at Cariari, came on board the admiral without any signs of apprehension, and by the advice of the Cariari Indians gave the admiral two gold plates which they wore about their necks, for which he gave them some baubles in return. When these went on shore, there came another with three men, wearing gold plates at their necks, who parted with them as the others had done. Amity being thus settled, our men went on shore, where they found numbers of people along with their king, who differed in nothing from the rest, except that he was covered with one large leaf of a tree to defend him from the rain which then fell in torrents. To give his subjects a good example, he bartered away his gold plate, and bade them exchange theirs with our men, so that they got nineteen in all of pure gold. This was the first place in the Indies where our people had seen any sign of building, as they here found a great mass of wall or masonry that seemed to be composed of stone and lime, and the admiral ordered a piece of it to be brought away as a memorial or specimen. From thence we sailed eastwards to Cobravo, the people of which place dwell near the rivers of that coast; and because none of the natives came down to the strand, and the wind blew fresh, he held on his course to five towns of great trade, among which was Veragua, where the Indians said the gold was gathered and the plates manufactured.
   The next day he came to a town called Cubiga, where the Indians of Cariari said that the trading country ended; this began at Carabora and extended to Cubiga for 50 leagues along the coast. Without making any stay here, the admiral proceeded on till he put into Porto Bello, to which he gave that name because it is large, well peopled, and encompassed by a finely cultivated country. He entered this place on the 2d of November, passing between two small islands within which ships may lie close to the shore, and can turn it out if they have occasion. The country about that harbour and higher up is by no means rough, but cultivated and full of houses a stone throw or a bow-shot only from each other, and forms the finest landscape that can be imagined. We continued there seven days on account of rain and bad weather, and canoes came constantly to the ships from all the country round to trade with provisions and bottoms of fine spun cotton, which they gave in exchange for points and pins and other trifles.
   On Wednesday the ninth of November we sailed from Porto Bello eight leagues to the eastwards, but were driven back four leagues next day by stress of weather, and put in among some islands near the continent where the town of Nombre de Dios now stands; and because all these small islands were full of grain, the admiral called this place Puerto de Bastimentos, or Port of Provisions. While here one of our boats pursued a canoe, and the Indians imagining our men would do them some harm, and perceiving the boat within less than a stones throw of them, they leapt into the sea to swim away, which they all effected; for though the boat rowed hard it could not overtake any of them, or if it did come up with one he would dive like a duck and come up again a bow-shot or two distant. This chase lasted above half a league, and it was very pleasant to see the boat labour in vain and come back empty handed.

   We continued here till the 23d of November, refitting the ships and mending our casks, and sailed that day to a place called Guiga, there being another of the same name between Veragua and Cerago. The boats went ashore at this place, where they found above 300 persons ready to trade in provisions and some small gold ornaments which they wore at their ears and noses. On Saturday the 24th of November we put into a small port which was called Retrete, or the Retired Place, because it could not contain above five or six ships together; the mouth of it was not above 15 or 20 paces over, and on both sides rocks appeared above water as sharp as diamonds. The channel between was so deep that no bottom could be found, though if the ships inclined only a little way to either side the men could leap on shore. This sharpness of the rocks saved the ships in this narrow passage, and the danger we were now in was owing to the covetousness of the people who went in the boats to view it, as they were desirous of trafficking with the Indians, and believed that the ships might be in safety close to the shore. In this place we were detained nine days by bad weather. At first the Indians came very familiarly to trade in such articles as they had to dispose of; but our seamen used to steal privately on shore and commit a thousand insolencies like covetous dissolute fellows, insomuch that they provoked the Indians to break the peace, and several skirmishes happened between them and our people. The Indians at length took courage to advance to our ships which lay with their sides close to the shore, intending to do us some harm; but their designs turned out to their own detriment, although the admiral always endeavoured to gain them by patience and civility. But perceiving their insolence to increase, he caused some cannon to be discharged, thinking to frighten them; this they answered with loud shouts, thrashing the trees with their clubs and staves, and showed by threatening signs that they did not fear the noise. Therefore to abate their pride and to surprise them with respect for the Christians, the admiral ordered a shot to be fired at a company of them that stood upon a hillock near the shore; and the ball falling among them made them sensible that our thunder carried a bolt along with it, and in future they dared not to show themselves even behind the hills.
