On receiving notice of the landing of Barbosa, the rajah sent the register479 of the city to meet him, accompanied by many of the nayres, or principal men of the court, who brought him to visit the rajah, who was much inferior in dress and appearance of state to the zamorin, even the hall of audience having only bare walls, seated around like a theatre, in which the rajah sat with very few attendants. Barbosa presented to the rajah, in name of our general, a basin of silver filled with saffron, a large silver ewer filled with rose water, and some branches of coral, which the rajah received with much satisfaction, desiring his thanks to be returned to the general; and after some conversation with the factor, and interpreter, he gave orders for them to be properly lodged in the city. The general gave especial orders that no more than the seven persons already mentioned should remain on shore, thinking it imprudent to risk a greater number, in case of experiencing a similar misfortune with what had lately happened at Calicut. But there was here no cause for distrust, as the rajah of Cochin was a person of truth and honour, as appeared by his good usage of our men, the quick dispatch that was used in loading our ships with spices, and the orders he gave to his people to afford every assistance, which they did with much alacrity and zeal: so that it seemed ordained of God, that the trade should be transferred from Calicut to Cochin, for the advancement of the Catholic faith in the Indies, and the enrichment of the crown of Portugal480.
   After the ships were laden, two Indians came to wait upon the general, who said that they were brothers, and Christians, born in Cranganore near Cochin, who were desirous of going to Portugal, and thence to visit the Pope at Rome, and the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem481. Being asked by the general what kind of a city Cranganore was, whether it was entirely inhabited by Christians, and whether these Christians followed the order of the Greek or Roman church, one of them gave the following answers.
   Cranganore is a large city in the province of Malabar on the mainland, standing near the mouth of a river, by which likewise it is encompassed, inhabited both by idolaters and Christians, and by some Jews who are held in small esteem. It is much frequented by strangers, among whom are merchants from Syria, Egypt, Persia, and Arabia, who come thither to purchase pepper, a great deal of which commodity is gathered in its territories. It has a king of its own, to whom all the Christian inhabitants pay a certain tribute, and have a quarter of their own in the city, where they have a church resembling ours, in which there were crosses, but no images of the saints, and no bells, being summoned to prayers by the priests as in the Greek church. These Christians hail their popes, with twelve cardinals, two patriarchs, and many bishops and archbishops, all of whom reside in Armenia, to which country their bishops always went for consecration. He had been there himself along with a bishop, where he was ordained a priest. That this rule was observed by all the clergy of the Indies and of Cathay, who have to go to the pope or Catholicos of Armenia for consecration. Of their two patriarchs, one resides in the Indies, and the other in Cathay482, their bishops residing in different cities as it may seem convenient. Their tonsure is made in form of a cross.
   The cause of their having a pope is said to have been on the following account: 'When St Peter was residing at Antioch, there happened a great schism, occasioned by Simon Magus, on which Peter was called to Rome to assist the Christians in overthrowing that heresy; and, that he might not leave the eastern church without a shepherd, he appointed a vicar to govern at Antioch, who should become pope after the death of Peter, and should always assist the pope of Armenia. But, after the Moors entered into Syria and Asia Minor, as Armenia remained always in the Christian faith, they came to be governed by twelve cardinals. Marco Polo, in writing concerning Armenia, mentions this pope or Catholicos, and says there are two sects of Christians, the Nestorians and Jacobites, their pope being named Jacobus, whom this Joseph named their Catholicos. The priests of Cranganore are not shaven in the same manner with ours, but shave the whole head, leaving a few hairs on the crown and they have both deacons and subdeacons. In consecrating the elements, they use leavened bread and wine made of raisins, having no other in the country. Their children are not baptized till they are eleven days old, unless they happen to be sickly. They confess as we do, and bury their dead after a similar manner. They do not use the holy oil to the dying, but only bless them; and when any one dies, they gather a large company and feast for eight days, after which the obsequies are celebrated. If any person dies without making a testament, their lands and goods go to the nearest heir; but the widow is entitled to her dower if she remain a year unmarried. On going into church they use holy water. They hold the writings of the four Evangelists in great veneration. They fast during Lent and Advent with much solemnity, and on Easter Eve they neither eat nor drink the whole day. They have regularly sermons on the night of Holy Friday, and they observe the day of the Resurrection with great devotion. Likewise the two following days, and the ensuing Sunday, are particularly kept holy, because on that day St Thomas thrust his hand into the side of our Saviour. Ascension Day, Trinity Sunday, the Assumption and Nativity of the Blessed Virgin, Candlemas Day, Christmas Day, all the days of the apostles, and all the Sundays throughout the year, are kept with much devotion. They sanctify in a particular manner the first day of July every year in honour of St Thomas, but they could give no reason why this was done. They have also native friars and nuns, who live with much regularity. Their priests also live chastely, as those who do otherwise are debarred from executing their functions. They allow of no divorce between married people, who must live together till death. They receive the sacrament regularly three times in every year. They have among them certain learned men, or great doctors, who keep schools, in which they teach the Scriptures, and likewise some excellent interpretations which were left in old times by their ancient doctors. Their dress is similar to that of the Moors. Their day consists of forty hours; and, having no clocks, they judge of the time of the day by the sun, and in the night by the motion of the stars483. The general was very glad to receive this Joseph and his brother, and gave orders to provide them with a good cabin in his ship.
   While Cabral remained at Cochin, he received messages from the kings of Cananor and Coulan, both considerable princes in the province of Malabar, requesting him to come to their ports, where he should be supplied cheaper than at Cochin, and giving him many offers of friendship. He made answer, with his hearty thanks, that he could not now visit their ports, having already begun to take in his loadings bet that he should certainly visit them on his return to India. Immediately after the Portuguese ships were laden, a fleet of twenty-five great ships, and other small vessels was descried in the offing; and notice was sent by the rajah of Cochin to our general, that this fleet contained fifteen thousand fighting men, and had been fitted out on purpose to make him and all his people prisoners. At the same time the rajah offered to send men to his assistance, if he stood in need; but the general answered he had no need of any such aid at the present, as he trusted, with God's blessing, to convince his enemies they were ill advised in seeking now to attack him, having already given them a trial of his strength; alluding to what he had already done to them at Calicut. The enemy continued to hover off at sea, but did not venture to come nearer than a league, though they seemed in fighting order. Seeing this shyness, the general weighed anchor, and went out with all his fleet against them, having on board the two nayres who were hostages for the factory on shore, but his intentions were to have returned with them to Cochin. Soon after leaving the harbour, a great storm arose with a foul wind, so that he was forced to come to anchor without attaining to the enemy. Next morning, being the 10th January 1501, the wind came fair, and being desirous to attack the fleet of Calicut, the general made sail towards them; but missing the ship commanded by Sancho de Toar, who had parted from the fleet in the night, and that being the largest and best manned ship of the fleet, he deemed it prudent to avoid fighting with so large a force, especially as many of his men were sick. The wind, likewise, was now quite fair for beginning his voyage home, and was quite contrary for going back to Cochin to land the hostages. He determined, therefore, to commence his voyage, and stood out to sea; the enemy following him during the whole of that day, but returned towards Calicut when night drew on. Cabral now turned his attention to the forlorn nayres, who had been five days on board without eating, and by dint of much and kind entreaty, he at length prevailed on them to take food.
   On the 15th of January, the fleet came in sight of Cananore, which lies on the coast of Malabar, thirty-one leagues north of Cochin. This is a large city with a fine bay, the houses being built of earth, and covered with flat stones or slates, and it contains many Moors who trade thither for many kinds of goods. The neighbourhood produces hardly any more pepper than is necessary for its own consumpt; but has plenty of ginger, cardamoms, tamarinds, mirabolans, cassia-fistula484, and other drugs. In several pools of water near this city there are many very large alligators485, similar to the crocodiles of the Nile, which devour men when they come in their way. They have very large heads with two rows of teeth, and their breath smells like musk, their bodies being covered all over with hard scales like shells. In the bushes near this city there are many large and very venomous serpents, which destroy men by means of their breath. There are bats likewise as large as kites, which have heads like a fox and similar teeth, and the natives often eat these animals. The city of Cananore abounds in fish, flesh, and fruits, but has to import rice from other places. The king or rajah is a bramin, being one of the three kings of Malabar, but is not so rich and powerful as the zamorin, or even as the rajah of Coulan. The general came to anchor at this port, both because he had been invited by the rajah, and because he wished to take on board some cinnamon, of which commodity he had not as yet any on board. He accordingly purchased 400 quintals, and might have had more if he would, but refused it; on which the people of the place concluded that he had no more money. On this coming to the knowledge of the rajah, he sent him word that he would trust him with any quantity he had a mind for of that or any other commodity, till his return from Portugal, or the arrival of any other in his stead. The rajah was induced to make this offer, from his knowledge of the just dealings of the Portuguese, and their faithful performance of their promises. The general sent his hearty thanks to the rajah for his liberality, promising to inform the king his master of his good will, and assuring his highness that he might depend on his constant friendship.
   Cabral now took on board an ambassador from the rajah of Cananore for the king of Portugal, who was sent to conclude a treaty of amity between them. Departing from Cananore, and standing across the gulf, he took a great ship richly laden on the last of January: But on learning that it belonged to the king of Cambaya, he permitted it to proceed on its voyage uninjured; sending word to that sovereign, that the Portuguese did not come to the Indies to make war on any one, excepting indeed with the zamorin of Calicut, who had scandalously broken the peace which had been made between them. He therefore only took a pilot out of this ship, to conduct him through the gulf between India and Africa. While continuing their voyage, and approaching the African shore, a great storm arose on the 12th of February, by which in the night the ship of Sancho de Toar was driven on shore, and taking fire was entirely burnt, the men only being saved. As the tempest still continued, they were unable to stop at Melinda, or any other place till they came to Mozambique, where they cast anchor, in order to take in water and to refit their ships, the seams of which were all open. From this place, the general dispatched Sancho de Toar to discover Sofala, with orders to make the best of his way from that place to Portugal, with an account of its productions.
   The ships being refitted, Cabral resumed the voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, near which they again experienced a violent storm, in which one of the ships was separated from the fleet, after firing signals of distress, and was never seen again during the voyage. At length, after many great storms and dangers, which it were tedious to recount, Cabral doubled the Cape on Whitsunday the 22d of May; whence continuing his voyage with a fair wind, he came to anchor at Cape Verd, where he found Diego Diaz, who had separated from the fleet on the outward bound voyage. Diaz had been driven into the Red Sea, where he wintered and lost his boat, and as most of his men died from sickness, his pilot could not venture to carry him to India. He endeavoured therefore to find his way back to Portugal; but after leaving the Red Sea, his men were so consumed with hunger, thirst, and sickness, that only seven of his crew remained. After remaining some time at Cape Verd waiting in vain for the missing ships, Cabral proceeded on his voyage, and arrived safe at Lisbon on the last day of July, in the year 1501. Soon after his arrival, the ship which had separated in a storm off the Cape of Good Hope, came in; and shortly after that, Sancho de Toar arrived from Sofala. He described Sofala as a small island close on the continent of Africa, inhabited by a black people called Caffres; and reported that much gold is brought to this place from certain mines on the adjacent continent; on which account Sofala is much frequented by Moors from India, who barter merchandize of small value for gold. He brought along with him to Lisbon a Moor whom he had received as an hostage or pledge for the safety of one of his own men, whom he had left there to acquire a knowledge of the country and its language; and from this Moor they got ample information respecting the people and trade of those parts of Africa, which I shall afterwards communicate. Including this last ship, there returned six to Portugal out of the twelve which had sailed on the voyage for India, the other six having been lost.