   The people of this country were the handsomest we had yet seen among the Indians, being tall and thin, without large bellies, and with agreeable countenances. The country was all plain, bearing little grass and few trees. In the harbour there were crocodiles or alligators of a vast size, which go on shore to sleep, and they scatter a scent as if all the musk in the world were together: They are fierce and ravenous, so that if they find a man asleep they drag him to the water and devour him, but they are fearful and cowardly when attacked. These alligators are found in many other parts of the continent, and some affirm that they are the same with the crocodiles of the Nile.
   Finding that the violent winds from the E. and N.E. did not cease, and that no trade could be had with those people, the admiral resolved to go back that he might make farther inquiry into the reports of the Indians concerning the mines of Veragua, and therefore returned on Monday the 5th of November to Porto Bello ten leagues westwards. Continuing his course next day, he was encountered by a west wind which was quite contrary to his new design, though favourable for that which he had been attempting for three months past, but expecting that this wind would not last long because the weather was unsettled, he bore up against the wind for some days; but when the weather would seem a little favourable for going to Veragua, another wind would start up and drive us back again to Porto Bello, and when almost in hopes of getting into port we were quite beat off again. Sometimes there were such incessant flashes of thunder and lightning that the men durst hardly open their eyes, the ships seemed just sinking, and the sky appeared as if it would come down upon us. At times the thunder was so continued, that it was conceived some ship was firing its guns for assistance. At other times there would fall such incessant and heavy torrents of rain for two or three days together as if an universal deluge were going to overwhelm the world. This almost unceasing war of the elements perplexed the men and reduced them almost to despair, so that they were continually wet and could not get half an hours rest at a time, always beating up to windward. In such terrible tempests they dreaded the fire in flashes of lightning, the air for its fury, the water for its mountainous waves, and the earth for hidden rocks and sands; where they expected safety in a near haven, often encountering danger, and therefore preferring to contend against all the other elements to avoid the land. In the midst of all these terrors there occurred another no less wonderful and dangerous, which was a water-spout rising from the sea on Thursday the 13th of December; which, if they had not dissolved by reciting the gospel of St John, had certainly sunk whatever it had fallen upon. This phenomenon draws the water up to the clouds like a pillar and thicker than a butt, twisting it about like a whirlwind.
   That same night we lost sight of the ship called the Biscaina, but had the good fortune to see it again after three or four dreadful dark days. It had lost its boat and had been in great danger, being so near the land as to be forced to come to anchor, which it likewise lost by being obliged to cut the cable. It now appeared that the currents on this coast follow the prevailing wind, running westwards with the east wind, and eastwards with the west. The ships being now almost shattered to pieces by the tempest, and the men quite spent with incessant labour, a calm for a day or two gave them some relief, and brought such multitudes of sharks about the ships as were dreadful to behold, especially to such as were superstitious. Ravens are reported to smell out dead bodies from a great distance, and some think that sharks have the same perceptive faculty. They have two rows of sharp teeth in the nature of a saw, with which if they lay hold of a mans leg or arm they cut it off as with a razor. Multitudes of these sharks were caught by a hook and chain, but being able to destroy no more, they continued in vast numbers swimming about. They are so greedy that they not only bite at carrion, but may be taken by means of a red rag upon the hook. I have seen a tortoise taken out of the stomach of one of these sharks that lived for some time afterwards aboard the ship; and out of another was taken the head of one of its own kind, which we had cut off and thrown into the water as not fit to be eaten, and the shark had swallowed it, which to us seemed strange and unnatural that one creature should swallow the head of another as large as its own; this however is owing to the vast size of their mouth which reaches almost to the belly, and the head is shaped like an olive. Though some of the people considered these creatures as foreboding misfortune, and others thought them bad fish, yet we were all thankful for them on account of the want we were now in: We had been eight months at sea, so that all the flesh and fish we had brought from Spain was consumed, and owing to the heat and moisture of the atmosphere, the biscuit was become so full of maggots that many of the people waited till night before they could eat the pottage made of it, that they might not see the maggots; but others were so used to eat them that they were not curious to throw them away, lest they might lose their supper.