   * * * * *
   Note. –In the Novus Orbus of Simon Grynaeus, p. 202-211, there is an article entitled, Short Account of India, by Joseph, an Indian Christian, who accompanied Cabral486 to Lisbon in 1501. We were inclined to have inserted this account at this part of our collection as an ancient and original document: But, on an attentive perusal, it is so jejune, contused, and uninstructive as not to merit attention. It evidently appears to have been penned by some person in Cabral's ship during the voyage home, from repeated conferences with Joseph: But, as the writer of this article informs us himself, many particulars were unknown to Joseph, because he had little intercourse with the idolaters, or because the reporter could not understand the answers which Joseph made to his inquiries. –E.

SECTION IV. Voyage of John de Nueva, being the third made by the Portuguese to India
   Is the same year 1501, supposing all differences to have been settled amicably at Calicut by Cabral, and that a regular trade was established both there and at Sofala and Quiloa, the king of Portugal dispatched three ships and a caravel from Lisbon, under the command of John de Neuva, a native of Galicia in Spain, who was accounted a valiant gentleman; having under his orders, Francisco de Navoys, Diego Barboso, and Hernando de la Pyna, as captains of three of the ships. Two ships of this fleet were destined to carry merchandize to Sofala487, and the other two to Calicut, and all the four contained only eighty men488. The instructions given to Nueva were, that he was to touch at the island of St Blas, where he was to wait ten days if any of his ships had separated. He was then to proceed for Sofala, where, if a factory were settled he was to deliver the goods destined for that place before going to India. If a factory were not already settled there, he was to do every thing in his power for that purpose, leaving Alvaro de Braga there as factor, with the merchandize embarked in the caravel for that market. From Sofala, he was to proceed to Quiloa; and thence directly to Calicut. He was farther directed, in case of meeting with Cabral, to obey him as general, and desire him to settle a factory at Sofala, if his own attempt should fail.
   Nueva left Lisbon on this voyage in March, four months before the return of Cabral, and arrived in safety at the isle of St Blas; where he found a letter in an old shoe suspended from the branch of a tree, written by Pedro de Tayde489, informing him that the fleet of Cabral had passed this island on its way back to Portugal, and giving an account of what had happened at Calicut, of the good treatment the fleet had received at Cochin, where some of our men remained, and of the friendly disposition of the king of Cananor490. On consulting with the other captains, it was judged improper to leave the caravel at Sofala, in these circumstances, as their whole force did not exceed eighty men; wherefore they proceeded directly for Quiloa, where they found one of the exiles who had been left there by Cabral, from whom they received a particular account of all that had happened at Calicut, and of the loss of several of his ships, all of which he had learnt from some Moors. From Quiloa Nueva sailed on to Melinda, where the king confirmed the intelligence he had received from the exile at Quiloa491. Thus fully instructed in the state of matters, Nueva deemed it prudent to keep all the ships of his small squadron, and sailed across from Melinda to Anchediva, where he came to anchor in November, intending to take in a supply of water at that place. While here, seven large ships belonging to Cambaya, which were bound for the Red Sea, appeared off the anchoring ground, and seemed at first disposed to attack our ships; but being afraid of the Portuguese ordnance, they continued their voyage. From Anchediva Nueva proceeded for Cananor, where he had an audience of the rajah, from whom he received particular notice of all that had happened in Calicut to Cabral, and of the offer which the rajah had made to load all his ships at Cananor. The rajah assured him of his earnest desire of doing every thing in his power to serve the king of Portugal, and pressed him to take in his loading at that port; but Nueva declined this offer for the present, until he had consulted with the factor at Cochin, for which port he took his departure from Cananor. On his way between Cananor and Cochin, Nueva took a ship belonging to some of the Moorish merchants at Calicut, after a vigorous resistance, and set it on fire.
   On his arrival at Cochin, the factor who had been left there by Cabral came on board with the rest of his company, and acquainted him that the rajah was greatly offended with Cabral for leaving the port without seeing him, and for carrying away the hostages; yet had always kindly entertained and the other members, of the factory, lodging them every night in the palace for security, and always sending a guard of nayres along with any of them who had occasion to go out during the day, on purpose to defend them from the Moors who sought their destruction, and who had one night set fire to the house in which they lodged before their removal to the palace. He also informed Nueva that the Moors had persuaded the native merchants to depreciate the price of the Portuguese merchandize, and not to take these in exchange for pepper, so that unless he had brought money for his purchases he would have little chance of procuring a loading. On this intelligence, and considering that he had not brought money, Nueva immediately returned from Cochin to Cananor, expecting to procure his loading at that port, in consequence of the friendly dispositions of the rajah towards the king of Portugal492. On his return to Cananor, he found that money was as necessary there for his purchases as at Cochin: But, when the rajah, was informed of his difficulties from want of money, he became his security to the native merchants for 1000 quintals or hundred weights of pepper, 450 quintals of cinnamon, and fifty quintals of ginger, besides some bales of linen cloth493. By this generous conduct of the rajah, Nueva procured a loading for his ships, and left his European merchandize for sale at Cananor under the management of a factor and two clerks.
   On the 15th December, while waiting for a fair wind to begin his homeward voyage, the rajah sent notice to Nueva that eighty paraws were seen to the northward, which were past mount Dely, and that these vessels were from Calicut, sent expressly to attack the Portuguese ships; and the rajah advised him to land his men and ordnance for greater security: But the general was not of this mind, and sent word to the rajah that he hoped, with the assistance of God, to be able to defend himself. Next day, being the 16th of December, before dawn, about an hundred ships and paraws full of Moors came into the bay, sent on purpose by the zamorin, who was in hopes to have taken all our ships and men. As soon as Nueva perceived this numerous armament, he hoisted anchor and removed his squadron to the middle of the bay, where he ordered all his ships to pour in their shot against the enemy without intermission. Doubtless, but for this, the enemy would have boarded his ships, and they were so numerous it would have been impossible for him to have escaped; but as the Moors had no ordnance, they could do our people no harm from a distance, and many of their ships and paraws were sunk, with the loss of a vast number of men, while they did not dare to approach for the purpose of boarding, and not a single person was killed or hurt on our side. The enemy towards evening hung out a flag for a parley; but as Nueva feared this might be intended as a lure, he continued firing, lest they might suppose he stopped from weariness or fear. But the Moors were really desirous of peace, owing to the prodigious loss they had sustained, and their inability to escape from the bay for want of a fair wind. At length, most of his ordnance being burst or rendered unserviceable by the long-continued firing, and seeing that the Moors still kept up their flag of truce, Nueva ceased firing and answered them by another flag494. Immediately on this, a Moor came to Neuva in a small boat, to demand a cessation of hostilities till next day. This was granted, on condition that they should quit the bay and put out to sea, which they did accordingly. Although the wind was very unfavourable, Nueva stood out to sea likewise, which the enemy could hardly do, as their ships and paraws can only make sail with a fair wind. Notwithstanding all that had happened, Nueva was constrained to come to anchor close to the fleet of the enemy, and gave orders to keep strict watch during the night. At one time they were heard rowing towards our fleet, and it was supposed they intended setting our ships on fire; on which Neuva ordered to veer out more cable, to get farther off. Perceiving that the boats of the enemy continued to follow, he commanded a gun to be fired at them, on which they made off; and the wind coming off shore and somewhat fair, they made sail for Calicut.
   Nueva, after returning thanks to God for deliverance from his enemies, took his leave of the rajah of Cananor, and departed for Portugal, where he arrived in safety with all his ships495.
   After the departure of Nueva from Cananor, one of his men named Gonsalo Pixoto, who had been made prisoner and carried to Calicut, came to Cananor with a message from the zamorin to Nueva, making excuses for all that had been done there to Cabral, and for the attempt against his own fleet at Cananor, and offering, if he would come to Calicut, to give him a full loading of spices, and sufficient hostages both for his safety and the performance of his promise.

SECTION V. The Second Voyage of De Gama to India in 1502; being the Fourth made by the Portuguese to the East Indies
   As the king of Portugal felt it incumbent upon him to revenge the injurious and treacherous conduct of the zamorin, he gave orders to prepare a powerful fleet for that purpose; the command of which was at first confided to Pedro Alvares de Cabral, but, for certain just considerations was taken from him and bestowed on Don Vasco de la Gama. Every thing being ready, De Gama sailed from Lisbon on the 3d of March 1502, having the command of thirteen great ships and two caravels496. The captains of this fleet were, Pedro Alonso de Aguilar, Philip de Castro, Don Lewis Cotinho, Franco De Conya, Pedro de Tayde, Vasco Carvallo, Vincente Sodre, Blas Sodre, the two Sodres being cousins-german to the captain-general, Gil Hernand, cousin to Laurenзo de la Mina, Juan Lopes Perestrello, Rodrigo de Castaneda, and Rodrigo de Abreo; and of the two caravels Pedro Raphael and Diego Perez were commanders. In this powerful squadron they carried out the materials of a third caravel, which was directed to be put together at Mozambique, and of which Hernand Rodrigues Badarsas was appointed to be commander. Besides this first fleet of seventeen sail, a smaller squadron of five ships remained in preparation at Lisbon, which sailed on the 5th of May under the command of Stephen de la Gama497.
   When De Gama had doubled the Cape of Good Hope, and was arrived at the farther end of the currents498, he went himself with four of the smallest vessels to Sofala, sending on the remainder of the fleet to wait his arrival at Mozambique. This visit to Sofala was in consequence of orders from the king, to examine the situation of the city and to endeavour to find a proper situation for a fort, that the Portuguese might monopolize the trade in gold at that place. He remained there twenty-five days, during which he settled a treaty of amity with the king, and had leave to establish a factory; after which mutual presents were interchanged, and De Gama departed for Mozambique. In going out of the river from Sofala, one of the ships was lost, but all the men were saved. At Mozambique he made friendship with the king, who had proved so unfriendly in the first voyage, and even obtained leave to settle a factor with several assistants, who were left on purpose to provide victuals for such ships as might touch here on the voyage to or from India. Here likewise the caravel destined for that purpose was set up and provided with ordnance and a sufficient crew, and was left for the protection of the factory. On leaving Mozambique, De Gama sailed for Quiloa, having orders to reduce the king of that place to become tributary, as a punishment for his unfriendly conduct towards Cabral. On his arrival in that port, Ibrahim the king came on board to visit the admiral, afraid of being called to account for the injuries he had done to Cabral. De Gama, knowing that he was not to be trusted, threatened to make him a prisoner under the hatches, if he did not immediately agree to pay tribute to the king of Portugal499. The king from fear engaged to pay 2000 miticals of gold yearly, and gave one Mehemed Aleones, a principal man among the Moors whom he hated, as an hostage for the payment. The reason of his dislike to Mehemed was this: Ibrahim was himself an usurper, having seized the government in prejudice to the right heir, and was afraid that Mehemed intended to dethrone him. When the king found himself at liberty, in consequence of this arrangement, he refused to send the promised tribute, in hope that De Gama might put the hostage to death, by which means he might get rid of his enemy: But the Moor, on finding the tribute did not come, was fain to pay the same himself, by which means he procured his own liberty. While at Quiloa, the fleet was joined by the squadron of five ships under Stephen de Gama.
   Leaving Quiloa, De Gama proceeded with the whole fleet for Melinda, where he took in water and visited the king500. Going from thence for India, and being arrived off Mount Dely, to the north of Cananor, he met a ship belonging to the Moors of Mecca, and bound for Calicut, which was taken by our men after a stout resistance501. When the ship surrendered, De Gama went on board and commanded the owners and all the principal Moors to come before him, whom he ordered to produce all their goods on pain of being thrown overboard. They answered that they had nothing to produce, as all their goods were in Calicut; on which De Gama ordered one of them to be bound hand and foot and thrown into the sea. The rest were intimidated by this procedure, and immediately delivered up every thing belonging to them, which was very valuable; all of which was committed to the charge of Diego Hernando Correa, the factor appointed for conducting the trade at Cochin, by whose directions they were transported into one of the Portuguese ships. De Gama ordered all the children belonging to the Moors to be taken on board one of his own ships, and vowed to make them all friars in the church of our Lady at Belem, which he afterwards did502. All the ordinary merchandize belonging to the Moors was divided among his own men; and when all the goods were removed, he ordered Stephen de la Gama to confine the Moors under the hatches, and to set the ship on fire, to revenge the death of the Portuguese who were slain in the factory at Calicut. Soon after this was done, the Moors broke open the hatches, and quenched the fire; on which the admiral ordered Stephen de Gama to lay them, aboard. The Moors rendered desperate by this inhuman treatment, defended themselves to the utmost, and even threw firebrands into our ship to set it on fire. Night coming on, Stephen had to desist, but was ordered to watch the Moorish ship carefully that it might not escape during the dark, and the Moors all night long were heard calling on Mahomet to deliver them out of the hands of the Christians. When day appeared, the admiral again ordered Stephen de la Gama to set the ship on fire, which he did accordingly, after forcing the Moors to retreat into the poop. Some of the Moors leapt into the sea with hatchets in their hands, and endeavoured to swim to our boats; but all of these were slain in the water by our people, and those that remained in the ship were all drowned, as the vessel sunk. Of 300 Moors, of whom thirty were women, not one escaped alive; and some of our men were hurt.
   De Gama came soon afterwards to Cananor, where he sent on shore the ambassadors, and gave them a message for the king, informing him of his arrival, and craving an audience. Upon this the rajah ordered a platform of timber to be constructed, which projected a considerable way into the water, covered over with carpets and other rich cloths, and having a wooden house or pavilion at the end next the land, which was likewise covered like the bridge, and was meant for the place of meeting between the rajah and the admiral. The rajah came first to the pavilion, attended by 10,000 nayres, and with many trumpets and other instruments playing before him; and a number of the principal nayres were arranged on the bridge or platform, to receive the admiral in an honourable manner. The admiral came in his boat, attended by all: the boats of the fleet decked out with flags and streamers, carrying certain ordnance in their prows, and having many drums and trumpets making a very martial appearance. The admiral disembarked at the outer end of the platform, under: a general salute from the ordnance of the boats, and was accompanied by all his captains and a number of men well armed. There were carried before him two great basins of silver gilt, filled with branches of coral and other fine things that are esteemed valuable in India. The admiral was received at the head of the platform by the nayres placed there on purpose, and was conducted to the rajah, who waited; for him at the door of the pavilion, and welcomed him with an embrace. They then walked together into the pavilion, in which two chairs were placed out of compliment to the admiral, on one of which the rajah sat down, though contrary to his usual custom, and desired the admiral to be seated on the other. At this interview a treaty of friendship and commerce was settled, and a factory allowed to be established at Cananor. In consequence of this, the admiral gave orders for some of the ships to load here, while others were to do the same at Cochin503.
   Having settled all things to his mind at Cananor and Cochin, the admiral proceeded with his fleet to the harbour of Calicut, where he took several paraws in which were about fifty Malabars who could not escape; but he forbore making any farther hostilities against the city, till he might see whether or not the zamorin would send him any message. Soon afterwards there came a boat with a flag to the admirals ship, a which was a person in the habit of a Franciscan friar, who was taken at first sight for one of those who had accompanied Ayres Correa, and who they supposed had remained a prisoner. On entering the ship, he saluted them, saying Deo gratias; but was immediately recognized as a Moor. He excused himself for coming in that disguise, to secure permission of getting on board, and said that he brought a message from the zamorin to the admiral, about settling a trade in Calicut. To this the admiral made answer, that he would by no means treat on this subject, unless the zamorin would previously satisfy him for all the goods which had been seized in the factory, when he consented to the death of Correa and the rest who were there slain. On this subject three days were spent ineffectually in messages between the zamorin and the admiral, as the Moors used every influence to prevent any friendly agreement. At length, perceiving that all these messages were only meant to gain time, the admiral sent notice to the zamorin that he would wait no longer than noon for his final answer, and if that were not perfectly satisfactory and in compliance with his just demands, he might be assured he would wage cruel war against him with fire and sword, and would begin with those of his subjects who were now prisoners in his hands. And, that the zamorin might not think these were only words of course, he called for an hour-glass, which he set down in presence of the Moorish messenger, saying that as soon as the sand had run out a certain number of times, he would infallibly put in execution all that he had threatened. All this, however, could not induce the zamorin to perform his promise; for he was of an inconstant and wavering disposition, and influenced by the counsels of the Moors. The outward shew he had made of peace was only feigned, or occasioned by the fear he had of seeing so great a fleet in his port, from which he dreaded to sustain great injury; but the Moors had now persuaded him into a contrary opinion, and had prevailed on him to break his word.
   When the time appointed by the admiral was expired, he ordered a gun to be fired, as a signal to the captains of his ships to hang up the poor Malabar prisoners, who had been distributed through the fleet. After they were dead, he ordered their hands and feet to be cut off and sent on shore in a paraw, accompanied by two boats well armed, and placed a letter in the paraw for the zamorin, written in Arabic, in which he signified that he proposed to reward him in this manner for his deceitful conduct and repeated breach of faith; and, in regard to the goods belonging to the king of Portugal which he detained, he would recover them an hundred fold504. After this, the admiral ordered three of his ships to be warped during the night as near as possible to the shore; and that these should fire next day incessantly on the city with all their cannon, by which vast injury was done, and the royal palace was entirely demolished, besides several other houses belonging to the principal inhabitants of the place. The admiral afterwards departed for Cochin, leaving Vincente Sodre with six well armed ships to command the coast, who was to remain in India when the rest of the fleet returned to Portugal, and was likewise directed to go upon a voyage of discovery to the straits of Mecca, and the coast of Cambaya505.
   From Calicut the admiral sailed for Cochin; and immediately on his anchoring in that port, the rajah506 sent on board certain hostages to remain as his sureties; and when the admiral landed, the rajah went in person to meet him. At this interview, the rajah delivered up to the admiral Stephen Gyl and others who had remained in his country, and the admiral presented a letter from the king of Portugal to the rajah, returning thanks for the kindness he had shewn to Cabral, and declaring his satisfaction at the settlement of a factory for trade at Cochin. The admiral also delivered a present from the king of Portugal to the rajah, consisting of a rich golden crown set with jewels, a gold enamelled collar, two richly wrought silver fountains, two pieces of figured arras, a splendid tent or pavilion, a piece of crimson satin, and another of sendal507; all of which the rajah accepted with much satisfaction. Yet, not knowing the use of some of these things, the admiral endeavoured to explain them; and particularly, ordered the pavilion to be set up to shew its use, under which a new treaty of amity was settled. The rajah appointed a house for the use of the Portuguese factory, and a schedule of prices were agreed upon, at which the various spices, drugs, and other productions of the country were to be delivered to the Portuguese factors, all of which were set down in writing in form of a contract. The rajah likewise delivered present for the king of Portugal, consisting of two gold bracelets set with precious stones, a sash or turban used by the Moors of cloth of silver two yards and a half long, two great pieces of fine Bengal cotton cloth, and a stone as large as a walnut taken from the head of an animal called bulgoldolf, which is exceedingly rare, and is said to be an antidote against all kipds of poison508. A convenient house being appointed for a factory, was immediately taken possession of by Diego Hernandez as factor, Lorenzo Moreno, and Alvaro Vas as clerks, and several other assistants.
   While the ships were taking in their cargoes at Cochin, a message was brought to the admiral from the zamorin, engaging, if he would return to Calicut, to make a complete restitution of every thing that had been taken from the Portuguese, and that a treaty of friendship and commerce would be immediately arranged between them. After considering this message, the admiral ordered the messenger to prison, meaning to take revenge on him in case the zamorin should prove deceitful in this instance as he had already been in many others509. After this precaution, he went to Calicut, more for the purpose of endeavouring to recover the merchandize, than from any expectation of procuring the friendship of the zamorin. For this reason he took only his own ship510, leaving Stephen de Gama in the command at Cochin in his absence. The captains of the fleet were much averse to this rashness; yet could not persuade him to take a larger force, as he said he would be sufficiently protected by the squadron of Vincente Sodre, which was cruizing on the coast, whom he could join on any emergency. On his arrival at Calicut, the zamorin immediately sent notice that he would satisfy him next day for all the goods which had been taken from Cabral, and would afterwards renew the trade and settle the factory on a proper footing. But as soon as he understood that the admiral had come with so small a force, he commanded thirty-four paraws to be got in readiness with all expedition, for the purpose of taking his ship. And so unexpectedly did these assail him, that the admiral was forced to cut one of his cables and make out to seaward, which he was fortunately enabled to do, as the wind came off from the land. Yet the paraws pursued him so closely, that he must infallibly have been taken, if it had not been for the squadron of Sodre making its appearance, on sight of which the paraws gave over the chase and retired to Calicut.
   On his return to Cochin, die admiral immediately ordered the messenger of the zamorin to be hanged511. The failure of this treacherous attempt against De Gama gave much concern to the zamorin; who now resolved to try if he could induce the rajah of Cochin to refuse a loading to the Portuguese, and to send away their factory from his port. With this view he transmitted a letter to that prince, in the following terms:
   "I am informed that you favour the Christians, whom you have admitted into your city and supplied with goods and provisions. It is possible you may not see the danger of this procedure, and may not know how displeasing it is to me. I request of you to remember the friendship which has hitherto subsisted between us, and that you now incur my displeasure for so small a matter in supporting these Christian robbers, who are in use to plunder the countries belonging to other nations. My desire is, therefore, that for the future you may neither receive them into your city, nor give them spices; by which you will both do me a great pleasure, and will bind me to requite your friendship in whatever way you may desire. I do not more earnestly urge these things at the present, being convinced you will comply without further entreaty, as I would do for you in any matter of importance."
   The rajah of Cochin answered in the following terms: That he knew not how to expel the Christians from his city, whom he had received as friends, and to whom he had passed his word for trade and amity. He denied that his friendly reception of the Christians could be construed as any offence to the zamorin, as it was the custom in the ports of Malabar to favour all merchants who resorted thither for trade; and declared his resolution to maintain his engagements inviolate to the Portuguese, who had brought great sums of gold and silver, and large quantities of merchandize into his dominions in the course of their trade. The zamorin was much offended by this answer of the rajah of Cochin; to whom he wrote a second time, advising him earnestly to abandon the Portuguese if he had any respect for his own welfare. The rajah of Cochin was not to be moved, either by the persuasions or threatening of the zamorin, and sent a reply to his second letter, in which he declared he should never be induced to commit a base or treacherous action by fear of the consequences, and was resolved to persist in maintaining his treaty of trade and amity with the Portuguese. Finding that he could not prevail on the rajah of Cochin to concur with him, he commanded twenty-nine large ships to be fitted out in order to assail the Portuguese fleet when on its return homewards, expecting that he should be able to destroy them with more ease when fully laden.
   The rajah of Cochin gave no intimation to the admiral of the letters and messages which had been interchanged between him and the zamorin, until he went to take leave; at which time, he declared he would hazard the loss of his dominions to serve the king of Portugal. The admiral, after many expressions of gratitude for his friendly disposition and honourable regard for his engagements, assured him that the king his master would never forget the numerous demonstrations he had given of friendship, and would give him such assistance as should not only enable him to defend his own dominions, but to reduce other countries under his authority. He desired him not to be in fear of the zamorin, against whom there should henceforwards be carried on so fierce war, that he would have enough of employment in defending himself, instead of being able to attack others. In this the general alluded to the aid which the rajah might expect from the ships that were to remain in India under the command of Vincent Sodre. All this conversation took place in presence of many of the principal nayres, of which circumstance the rajah was much pleased, as he knew these people were in friendship with the Moors, and had opposed the grant of a factory to us at Cochin512.