   Upon Saturday the 17th of December we put into a large bay or port three leagues to the eastwards of Pennon called Huiva by the Indians, where we remained three days. We there saw the Indians dwelling upon the tops of trees, like birds, laying sticks across the boughs upon which they build a kind of huts. We conceived this might have been for fear of the griffins which are in that country, or to be out of reach of their enemies; for all along that coast the little tribes at every league distant are great enemies to each other and perpetually at war. We sailed from this port on the 20th with fair weather but not settled, for as soon as we were got put to sea the tempest rose again and drove us into another port, whence we departed the third day, the weather being somewhat mended, but like an enemy that lies in wait for a man, it rushed out again and drove us to Pennon, but when we hoped to get in there the wind came quite contrary and drove us again towards Veragua. Being at an anchor in the river the weather became again very stormy, so that we had reason to be thankful for having got into that port, where we had been before on the 12th of the same month. We continued here from the 26th of December to the 3d of January 1508; when, having repaired the ship Gallega and taken on board a good store of Indian wheat, water, and wood, we turned back to Veragua with bad weather and contrary winds, which changed crossly just as the admiral altered his course. This continual changing of the wind gave us so much trouble between Veragua and Porto Bello that the admiral named this Costo de Contrasses, or the Coast of Thwartings.
   Upon Thursday, being the feast of the Epiphany, 6th January, we cast anchor near a river called Yebra by the Indians, but which the admiral named Belem or Bethlem, because we came to it on the festival of the three kings. He caused the mouth of that river and of another to the westwards to be sounded; in the latter, called Veragua by the Indians, the water was shoal, but in the river Belem there were four fathoms at high water. The boats went up this river to the town where we had been informed the gold mines of Veragua were situated. At first the Indians were so far from conversing that they assembled with their weapons to hinder the Christians from landing; and the next day on going up the river of Veragua, the Indians did the same, not only on shore, but stood upon their guard with their canoes in the water. But an Indian of that coast who understood them a little went on shore and persuaded them that we were good people, and desired nothing from them but what we would pay for; by this they were pacified and trucked twenty plates of gold, likewise some hollow pieces like the joints of reeds, and some unmelted grains. On purpose to enhance the value of their gold they said it was gathered a great way off among uncouth mountains, and that when they gathered it they did not eat, nor did they carry their women along with them, a story similar to which was told by the people of Hispaniola when it was first discovered.
   On Monday the 9th of January the admirals ship and that called Biscaina went up the river, and the Indians came presently on board to barter away such things as they had, especially fish, which at certain times of the year come up these rivers from the sea in such quantities as would seem incredible to those who had not seen it. They likewise exchanged some gold for pins, and what they most valued they gave for beads, or hawks-bells. Next day the other two ships came in, having to wait for the flood, which does not rise above half a fathom in these parts. As Veragua was famed for mines and extraordinary wealth, the admirals brother went up the river the third day after our arrival to the town of Quibio, the king or cacique of this province; who, hearing of the lieutenants coming, came down the river in his canoes to meet him. Quibio behaved in a very friendly manner, and interchanged several articles with the lieutenant, and after a long discourse they parted in peace. Next day Quibio came on board to visit the admiral, and having discoursed together about an hour, his men trucked some gold for bells, and he returned to his own place.