   Having completed the loading of ten ships, the admiral sailed from Cochin on his homeward-bound voyage; and when about three leagues from Pandarane, he descried the Moorish fleet of twenty-nine large ships coming towards him. After consulting with the captains of his fleet, and the wind being favourable for the purpose, he immediately bore down to engage them. The ships commanded by Vincente Sodre, Pedro Raphael, and Diego Perez, being prime sailers, closed up first with the enemy, and immediately attacked two of the largest ships of the Moors. Sodre fought with one of these alone, and Raphael and Perez assailed the other. Almost on the first onset, great numbers of the enemies were so dismayed that they leapt into the sea to escape by swimming. On the coming up of De Gama with the rest of the fleet, all the enemies ships made off as fast as they could towards the shore, except those two which were beset at the first, and were unable to escape, which were accordingly taken possession of. De Gama, considering that all his ships were richly laden, would not pursue the flying enemy, being afraid he might lose some of his ships on the shoals; but our men went in their boats and slew about 300 of the Moors who had endeavoured to save themselves by swimming from the two captured ships. These vessels were accordingly discharged of their cargoes; which consisted of great quantities of rich merchandize, among which were six great jars of fine earthen ware, called porcelain, which is very rare and costly and much admired in Portugal; four large vessels of silver, and many silver perfuming pans; also many spitting basons of silver gilt: But what exceeded all the rest, was a golden idol of thirty pounds weight, with a monstrous face. The eyes of this image were two very fine emeralds. The vestments were of beaten gold, richly wrought and set with precious stones; and on the breast was a large carbuncle or ruby, as large as the coin called a crusado, which shone like fire.
   The goods being taken out, the two ships were set on fire, and the admiral made sail for Cananor, where the rajah gave him a house for a factory, in which Gonzalo Gill Barbosa was settled as factor, having Sebastian Alvarez and Diego Godino as clerks, Duarte Barbosa as interpreter, and sundry others as assistants, in all to the number of twenty. The rajah undertook to protect these men and all that might be left in the factory, and bound himself to supply lading in spices to all the ships of the king of Portugal at certain fixed prices513. In return for these favourable conditions, the admiral engaged on behalf of the king of Portugal to defend the rajah in all wars that might arise from this agreement; conditioning for peace and friendship between the rajahs of Cochin and Cananor, and that the latter should give no aid to any one who might make war upon the former, under the pain of forfeiting the friendship of the Portuguese. After this, the admiral gave orders to Vincente Sodre to protect the coast with his squadron till the month of February; and if any war should break out or seem probable between the zamorin and Trimumpara, he was to winter in Cochin for the protection of that city; otherwise he was to sail for the straits of the Red Sea, to make prize of all the ships belonging to Mecca that traded to the Indies.
   All these matters being properly arranged, De Gama departed from Cananor for Portugal on the 20th December 1502514; with thirteen ships richly laden, three of which had taken in their cargoes at Cananor, and the other ten at Cochin. The whole fleet arrived in safety at Mozambique, where the ship commanded by Stephen de Gama having sprung a great leak, was unladen and laid on shore to be repaired. Seven days after their departure from Mozambique, the ship commanded by Lewis Cotinho sprung a great leak, and they were forced to endeavour to return to Mozambique to repair her; but, the wind being contrary, they had to do this in a creek on the coast. Continuing their voyage, they were assailed by a sudden tempest off Cape Corientes, in which the ship commanded by Stephen de Gama had her sails all split by the storm, owing to which she was separated from the fleet, and no more seen till six days after the arrival of the admiral at Lisbon, when she came in with her mast broken. The storm having abated, during which the fleet took shelter under the lee of Cape Corientes, the admiral prosecuted his voyage to Lisbon, and arrived safe at Cascais on the 1st September 1503. All the noblemen of the court went to Cascais to receive him honourably, and to accompany him to the presence of the king. On his way to court, he was preceded by a page carrying a silver bason, in which was the tribute from the king of Quiloa. The king received him with great honour, as he justly merited for his services in discovering the Indies, and in settling factories at Cochin and Cananor, to the great profit of the kingdom; besides the great fame and honour which redounded to the king, as the first sovereign who had sent to discover the Indies, of which he might make a conquest if he were so inclined. In reward for these brilliant services, the king made him admiral of the Indies, and likewise gave him the title of Lord of Videgueyra, which was his own.
   * * * * *
   Note. -As De Gama did not return again to India till the year 1524, which is beyond the period contained in that part of Castaneda which has been translated by Lichefild, we shall have no occasion to notice him again in this part of our work. For this reason, it has been thought proper to give the following short supplementary account of his farther services in India.
   "In 1524, Don Vasco De Gama, now Count of Videgueyra, was appointed viceroy of India by John III. king of Portugal, and sailed from Lisbon with fourteen ships, carrying 3000 fighting men. Three were lost during the voyage, with all the men belonging to two of them. While in the Gulf of Cambaya, in a dead calm, the ships were tossed about in so violent a manner that all onboard believed themselves in imminent danger of perishing, and began to consider how they might escape. One man leapt over-board, thinking to escape by swimming, but was drowned; and such as lay sick of fevers were cured by the fright. The viceroy, who perceived that the commotion was occasioned by the effects of an earthquake, called aloud to his people, courage my friends, for the sea trembles from fear of you who are on it. To make some amends for the misfortunes of the voyage, Don George de Meneses, one of the captains, took a large ship belonging to Mecca, worth 60,000 crowns, a large sum in those days. After his arrival at Goa, the viceroy visited some forts, and issued the necessary orders for regulating the affairs of his government; but he had not time to put any of his great designs into execution, as he died on Christmas eve, having only held the government of Portuguese India for three months. De Gama is said to have been of middle stature, with a ruddy complexion, but somewhat gross. His character was bold, patient under fatigue, well fitted for great undertakings, speedy in executing justice, and terrible in anger. In fine, he was admirably fitted for all that was entrusted to his conduct, as a discoverer, a naval and military commander, and as viceroy. He is painted with a black cap, cloak, and breeches, edged with velvet, all slashed, through which appears the crimson lining. His doublet is of crimson satin, over which his armour is seen inlaid with gold. He was the sixth successive governor of India, and the second who had the rank of viceroy."-Astl I. 54. b.

SECTION VI. Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from the departure of De Gama in December 1502, to the arrival of Alonzo de Albuquerque in 1503
   As soon as the zamorin was assured of the departure of De Gama for Europe, he determined on putting his threats in execution against the rajah of Cochin, for which purpose he gathered an army at the village of Panani, not far from Cochin515. This was soon known to the inhabitants of Cochin, who were exceedingly afraid of the great power of the zamorin, and were much dissatisfied with their sovereign for incurring the displeasure of that prince out of respect to the Christians, whom they inveighed against with much bitterness on all occasions, and openly insulted wherever they were seen. Some that were in high credit with the rajah said openly, that as the zamorin was much more powerful than their state, our men ought to be delivered up to him, as the war was entirely on our account, for whom the kingdom ought not to be put in hazard. But the rajah, much offended at these people, declared that he was resolved to defend the Portuguese against the zamorin, trusting that God would favour him in so just a cause. Yet many of his subjects were much inclined to have seized the Portuguese belonging to the factory, but durst not, as the rajah gave them a place of considerable strength to dwell in, and appointed a guard for their security.
   At this time Vincente Sodre arrived with his squadron in the bay of Cochin, after having done much damage on the coast of Calicut, both by land and sea. The Portuguese head factor sent Laurenzo Moreno to inform Sodre of the preparations which were making by the zamorin for the attack of Cochin, and requiring him in the name of the king of Portugal to land with his men for its defence. But Sodre answered, that his orders were to defend the sea and not the land; for which reason, if the zamorin had prepared to attack Cochin by sea, he would certainly have defended it; but as the war was to be carried on by land, he could not interfere, and the rajah must defend himself. The factor sent a second message, entreating him, in the name of God and on his allegiance to the king of Portugal, not to abandon the factory in this state of danger, as the power of the rajah was inadequate to defend Cochin against the zamorin; and as the sole object of the war was for the destruction of the factory and the ruin of the Portuguese trade, it certainly was his duty, as captain-general for the king of Portugal in these seas, both to defend the factory and to give every assistance in his power to the rajah. But Sodre was immoveable, pretending that he had been ordered to discover the Red Sea, where he expected to make many rich prizes, and set sail from Cochin for Cape Guardafui, preferring the hope of riches to his duty in defending the factory of Cochin.
   The zamorin collected his army, as already mentioned, at the village of Panani, where, besides his own subjects and allies, several of the principal subjects of the rajah of Cochin joined his standard, deserting their own sovereign, and carrying along with them all the power they were able to muster: Among these were the caimalls or governors of Chirapipil and Cambalane, and of the large island which is opposite to the city of Cochin. At this place, the zamorin made a long speech to his assembled chiefs, in which he endeavoured to justify his enmity to the Portuguese, whom he represented as thieves, robbers, and pirates, and as having first commenced hostilities against him without cause. He contrasted the quiet and friendly conduct of the Moors, who had traded for 600 years with Malabar, having never done injury to any in all that time, and had greatly enriched the country, and had raised his city of Calicut to be the greatest emporium in all the Indies: Whereas the Portuguese had taken and destroyed his ships, made his ambassadors prisoners, insisted on having their ships laden before those belonging to the Moors, had taken a ship of the Moors, burnt ten of his ships in his own harbour, had destroyed his city and forced him to escape for safety from his palace; taking law and vengeance for pretended grievances into their own hands, instead of applying regularly to him for redress. And, since the rajah of Cochin was fully informed of all these things, yet persisted in favouring the Portuguese in despite of all remonstrances, he had resolved to make war upon him, to deprive him of his dominions, and to drive these Christian intruders out of India.
   This address gave much satisfaction to all the assembled chiefs, and most especially to the lord of Repelim, who entertained a rooted enmity against the rajah of Cochin, who had dispossessed him of an island called Arrnuul. The only person who opposed the zamorin on this occasion was Nambeadarin516, who was brother and next heir to the zamorin. He strongly urged the impolicy of driving the Christians from Malabar, to which merchants resorted from all places of the world, seeing that the Portuguese had made richer presents to the zamorin, than he had ever received before, and had brought much gold and silver into the country for the purchase of commodities, which was not usually done by such as came to make war. He represented the attempt of the hostages to escape who had been given for the safety of the Portuguese chief, and whom the zamorin was pleased to call ambassadors, as the first cause of jealousy and distrust; yet they were afterwards reconciled, and took the large Moorish ship at the desire of the zamorin, to whom they presented the great elephant. He said their conduct in trade and otherwise while in Calicut was quite satisfactory to all except the Moors, who were envious against them for interfering in their trade, and accused them falsely of taking pepper against the will of the owners, which in fact they had done themselves to prevent the Christians from loading their ships; nay that this was so evident that even the zamorin had licensed the Portuguese to take the pepper from the Moorish vessels. After which the Moors had risen against them, slaying their men and seizing all their goods. Yet, after all these outrages, they had given the zamorin a whole day in which to offer reparation, and had not sought revenge of their injuries treacherously like the Moors. That he saw no cause of going to war against the rajah of Cochin for receiving the Portuguese into his city like any other merchants who might frequent his harbour, as had likewise been done by the rajahs of Cananor and Koulan, who would not have done so if they had been robbers and pirates. And if the zamorin meant to drive the Portuguese from the Indies, besides making war on Cochin, it would be necessary for him to do the same against Canauor and all the other princes on the coast.
   The zamorin was a good deal staggered by the discourse of Nambendarin, who had much credit and authority with him; insomuch, that it is thought he would have desisted from prosecuting the war, if it had not been for the Moors and the caymals, who represented that it would be a great disgrace to his character to recede after the assemblage of so great an army, and that it was to be expected the rajah of Cochin might now agree from fear to do what the zamorin had desired him. The zamorin then desired his sorcerers to point out a fortunate day for marching forward with his army, which they did accordingly, and promised him an assured victory. With this assurance, on which he placed great reliance, the zamorin departed from Panani, and took possession of Repelim, which is four leagues from Cochin.
   The rajah of Cochin had regular intelligence of all that passed in the camp of the zamorin by means of spies, and was in great trouble respecting the event, not having sufficient force for his defence, as many on whom he most relied had gone over to the enemy. Even those who remained served against their inclination, more especially the inhabitants of Cochin, who abhorred our people, and said openly that it were proper the rajah should either deliver them up to the zamorin or send them away from Cochin, to avoid the impending war. Many of the inhabitants of Cochin deserted the place for fear of the consequences. The members of the Portuguese factory were much alarmed by all these circumstances, and requested permission from the rajah to withdraw to Cananor, where they might remain in safety till the arrival of the next fleet from Portugal; hoping by this means to remove the cause of war, and to satisfy the subjects of the rajah. Trimumpara was displeased at this request, as not reposing sufficient confidence in his word, and declared he would rather forfeit his kingdom, and even his life, than deliver them up to the zamorin or any other who sought to injure them; and that, although he might lose Cochin in the war, there still were places of sufficient strength in which to keep them safe till reinforcements should arrive from Portugal. That although the zamorin had a great army, yet victory did not always follow numbers, as a few valiant men were often victorious over great odds, especially having justice on their side. He therefore desired the factory to remain, and to pray God to give him the victory. The Portuguese now offered to give him such aid as their small number would allow; but he declined allowing them to expose themselves to any danger on the present occasion, as his credit depended upon the preservation of their lives, that they might witness, for his faithful adherence to the treaty of amity which he had formed with their nation. Upon this he placed them under the safeguard of certain naires in whom he had confidence. After this, the rajah called all his nobles into his presence, together with the chief naires, who were the cause of all the murmurs against the Portuguese, and addressed the assemblage to the following effect:
   "I am much concerned to find that truth and loyalty should be wanting among men of your quality. I do not wonder at the present misconduct of the lower orders, who are often constrained by their poverty and wretchedness to commit all manner of wickedness. But that naires, who have always been noted for fidelity, should desire me to forfeit the promise which I have made, to the captain-general in behalf of the Portuguese, to defend them to the utmost of my power against all violence as my own subjects, astonishes and distresses me beyond measure. Under these assurances of protection, which were given with your consent, these men were left in my city; and yet, because you see the zamorin coming against me with more men than I have, you would have me to break my promise. Were I so unjust, you of all men ought to abhor me. If you dwelt with any sovereign on the assurance of his word, how would you conceive of him, if he were to treat you as you would now have me to act by these Christians? Is it because you are afraid of the great power of the zamorin? Be assured it were better for us all to die in the discharge of our duty, and the preservation of our promise, than to live dishonoured. To me no evil can be greater than to break my word, nor can there be a greater dishonour to yourselves than to be the subjects of a false and treacherous king. These Christians have brought much profit to me and my country, and the zamorin might have kept them in his own city, if he had permitted their factory to settle there in peace. Were it his intention to drive the Christians out of India, and to make war on all who receive them into their dominions, he ought to have begun this war with the rajah of Cananor: But his cause of war is the envy he has conceived at seeing me benefited by the trade which he has lost through his own misconduct, and because he believes in his pride that I am unable to withstand. But I trust in God and the justness of my cause, that with your assistance, I shall obtain the victory, and shall be able to protect the Christians, and preserve my honour inviolate." This speech had great effect upon the assembled naires, who were astonished at the constancy and resolution of the rajah. They all therefore craved pardon for the fears they had entertained, and promised to live and die in his service. The rajah immediately called the factor and the rest of the Portuguese into his presence, to whom he gave an account of all that had taken place between him and the naires; and named before them the prince Naramuhin517, his brother and next heir, as general of the army which was destined to act against the forces of the zamorin, commanding every one to obey him in every respect as if he were himself present. Naramuhin accordingly marched with 5500 naires, and entrenched himself at the ford which forms the only entry by land into the island of Cochin, and which is only knee-deep at low water.
   When the zamorin received notice of the army of Cochin having taken post at this ford, he was somewhat afraid, more especially as he knew Naramuhin was considered to be the bravest and most fortunate warrior in Malabar. He therefore made a fresh attempt to induce the rajah of Cochin to accede to his demands, of delivering up the Portuguese and their goods, otherwise threatening to conquer his dominions, and to put all the inhabitants to the sword. Although the rajah of Cochin was quite sensible of the inferiority of his military force, and was convinced what the zamorin threatened might readily happen, he yet determined to remain firm to his engagements, and sent the following answer:
   "If you had required with civility what you have proudly commanded me, I should not have esteemed your valour lessened by your courtesy: For with men of wisdom and power there is no need for insolent vaunts. I have not as yet so sinned against God, that I should humble myself to vain boasting, or think that he should grant you the victory over me and those brave men who fight on my side. In spite of all your pride, I trust even with the small number I have to defend me in my just quarrel, that I shall be enabled to overcome you and all my enemies. However much you may have practised deceit and injustice, it has ever been my rule to avoid shame and dishonour, and I will never consent to deliver up the Christians or their goods, which I have engaged to defend."
   The zamorin was much offended by this answer from the rajah of Cochin, and vowed to destroy his whole country in revenge. Leaving, therefore, the isle of Repelim on the last day of March, he entered on the territories of Cochin, yet refrained from doing any injury, as he now occupied those parts which belonged to the chieftains who had joined him against their own sovereign. On the 2d of March, the army of the zamorin made an attempt to force a passage by the ford which was defended by prince Naramuhin; yet, in spite of all his prodigious superiority of numbers, he was forced to retire with considerable loss. Disappointed in this first essay, the zamorin encamped close by the ford, and sent the lord of Repelim next day with a still stronger force than had been employed in the first assault, to attempt forcing the passage. He even joined several armed paraws in this attack; but Naramuhin made a resolute defence, in which he was bravely seconded by Laurenzo Moreno and several other Portuguese, and effectually resisted every effort of the zamorins troops, who were obliged to retreat with much loss. Several such assaults were made on the ford, in all of which the zamorin lost many men, and was constantly repulsed, insomuch that he became fearful of a sinister end to his unjust enterprise, and even repented of having begun the war. He sent, however, a fresh message to the rajah, requiring him to deliver up the Christians as a preliminary of peace. But the rajah replied, that as he had refused to do so unjust an action when he had some reason to dread the superior power of the zamorin, it was absurd to expect any such thing now, when the advantage in the war was evidently of his side. He then advised the zamorin to beware of continuing the war, as he would not now satisfy himself with defence, but even hoped to give him a signal overthrow. And this certainly had been the case, if the subjects of the rajah had not shamefully deserted him in this war and given assistance to the enemy. The zamorin almost despaired of success, and would have given over the enterprize, if he had not been advised by some of his chiefs to assail several other towns belonging to the dominions of Cochin, so as to distract the attention of Naramuhin, and to weaken his force by obliging him to send detachments for their defence. But that brave prince provided against every emergency, and made so judicious a disposition of his forces, that he repulsed every effort of the enemy, and slew many of their men.
   Foiled in every attempt with severe loss, by the bravery and excellent dispositions of Prince Naramuhin, the zamorin corrupted the paymaster of the troops of Cochin, who changed the usual order of payment which had been daily made in the camp, and obliged the soldiers to come up to Cochin for that purpose. Naramuhin was obliged to submit to this arrangement, by giving leave to the naires to go for their wages, yet charged them punctually to return to the camp before day. But the treacherous paymaster kept them waiting till after day-light, by which means the prince was left with very few troops to defend the ford. Taking advantage of this concerted stratagem, the zamorin made an assault upon the ford with his whole force by sea and land, and constrained Naramuhin to retire with his small band into a grove of palm trees, where he was surrounded by the whole army of Calicut, yet fought the whole day against such terrible odds with the utmost resolution, several times throwing his enemies into disorder, of whom many were slain. But at length, overpowered by numbers, he and two of his cousins who fought along with him were slain, together with most of his faithful followers.
   When this melancholy event was announced to the rajah of Cochin, he fainted from extreme grief, and was for some time thought to have actually expired. At this time, the naires were much exasperated against our men, to whom they attributed the overthrow and death of prince Naramuhin, and the desperate situation of their country, and seemed much inclined to have put the Portuguese to death, or to have delivered them up to the zamorin. On the recovery of the rajah, and learning the designs of his people against our men, he called the Portuguese into his presence; he gave them assurance that even this reverse of his affairs should not alter his resolution of protecting them, both against the zamorin and his own subjects. He then addressed his assembled naires, urging them not to stain his honour and their own by injuring the Portuguese, whom he and they had sworn to protect. He exhorted them to persevere honourably and bravely in defending their country and preserving their honour inviolate to the Christians, and comforted them with the assurance that the Portuguese fleet would soon arrive with sufficient reinforcements to drive out the zamorin and to restore him to his dominions. In the meantime, he proposed that they should retire with what force remained, into the isle of Vaipi, which was of difficult access; and where they could defend themselves till the arrival of the Portuguese fleet, more especially as the winter was at hand, which would stop the progress of the war for some time. The naires were astonished at the resolution of their sovereign, and promised faithfully to obey his commands in all things.
   The zamorin made a new attempt to shake the resolution of the rajah in his present adversity, by offering peace on condition of delivering up the Portuguese and their goods; which the rajah rejected with disdain as he had done all his former overtures. On this the zamorin gave orders to destroy the whole country with fire and sword, on which intelligence most of the inhabitants of Cochin withdrew to other places. There were at this time in Cochin two Milanese lapidaries belonging to the factory, named John Maria and Pedro Antonio, who had been brought to India by Vasco de Gama. These men deserted to the zamorin, to whom they conveyed intelligence of the consternation which reigned among the inhabitants of Cochin, and of the small number of men that remained with the rajah. These men also made offer to the zamorin to make ordnance for him resembling those of the Portuguese, which they afterwards did as will appear in the sequel of this history, and for which service they were highly rewarded. The zamorin now moved forwards with his army to take possession of Cochin, and was resisted for some time by the rajah, who was himself slightly wounded. But finding it impossible any farther to resist against such prodigious odds, he withdrew to the strong island of Vaipi, carrying all our men along with him and every thing belonging to our factory. The zamorin, on taking possession of the deserted city of Cochin, ordered it to be set on fire. He then sent a part of his army against the isle of Vaipi, which was valiantly defended by the rajah and his men and in which defence the members of our factory contributed to the best of their ability. But the winter coming on, and bad weather setting in, the zamorin was obliged to desist for the present season, and withdrew his army to Cranganor with a determination to renew the war in the ensuing spring, leaving a strong detachment in the island of Cochin, which he ordered to throw up entrenchments for their defence.