   While we lay here as we thought in perfect ease and security, the river of Belem suddenly swelled on the 24th of January so high, that before we could get a cable on shore the fury of the water came so impetuously on the admirals ship that it broke one of her anchors, and drove her with such force against the Galega as to bring the foremast by the board, and both ships were carried away foul of each other in the utmost danger of perishing. Some judged that this sudden and mighty flood had been occasioned by the heavy rains, which still continued incessantly; but in that case the river would have swelled gradually and not all of a sudden, which made us suppose that some extraordinary rain had fallen in the mountains about 20 leagues up the country, which the admiral called the mountains of St Christopher. The highest of that range was above the region of the air in which meteors are bred, as no cloud was ever seen to rise above, but all floated below its summit; this mountain of St Christopher looks like a hermitage94, and lies in the midst of a range of woody mountains whence we believed that flood came which was so dangerous to our ships; for had they been carried out to sea they must have been shattered to pieces, as the wind was then extremely boisterous. This tempest lasted so long that we had time to refit and caulk the ships; and the waves broke so furiously on the mouth of the river, that the boats could not go out to discover along the coast, to learn where the mines lay, and to seek out for a proper place in which to build a town; for the admiral had resolved to leave his brother in this place with most of the men, that they might settle and subdue the country, while he should return into Spain to send out supplies of men and provisions. With this prospect, he sent his brother on Monday the 6th of February with 68 men by sea to the mouth of the Veragua river, a league to the westward of the Belem river, who went a league and a half up the river to the caciques town, where he staid a day inquiring the way to the mines. On Wednesday they travelled four leagues and half, and rested for the night on the side of a river which they had crossed 44 times in the course of that days march; next day they travelled a league and a half towards the mines, being directed in their journey by some Indian guides who were furnished by Quibio. In about two hours time they came thither, and every man gathered some gold from about the roots of the trees, which were there very thick and of prodigious height. This sample was much valued, because none of those who went upon this expedition had any tools for digging, or had ever been accustomed to gather gold; and as the design of this expedition was merely to get information of the situation of the mines, they returned very much satisfied that same day to Veragua, and the next day to the ships. It was afterwards learnt that these were not the mines of Veragua which lay much nearer, but belonged to the town of Urira the people of which being enemies to those of Veragua, Quibio had ordered the Christians to be conducted thither to do a displeasure to his foes, and that his own mines might remain untouched.
   On Thursday the 14th of February, the lieutenant went into the country with 40 men, a boat following with 14 more. The next day they came to the river Urira seven leagues west from Belem. The cacique came a league out of this town to meet him with 20 men, and presented him with such things as they feed on, and some gold plates were exchanged here. This cacique and his chief men never ceased putting a dry herb into their mouths, which they chewed and sometimes they took a sort of powder which they carried along with that herb, which singular custom astonished our people very much95. Having rested here a while, the Christians and Indians went to the town, where they were met by great numbers of people, had a large house appointed for their habitation, and were supplied with plenty of provisions. Soon after came the cacique of Dururi, a neighbouring town, with a great many Indians, who brought some gold plates to exchange. All these Indians said that there were caciques farther up the country who had abundance of gold, and great numbers of men armed as ours were. Next day the lieutenant ordered part of his men to return to the ships, and with 30 whom he retained, beheld on his journey to Zobraba, where the fields for six leagues were all full of maize like corn fields. Thence he went to Cateba another town, and was well entertained at both places with abundance of provisions, and some gold plates were bartered. These are like, the pattern of a chalice, some bigger and some less, and weighed about twelve ducats more or less, and the Indians wear them hanging from their necks by a string as we do relics. Being now very far from the ships, without having found any port along the coast, or any river larger than that of Belem on which to settle his colony, the lieutenant came back on the 24th of February, bringing with him a considerable value in gold which he had acquired by barter during his journey.