   After his shameful desertion of Cochin, Vincente Sodre went with his fleet towards the kingdom of Cambaya; meaning to capture the rich ships of the Moors which trade to India from the Red Sea. He there took five ships, in which in ready money only was found to the value of 200,000 perdaos. Most of the Moors were slain in the battle, and the ships burnt. From Cambaya he sailed for Cape Guardafu; and as his ships were foul, he proposed to lay them aground to be careened at the islands of Curia Muria518. Sodre arrived there with his squadron on the 20th April 1503; and though these islands were well inhabited by Moors, he resolved to venture on land, considering that these islanders were by no means warlike, and stood in fear of our men. The islanders accordingly behaved in a peaceable manner, and sold our people such provisions as they had to spare. Sodre laid one of his caravels aground for repair, on which he was informed by the Moors that their coast was subject to violent storms in the month of May, during which no ships were able to keep the sea, but were unavoidably driven on shore and wrecked. Wherefore they advised him strenuously to remove to the other side of the island, which would then be a sure defence against the storm, after which had blown over he might return to their part of the coast. Sodre made light of their advice, conceiving they meant him some harm; and told them that the ships of the Moors having only wooden anchors, might be easily driven ashore, whereas his anchors were of iron and would hold fast. Pedro Raphael, Hernan Rodriguez Badarsas, and Diego Perez were convinced of the council of the Moors being good, and therefore quitted these islands on the last day of April; but Sodre would not listen to their advice and remained with his brother at Curia Muria. According to the prediction of the Moors, a violent storm came on early in May, by which the two remaining ships were driven from their anchors and dashed to pieces. Vincente Sodre and his brother, with many others lost their lives, and nothing whatever was saved out of these two ships. The loss of these two brothers was considered as a punishment of Providence, for basely abandoning the rajah of Cochin and the factory in their imminent danger.
   Those who were saved returned towards Cochin to succour our people, and chose Pedro de Tayde519 as their general. In their passage from Curia Muria towards Cochin, they encountered several severe storms, and were often in great danger of perishing. Being unable to reach Cochin on account of the winds, they were forced to take refuge in the island of Anchediva. A few days after their arrival, a ship came there from Portugal, commanded by Antonio del Campo, who had left Lisbon alone some time after Vasco de Gama, and had been much delayed on his voyage in consequence of the death of his pilot. He had encountered severe weather on the coast, and was forced after much trouble and danger to take refuge in Anchediva. The united squadron wintered in this island, where they suffered severe hardships from scarcity of provisions.

SECTION VII. Voyage of Alonso and Francisco de Albuquerque to India in 1503; being the fifth of the Portuguese Expeditions to the East Indies
   Is the year 1503, supposing that the admiral Don Vasco de Gama had quietly settled factories in Cochin and Cananor, the king of Portugal did not consider it necessary to send any great fleet to India. He therefore determined to send only six ships in two separate squadrons, under separate generals. Alonso de Albuquerque, who was afterwards governor– general or viceroy of India, commanded one of these squadrons, having under him as captains, Duarte Pacheco and Hernan Martinez Mascarennas, who is said to have died during the voyage. The other squadron, likewise of three ships, was under the command of Francisco de Albuquerque, cousin to Alonso, having as captains Nicholas Coello and Pedro Vas de la Vega, the former of whom sailed under De Gama in the first discovery of India. This latter squadron sailed from Lisbon fifteen days after the other, yet arrived first in India. Both squadrons encountered severe storms during the voyage, in which the ship commanded by De la Vega was lost. Francisco de Albuquerque, and Nicholas Coello, arrived at Anchediva in the month of August, where they found De Tayde and the other captains who had wintered there, as related in the former section. They here received notice of the war between the zamorin and the rajah of Cochin, and of the sinister events which had occurred at that place; for which reason Francisco stood over with the whole fleet, now consisting of six sail, to Cananor, where he expected to receive more exact intelligence of the state of affairs in Cochin. They were here received with great joy by the Portuguese factory; and even the rajah of Cananor came on board the generals ship in person, and gave him a distinct recital of what had happened at Cochin, and of the present situation of Triumpara.
   Alonso de Albuquerque lost no time in going to Cochin, where he arrived on the night of Saturday the 2d of September 1503. Immediately on his approach, the troops of Calicut who guarded the entrenchments thrown up by the zamorin, abandoned their posts in the island of Cochin and fled to Cranganor, according to orders to that effect from the zamorin, who had received notice of the arrival of our fleet at Cananor. On Sunday morning Francisco came to anchor close to Cochin, when he was joyfully received by the inhabitants, playing on various instruments of music, and was soon afterwards visited by the Portuguese factor, who brought him a message from the rajah. On the Monday morning, leaving his ships in good order, Francisco took several boats well armed, and went to the island of Vaipi to visit the rajah, ordering two caravels to follow for security, in case of any of the Calicut paraws making their appearance. The rajah received our general with infinite satisfaction, greeting them with the exclamation, Portugal! Portugal! as soon as our boats were within hail; which was answered by our people shouting out, Cochin! Cochin! and down with the zamorin! On landing, the rajah embraced Francisco de Albuquerque with tears in his eyes, saying he only desired to live till restored to his dominions, that his subjects might be satisfied of his just conduct in suffering so much for the service of the king of Portugal. In the name of that sovereign, Francisco gave hearty thanks to Triumpara for his fidelity, and promised him ample revenge on his enemies. And as his finances were much reduced, he made him a present of 10,000 crowns from the chest belonging to the expedition, to serve his present necessities, until he might be again able to draw the rents of his own dominions. This gift was exceedingly acceptable to the rajah, whose affairs were then at a very low ebb; and gave much satisfaction to the natives, who were by it greatly reconciled to the protection which their rajah had given to our men.
   The rajah was immediately brought back in triumph to Cochin, amid the joyful acclamations of his subjects, who henceforwards treated our men with esteem and respect. The news of the rajahs return to Cochin, and of the money which had been given him by our general, was speedily communicated to the zamorin; who, in expectation of the renewal of the war, sent orders to his caymals or governors on the frontiers towards Cochin to make every preparation for defence. On the very day on which the rajah returned to Cochin, Francisco de Albuquerque resolved to commence hostilities by an attack on the island directly over against Cochin, where he found the inhabitants quite unprepared and off their guard, as they had no idea of being so soon attacked: In this unprepared state, a great number of the Calicut troops were slain, and several of the towns on the island destroyed, after which the Portuguese returned to their ships without loss. Next day Francisco made a fresh assault on the same island with six hundred men, and was opposed by the caymal or governor for the zamorin, with a force of two thousand nayres, part of whom were spearmen, but the greater number armed with bows and arrows, and some with swords and targets. After some resistance, but in which none of them were hurt, our people made good their landing, and galled the Indians so sore with their cross-bows, that they soon fled. The Portuguese pursued quite across the island, and forced their enemies to continue their flight across the water, leaving many of their men behind both killed and wounded. Having now no enemy to oppose them in the island, the Portuguese laid it entirely waste, and burnt all the towns and villages it contained.
   Adjoining to this island there lay another, named Charanaipin520, which belonged to a caymal who was subject to the rajah of Cochin, but had revolted to the zamorin at the commencement of the war. From some spies employed by the rajah of Cochin, it was understood that this caymal had a force of three thousand nayres, seven hundred of whom were archers, and forty were, armed with matchlocks521; besides which all their towns were well fortified with trenches. He had likewise several paraws provided with ordnance, with which he was supplied by the zamorin, and these were stationed in one of the harbours of the island, to defend it against the Portuguese. Notwithstanding all these preparations, of which he was well informed, Francisco Albuquerque went against this island the day after he had reduced the former, and commenced his attack against the harbour in which the paraws were stationed. The enemy were soon driven by our ordnance from their boats, yet many of them continued in the water up to their girdles to resist the landing of our troops, annoying them as much as possible with stones, spears, and arrows. They were at length driven from the water by our ordnance, but rallied again on the shore, and bravely resisted our people in landing for a long time. They were at length driven to take shelter in a grove of palm trees, in which they defended themselves for a short space, and were at the last driven to seek for safety in a disorderly flight, in which they were pursued by our men. In the pursuit, Pedro de Lares, who was constable to Francisco de Albuquerque, being separated from the rest, was attacked by three nayres all at once. One of these let fly an arrow which hit Pedro on his breast– plate but without hurting him; on which Pedro levelled his piece and shot him dead. The second nayre he likewise slew by another shot. The third nayre wounded him in the leg with a weapon called a gomya, and then endeavoured to run away, but Pedro killed him, with his sword. On the enemy being put to flight, Francisco divided his forces into three bodies, two of them Portuguese, and the third composed of nayres in the service of the rajah of Cochin, and marched all over the island plundering and burning the towns and villages without resistance.
   While thus employed, a considerable number of paraws arrived with reinforcements from Calicut, from which a powerful body of nayres landed in that part of the island where Duarte Pacheco happened to be posted with a very inferior force, and had assuredly destroyed him and his men, but that Francisco de Albuquerque came very opportunely to his aid. Finding greater resistance than he expected, and fearing lest the caymal might attack him in the rear, while engaged in front with the nayres of Calicut, Francisco detached a part of his troops under Nicholas Coello, assisted by Antonio del Campo and Pedro de Tayde, to assault the residence of the caymal, who was slain bravely fighting in its defence. At this place one of our men was slain and eighteen wounded. In the mean time, Francisco de Albuquerque and Duarte Pacheco defeated the reinforcements from Calicut, and forced them to take refuge on board their paraws, leaving many of their men slain and wounded on the shore. After this signal victory, by which the greater part of the three thousand nayres belonging to the caymal and many of those from Calicut were slain, Francisco de Albuquerque conferred the honour of knighthood on several of his officers who had signalized themselves on the occasion. He then wasted the whole island with fire and sword.
   Francisco determined in the next place, to attack the country of the lord of Repelim, for which purpose he departed with his troops by water from Cochin, and reached a town in that territory, four leagues from Cochin, about eight o'clock next morning. Near two thousand nayres, five hundred of whom were armed with bows and arrows, were stationed, on the beach of the isle of Repelim to repel this attack; but were soon forced by our ordnance to retire into a grove of palms, on which Francisco landed with his troops, the van being led by Nicholas Coello. The enemy resisted for some time under the shelter of the trees, and wounded some of our people; but were at length forced to take to flight, after losing a good many of their men, who were shot by our cross-bows and calivers522. Our troops followed the nayres, who took refuge in the towns of the island, in which much greater slaughter was made of the enemy than in the field, as they were crowded together and more exposed to our shot. On taking possession of the town, Francisco gave it up to be plundered by the nayres of Cochin, who assisted him on this expedition, that they might not consider the conduct of the Portuguese on this occasion proceeded from any inclination for plundering the country, but from a desire to revenge the injuries which had been done to their own rajah.
   On his return from this victory, Francisco was joyfully received by the rajah of Cochin, who desired him to desist from any farther operations against the enemy, as he considered himself sufficiently revenged. But Francisco requested his permission to continue the war, as he was still unsatisfied till he had taken effectual vengeance on the zamorin, and accounted it no trouble to fight in the service of the rajah. He seized, however, the present opportunity of the high favour in which he stood with the rajah, to solicit permission for constructing a fort at Cochin, for the protection of the Portuguese factory during the absence of the ships. This request was immediately complied with; the rajah even offered to be at the sole charge, and Francisco lost no time in proceeding to construct the intended fort. As there were neither stones, lime, nor sand to be procured, it was necessary to build the castle of timber; which the rajah ordered to be immediately provided for the purpose, and brought to the spot appointed, which was close to the river side, as best adapted for resisting the assault of the Calicut fleet in any future attempt against Cochin. The rajah sent likewise a great number of his subjects to carry on the work; saying that our people had already had enough to do in the operations of the war: But Francisco commanded our people to work in constructing the fortifications, the foundations of which were laid on the 26th September 1503. The inhabitants of Cochin were astonished at the diligence with which our people laboured at this work, saying there were no such men in the world, as they were equally good at all things.
   On the 30th September, four days after the commencement of the fort, Alonso de Albuquerque arrived with his ships at Cochin, having been delayed on his voyage by severe storms and contrary winds, yet brought all his men with him in excellent health. Francisco was much pleased at his arrival; and a portion of the fort being allotted to those newly arrived, it was soon finished. Though built of timber, this castle was as strong and handsome, as if it had been constructed of stone and lime. It was of a square form, each face being eighteen yards, with bulwarks or bastions at each corner mounted with ordnance. The walls were made of two rows of palm trees and other strong timber, firmly set in the ground, and bound together with iron hoops and large nails, the space between the two rows of timber being rammed full of earth and sand, and the whole surrounded by a ditch always full of water523. The day after this fort was finished, which was named Manuel in honour of the king of Portugal, the captain– general with all his people made a solemn procession, in which the vicar of the fort bore the crucifix under a canopy carried by the captains of the fleet, preceded by trumpets and other instruments of music. The fort was solemnly blessed, and consecrated by the celebration of mass; after which friar Gaston preached a sermon, in which he exhorted his hearers to be thankful to God, who had permitted the inhabitants of the small western kingdom of Portugal to construct a fortress in this distant region, among so many enemies of the Catholic faith. He expressed a hope that this might be the forerunner of many other establishments of a similar nature, to the advancement of the true religion among the heathen, and the glory of Portugal. He likewise desired his hearers to keep always in mind the high obligations they owed to the rajah for the good service he had rendered to the king of Portugal on this occasion. A faithful report was carried to the rajah of this part of the discourse, who was much gratified, and gave thanks for the same to the two generals.
   After completing the fort, the Portuguese renewed the war, and made an attack on two towns belonging to the lord of Repelim on the coast, about five leagues from Cochin, having learned from spies that they were but slightly garrisoned. On this expedition the generals took a body of seven hundred men, and departing from Cochin about two hours before day, they arrived at their destination about nine o'clock next morning. These towns had a population of six thousand people, besides children, and were only defended by three hundred nayres, all bowmen. Alonso de Albuquerque with part of the forces landed at the nearest town, and Francisco with the remainder of the forces at the other, which was only about a cannon-shot distant from the former. In the first town the enemy was completely surprised and run away, and the place was set on fire without resistance. On seeing the people run away, our men pursued and slew many of the fugitives, and when wearied of the pursuit they plundered and destroyed the country. In the mean time the alarm was spread over the neighbourhood, and about 6000 nayres assembled, who made an attack upon our men as they were embarking, so that they were in great danger: In particular, Duarte Pacheco, not being able to find his boat in the place where he had left it, was closely pursued; and though he and his company defended themselves valiantly, and killed many of the enemy, eight of his men were wounded with arrows. So superior was the number of the enemy on this occasion, that Pacheco and his men had assuredly been all slain, if the rest of the troops had not again landed to his rescue; on which the enemy lost heart and run away, leaving the field of battle strewed over with their slain. After the defeat of the nayres, our men set fire to fifteen paraws, which were drawn up on the beach, and carried away seven which were afloat.
   The lord of Repelim was much grieved at the destruction of his towns; and being afraid of our people making an attack on another about a league farther up the river, he sent a strong detachment of his nayres for its security. The generals, however, resolved to follow up their victory, and to do all the evil in their power to the territories of this lord. For this purpose, after allowing their men some time for rest, they departed about midnight, while it was still so dark that they could not see each other in the boats, expecting to come upon their enemies by surprise by dawn of next morning. The boats in which Alonso de Albuquerque and his party were embarked got considerably a-head of the rest, and arrived at the town which it was intended to attack a good while before day. Weary of waiting for the rest, he landed his men, and gave orders to set the town on fire. At first they were successful in this rash enterprise, as the ordinary inhabitants were a cowardly unarmed people. But the garrison of above two thousand nayres, having assembled on the alarm, attacked Alonso and his men with great fury and forced them to retreat to their boats, after killing one man and wounding several others of the party, which only consisted originally of forty men. Alonso and his soldiers would not have been able to make good their retreat, if the sailors who remained in charge of the boats had not fired off a falcon524, or small piece of ordnance, on which the nayres gave over the pursuit. By this time day broke, and Francisco de Albuquerque approached with the rest of the boats; and seeing the perilous situation of Alonso, he commanded the ordnance in the boats to be played off against the enemy, on which they fled from the shore. At this time Pacheco, who was somewhat astern of the rest, observed a great number of armed nayres marching along a narrow passage to reinforce the others at the town; and brought his boat so near the pass, that he completely stopt their passage that way. The whole of our men were now landed, and soon constrained the enemy to take flight with considerable loss; after which they set the town on fire, but did not think it prudent to pursue the runaways, as they were not acquainted with the country.
   After this exploit, Duarte Pacheco and Pedro de Tayde went with their divisions to destroy another town at some distance, in their way towards which they fought and defeated eighteen paraws belonging to the zamorin, and then set the town on fire. From thence they stood over to the island of Cambalan, the caymal of which was an enemy of the Cochin rajah, where they destroyed a large town. From that place, Pacheco went with five armed paraws of Cochin to burn another town, where he met with considerable resistance, and slew a great number of the enemy, seven of his own people being wounded. After setting the town on fire, he retired towards Cochin, and was forced to fight with thirteen armed paraws of Calicut, which he defeated with the assistance of Pedro de Tayde and Antonio del Campo, who fortunately joined him in this emergency. On their defeat, the Calient paraws retired into a creek, where one of them ran aground and was taken by Pacheco; but our men being worn out with hard rowing, were unable to pursue the rest, and returned to Cochin. On receiving an account of these transactions, the rajah was much satisfied with the revenge which had been taken of his enemies, and requested of our generals to discontinue the war, to which, however, they were by no means inclined.
   On account of the war, no pepper was brought from the country to sell at the factory in Cochin, neither dared the merchants to go out in search of that commodity, insomuch that the factory had only been able to procure 300 bahars525, and the factor requested the generals to go in quest of some which was to be procured at a place about nine leagues from Cochin. For this purpose the two generals and all their captains set out from Cochin under night, that their intentions might not be discovered by the enemy. On the way Pacheco destroyed a whole island, in which he fought against six thousand of the enemy with his own company only, and the two generals put thirty-four paraws to flight. After this Pacheco and del Campo destroyed a town on the continent, where they defeated two thousand nayres, many of whom were slain, without any loss on their side. After this, the generals sent on the tony526 for the pepper, which carried such merchandize as was meant to be given in exchange; and for its protection Pacheco and three other captains accompanied it with two hundred men, and five hundred Cochin paraws527. In passing a narrow strait or river, our people were assailed from the banks by a vast number of the natives armed with bows and arrows, but were defended by their targets, which were fixed on the gunwales of their boats. Leaving one of his captains with fifty Portuguese t protect the tony, Pacheco with the other two captains and the troops belonging to the rajah, made towards the shore, firing off his falcons against the enemy, whom he forced to quit the shore with much loss; after which he landed with his troops, most of whom were armed with hand-guns. The enemy, who were full two thousand strong, resisted for a quarter of an hour, but at length took to flight after having many slain. Pacheco pursued them to a village, where the fugitives rallied and were joined by many nayres, insomuch that they now amounted to six thousand men, and our people were in great jeopardy, as the enemy endeavoured to surround them, and to intercept their return to the boats. But our men defended themselves manfully, and fought their way back to the shore, where the natives divided on each hand, being afraid of the shot of the falcons, which slew great numbers of them, and our men re-embarked without having a single man killed or wounded.
   The zamorin was much displeased at the successes of our people against his confederates, and by the loss of many of his paraws in these several actions, and was even afraid lest the Portuguese might eventually dispossess him of his dominions. He used every exertion therefore to prevent us from procuring pepper, being in hopes, if our ships were constrained to return to Portugal without loading, that they would come no more back to India. He used his influence therefore even with the merchants of Cochin to refuse supplying pepper to our ships, which they did so effectually, under pretence of the war, that, in spite of the influence of the rajah, and notwithstanding high offers of reward from Francisco de Albuquerque, the factory had only been able to procure 1200 quintals or 4000 bahars528 of pepper; and even that was got with hard fighting, some hurt to our own men, and infinite loss of lives to the enemy. Unable to procure any more pepper in Cochin, Alonso de Albuquerque went to Coulan in search of that commodity, accompanied by Pedro de Tayde and Antonio del Campo, knowing that the government of that state was desirous of having one of our factories established in their city, and had solicited both Pedro Alvares Cabral and the lord admiral De Gama to that effect; and Alonso was determined to go to war with the people of Coulan unless they gave him loading for his ships.
   Coulan is twelve leagues from Cochin, and twenty-four from Cape Comorin. Before the building of Calicut, Coulan was the principal city of Malabar, and the port of greatest trade on that coast. Its buildings, more especially the temples and shrines of their idols, are larger and more splendid than those of Cochin. The haven is excellent, the country is well stored with provisions, and the condition of the people resembles in all things what has been formerly said of the inhabitants of Calicut. The inhabitants are idolatrous Malabars, having among them many rich Moorish merchants, more especially since the war broke out between us and the zamorin, as many of these merchants had left Calicut to reside at Coulan. They trade with Coromandel, Ceylon, the Maldive islands, Bengal, Pegu, Camatia, and Malava. The rajah or king of this state rules over an extensive kingdom, in which there are many rich cities and several good harbours; by which means he has a large revenue, and is able to maintain a great military force, but the men are mostly of a low stature: He entertains in his palace a guard of three hundred women, armed with bows and arrows, who are very expert archers, and they bind up their breasts very tight with bandages of silk and linen, that they may not stand in the way of using their bows. This rajah usually resides in a city named Calle, and is generally at war with the king of Narsinga529.
   In the city of Coulan, which is governed by certain officers or aldermen, there is a church which was built by the apostle St Thomas, who came here to preach the Catholic faith, and made many converts both among the idolaters and others, who have handed down the Christian belief from generation to generation, so that there are at least twelve thousand families of Christians scattered abroad in the country, in which they have churches in many places. The king who then ruled in Coulan, being much displeased at the numbers of his subjects who were converted to Christianity, banished St Thomas from his dominions, who then went to a city called Malapur or Meliapour, on the coast of the dominions of Narsinga, and was followed by the Christians of Coulan, and even by many of the idolaters. He is said to have retired into a solitude in the mountains, where he died, and whence his body was removed for interment in a vault of the church he had built at Coulan. This church is now deserted and entirely overgrown with trees and bushes, and is kept by a poor Moorish zealot, who subsists on alms which he receives from Christian pilgrims, and even some of the idolaters give alms at this tomb.
   On the arrival of Alonso de Albuquerque at the harbour of Coulan, the governors of the city came on board to visit him, and settled a treaty with him, in which it was stipulated that we were to have a factory in the city, and that they should provide a loading with all possible dispatch for the three ship he had along with him. While one of his ships was taking in a lading in the harbour, the other two always kept out at sea watching all ships that passed, and obliging every one they could descry to come and give an account of themselves to Albuquerque as captain– general under the king of Portugal. He offered no injury to any of these, unless to such as belonged to the Moors of the Red Sea, all of which that fell in his way were first plundered and then burnt, in revenge for the injuries they had done to the Portuguese. When the house for the factory was finished, and the ships laden, Alonso left there Antonio de Sola as factor, with two clerks, Rodrigo Aranso and Lopo Rabelo, an interpreter named Medera, and two friars to serve as chaplains, together with other assistants, being twenty in all; after which he returned to Cochin.