   Immediately on his return preparations were made for his stay, and eighty men were appointed to remain with him. These were divided into gangs of ten men each, and began to build houses on the bank of the Belem river on the right hand going up, about a cannon-shot from its mouth, and the infant colony was protected by surrounding it with a trench. The mouth of this river is marked by a small hill. The houses were all built of timber and covered with palm leaves, which grew abundantly along the banks of the river; and besides the ordinary houses for the colony, a large house was built to serve as a magazine and store-house, into which several pieces of cannon, powder, provisions, and other necessaries for the use and support of the planters were put. But the wine, biscuit, oil, vinegar, cheese, and a considerable supply of grain were left in the ship Gallega as the safest place; which was to be left with the lieutenant for the service of the colony, with all its cordage, nets, hooks and other tackle; for, as has been already said, there is vast abundance of fish in every river of that coast, several sorts at certain seasons running along the coast in shoals, on which the people of the country live more than upon flesh, for though there are some beasts of different sorts, there are by no means enough to maintain the inhabitants.
   The customs of these Indians are for the most part much the same as those of Hispaniola and the neighbouring islands; but those people of Veragua and the country about it, when they talk to one another are constantly turning their backs and always chewing an herb, which we believed to be the reson that their teeth were rotten and decayed. Their food is mostly fish, which they take with nets, and with hooks made of tortoiseshell, which they cut with a thread as if they were sawing, in the same manner as is done in the islands. They have another way of catching some very small fishes, which are called Titi in Hispaniola. At certain times these are driven towards the shore by the rains, and are so persecuted by the larger fish that they are forced up to the surface in shoal water, where the Indians take as many of them as they have a mind by means of little matts or small meshed nets. They wrap these up singly in certain leaves, and having dried them in an oven they will keep a great while. They also catch pilchards in the same manner; for at certain times these fly with such violence from the pursuit of the large fish, that they will leap out of the water two or three paces on the dry land, so that they have nothing to do but take them as they do the Titi. These pilchards are taken after another manner: They raise a partition of palm-tree leaves two yards high in the middle of a canoe, fore and aft as the seamen call it, or from stem to stern; then plying about the river they make a great noise, beating the shores with their paddles, and then the pilchards, to fly from the other fish, leap into the canoe, where hitting against the partition they fall in, and by this means they often take vast numbers96. Several sorts of fish pass along the coast in vast shoals, whereof immense quantities are taken; and these will keep a long time after being roasted or dried in the way already mentioned.
   These Indians have also abundance of maize, a species of grain which grows in an ear or hard head like millet, and from which they make a white and red wine, as beer is made in England, mixing it with their spice as it suits their palate, having a pleasant taste like sharp brisk wine. They also make another sort of wine from certain trees like palms which have prickly trunks like thorns: This wine is made from the pith of these palms, which resemble squeezed palmitoes, and from which they extract the juice and boil it up with water and spice. They make another wine from a fruit which grows likewise in Guadaloup, resembling a large pine-apple. This is planted in large fields, and the plant is a sprout growing from the top of the fruit, like that which grows from a cabbage or lettuce. One plant lasts in bearing for three or four years. They likewise make wines from other sorts of fruit; particularly from one that grows upon very high trees, which is as big as a large lemon, and has several stones like nuts, from two to nine in each, not round but long like chesnuts. The rind of this fruit is like a pomegranate, and when first taken from the tree it resembles it exactly, save only that it wants the prickly circle at the top. The taste of it is like a peach; and of them some are better than others, as is usual in other fruits. There are some of these in the islands, where they are named Mamei by the Indians.
   All things being settled for the Christian colony and ten or twelve houses built and thatched, the admiral wished to have sailed for Spain; but he was now threatened by even a greater danger from want of water in the river, than that he had formerly experienced by the inundation. For the great rains in January being now over, the mouth of the river was so choked up with sand, that though there were ten feet of water on the bar when we came in, which was scant enough, there were now only two feet when we wished to have gone out. We were thus shut up without prospect of relief, as it was impossible to get over the sand; and even if we had possessed any engine calculated for this purpose, the sea was so boisterous that the smallest of the waves which broke upon the shore was enough to have beat the ships in pieces, more especially as ours were now all eaten through and through by the worms like a honeycomb. We had nothing left therefore, but to pray to God for rain, as we had before prayed for fair weather; as we knew that rain would swell the river and clear away the sand.