   About this time Francisco de Albuquerque received a message from Cosebequin, a friendly Moor of Calicut who has been formerly mentioned, giving him notice that the zamorin was determined to make another attack on Cochin so soon as the Portuguese fleet had departed for Europe, and to fortify it in such a manner as should prevent them from having any farther intercourse with that country. With this view the zamorin had entered into treaties with all the rajahs and leading nayres or nobles of Malabar, and it was even rumoured that those of Cananor and Coulan had secretly entered into terms with him against the Portuguese and the rajah of Cochin530. He said farther that the Moorish merchants had promised large assistance for carrying on the war, as they were exceedingly desirous to exclude the Christians from trading to India. About the same time a letter came from Rodrigo Reynel to the same effect, saying that the zamorin was levying troops, and had caused a great number of cannon to be prepared for the war: Reynel likewise said that the Moors of Cochin were decidedly in the interest of the zamorin, and were therefore to be looked to with much jealousy. The rajah likewise informed Albuquerque, that from certain bramins who had come from Calicut he was informed of the intentions and preparations of the zamorin for reducing Cochin; and as he had little reliance on his own subjects, he requested some Portuguese troops might be left for his defence. Francisco gave the rajah assurance of protection, and even that the Portuguese would add to his dominions at a future period, in reward for his fidelity and friendship to their nation, and as a compensation for the injuries he had suffered in their cause.
   The rajah was much pleased with this assurance; and as Francisco found he could have no more pepper at Cochin, he determined upon returning to Portugal, when he had appointed a fit person to remain as captain-general in India. He found this matter difficult, as none of his captains were willing to remain with the small force which he was able to leave behind. At length Duarte Pacheco willingly accepted the charge, and the rajah was much pleased with his appointment, having already sufficient proof of his valour. Pacheco was accordingly left at Cochin with his own ship and two caravels commanded by Pedro Raphael and Diego Perez, and a pinnace, with ninety men in health besides others who were sick.531 As much ordnance and ammunition was likewise given him as could possibly be spared from the homeward bound ships. All these things being settled, Francisco de Albuquerque sailed for Cananor, where he proposed to endeavour to procure the liberty of Rodrigo Reynel and the others who were at Calicut. But the zamorin sent him word that there was no necessity to take this person away, who was desirous of remaining in India; and if the captain-general would remain he should have the pepper which was promised.532 At this time Alonso de Albuquerque returned from Coulan, and joined Francisco at Cananor; and a letter was brought from Rodrigo Reynel, giving information that the zamorin was certainly resolved to attempt the conquest of Cochin, as soon as the Portuguese ships should leave the coast; and that his only intention in making an offer of pepper was with a view to prevent them from burning the ships which were then in the harbour of Calicut.
   All matters being arranged, the Portuguese fleet sailed from Cananor on the 31st of January 1504. Alonso de Albuquerque and Antonio del Campo came to Lisbon on the 23d of August, and presented to the king 400 weight of seed pearls, which are called Alhofer or Ragges, 144 pound weight of great pearls, and eight of the oysters from which the pearls are procured. 533 He gave likewise to the king a diamond as big as a large bean, and many other jewels; and two Persian horses of wonderful swiftness. Francisco de Albuquerque and Nicholas Coello, who left Cananor some time after Alonso, were cast away on the voyage and never more heard of. Pedro de Tayde was driven to Quiloa, where his ship was lost on the bar and most of his men drowned. From Quiloa he went to Mozambique in a zambucco, where he afterwards died; but left a letter in which he gave a particular account of the state of affairs in India, which he ordered to be, delivered to the first captain who might put in there from Portugal534.
   * * * * *
   Antonio de Saldanna, the last of the three commanders who were sent to cruise in the north of the Red Sea, having lost Diego Fernandez Peteira, came to anchor at a place called St Thomas, on the east side of the Cape of Good Hope, which was made famous by the name of Aquada del Saldanna, or Saldannas watering-place, on account of his having lost several of his men there in endeavouring to land. At this time Ruy Lorenzo was parted from him in a storm which drove him to Mozambique, whence he held on his course for Quiloa, where he took some small prizes. Being ambitious to distinguish himself, he went to the island of Zanzibar, twenty leagues short of Mombasa, where he took twenty small vessels. After this he appeared before the town of Mombasa, the king of which place sent out a number of armed almadias or paraws to take his ship: But Lorenzo armed his long boat with a crew of thirty men, which took four of the almadias and killed a great many of the Moors. The king sent an army of 4000 men to the shore under the command of his son, who was killed with some others at the first volley; on which one of the Moors ran out from the ranks with a flag of the Portuguese arms, craving a parley. Peace was soon concluded, by which the king agreed to pay 100 meticals of gold yearly as a tribute to the king of Portugal535.
   From Mombasa, Lorenzo sailed for Melinda, the king of which place was much oppressed by him of Mombasa, on account of his connection with the Portuguese. On his way he took two ships and three small vessels called zambuccos, in which were twelve magistrates of Brava, who submitted their city to the king of Portugal, and engaged to give 500 meticals of yearly tribute. On his arrival at Melinda, he found that a battle had been fought between the kings of Melinda and Mombasa, in which neither could claim the victory. Antonio de Saldanna likewise arrived at Melinda about this time, and by his mediation peace was restored between these princes. Saldanna and Lorenzo went thence to the mouth of the Red Sea, where they defeated some Moors at the islands of Kanakani536 beyond Cape Guardafu. On the upper coast of Arabia, they burnt one ship belonging to the Moors which was laden with frankincense, and they drove another on shore which carried a number of pilgrims for Mecca.

SECTION VIII. Transactions of the Portuguese in India under Duarte Pacheco, from the departure of Alonso and Francisco de Albuquerque in January 1504, till the arrival of Lope Suarez de Menesis with succours in September of that year
   After the departure of the Albuquerques from Cananor, Duarte Pacheco, who was left with the command in India, remained there for some time to take in provisions, having along with him the caravel commanded by Pedro Raphael, while the other ship of his small squadron, under the command of Diego Perez, was repairing at Cochin. Pacheco anchored with his own ship off the harbour of Cananor, and dispatched Raphael along the coast to oblige all ships which passed that way to come to Cananor in acknowledgment of Pacheco as captain-general in the Indies. Several were brought in by Raphael, and were constrained to give a full account from whence they came, whither bound, and what they were laden with. In case of their containing any pepper, more especially if bound for Calicut, he used to take that commodity from them; and carried his command with so high a hand, that he became the terror of these seas. One night while thus at anchor, a fleet of twenty-five ships came suddenly to the anchoring-ground where he lay, which he suspected to have been sent from Calicut on purpose to attack him. Considering himself in imminent danger, he immediately slipped his cables, not having time to weigh anchor, and made sail to gain the windward of this fleet, upon which he directly commenced firing. They were mostly small ships laden with rice, and made off with all the haste in their power, though some of them ran aground. One of the vessels of this fleet was a large ship belonging to the Moors of Cananor, having nearly 400 men on board, who resisted for some time, shooting off their arrows, and even endeavoured to take our ship. When day was near at hand, and after having nine men slain in the action, the Moorish captain at length submitted, and told Pacheco that he belonged to Cananor.
   After some time spent in this manner, Pacheco made sail for Cochin, and in the passage fell in with several ships belonging to the Moors, taking some, and burning or sinking others. On landing at the fort of Cochin, he learnt from the factor that the reports of the zamorin making preparations for the renewal of the war, were perfectly true, and even that the Moorish inhabitants of Cochin were adverse to the rajah for having taken part with the Portuguese against the zamorin. Being informed likewise that the Cochin rajah was in great fear of this new war, he went next day to visit him, carrying all his boats well manned, and fenced with raised sides of boards to defend his men from the missile weapons of the enemy. They were likewise furnished with ordnance, and all decorated with flags and streamers in a gallant manner, hoping thereby to inspire confidence in Trimumpara, who was much dejected at the small force which had been left for his defence. In a conference between them, the rajah said to Pacheco, that the Moors asserted he was left in the Indies for the sole purpose of removing the merchandize belonging to the Portuguese in the factory at Cochin to Cananor and Coulan, and not to defend him against the power of the zamorin; which he was even disposed to think were true, in consideration of the smallness of the fleet under his command. Pacheco felt indignant at the suspicion which the rajah entertained, and endeavoured to convince him that he had been imposed upon by the Moors out of enmity to the Portuguese, assuring him that he would faithfully exert himself in his defence. He pointed out to him the strength of the natural defences of Cochin, which were all narrow, and defensible therefore by a few valiant men against any number of assailants. The rajah was greatly relieved by these assurances, and Pacheco went to visit the different places by which the island of Cochin might be assailed, all of which he diligently fortified, more especially the ford, which he strengthened with a row of stakes, both to prevent the enemy from wading across, and to hinder any of their vessels from passing.
   In the mean time he was informed by letter from Rodrigo Reynel, that a principal Moor in Cochin, in concert with several others, were contriving to quit that city; and had been twice secretly at Calicut to confer with the zamorin on this subject. Pacheco was a good deal concerned at this intelligence, and proposed to the rajah to have this Moor executed for his treasonable intercourse with the zamorin. But Trimumpara would by no means consent to this measure; saying that it would occasion a mutiny among the Moors, by whom the city was furnished with provisions in exchange for goods, and be thought it were better to dissemble with them all. Pacheco then said that he would have a conference with the Moors, meaning to use policy with them, since the rajah did not approve of violent measures; and to this the rajah consented, giving orders to his naires to obey the orders of Pacheco. In pursuance of this plan, Pacheco went to the dwelling of this chief Moor, named Belinamacar, close by the river, taking with him a guard of his own men well armed, and requested that person to send for some other leading men among the Moors, whom he named, saying that he wished to consult with them on a subject of great importance to them all. When they were all assembled, he made them a speech to the following effect.
   "I sent for you, honest merchants, that I might inform you for what purpose I remain in the Indies. It is reported by some, that I mean only to remove the factory and the goods belonging to the Portuguese to Coulan and Cananor: But my sole purpose is to defend Cochin against the zamorin, and even if necessary I will die in your defence. I am resolved to meet him in Cambalan, by which way it is said he means to invade you; and, if he has the boldness to meet me, I hope to make him prisoner and to carry him with me into Portugal. I am informed that you intend to go away from Cochin, and to induce the rest of the inhabitants among whom you are the chiefs, to do the same; but I am astonished men of your wisdom should leave the country in which you were born, and where you have dwelt so many years, from fear of vain reports. Such conduct were even disgraceful for women, and is therefore much more so for you who are men of wisdom and experience. If you should be disposed to remove from hence when you shall actually be in danger, I should hardly blame you: But to do so before that danger is apparent, and even before a single battle has been fought, must proceed either from cowardice or treachery. You all well know, that only a very short while ago, a very small number of our Portuguese defeated thousands of those same enemies who now threaten to invade us. You may allege that we were then more in number than now, which was assuredly the case. But we then fought in the open field, where numbers were necessary; and we now propose only to fight in narrow passes, in which a small number will suffice as well as a multitude. You already know that I can fight, as it is I who have done the greatest injury to the enemy in the late war, which the rajah can well vouch. As for me I shall never yield, and I have more to lose, being overcome, than any of you. Put your trust therefore in me and my troops, and remain where you are till you see the event of our defence. Your sovereign remains in his port, and wherefore should you go away? I and the Portuguese who are with me, remain in this far distant country to defend your king, and you who are his natural born subjects: Should you then desert him and your country, you would disgrace yourselves and dishonour me, by refusing to repose confidence in my promise to defend you against the zamorin and all his power, were it even greater than it is. Wherefore, I strictly enjoin that none of you shall remove from Cochin, and I swear by all that is holy in our faith, that whoever is detected in the attempt shall be instantly hanged. It is my determined purpose to remain here, and to have the port strictly watched day and night that none of you may escape. Let every one of you, therefore, look well to his conduct, and be assured, if you do as I require, you shall have me for your friend; but if otherwise, I shall be your mortal enemy, and shall use you worse even than the zamorin."
   The Moors endeavoured to clear themselves from what had been alleged against them, but Pacheco would not listen to their excuses, and departed from them in anger, and immediately brought his ship and one of the caravels with two boats, which he anchored directly opposite the city of Cochin, with strict charges to let no one leave the city by water. He likewise appointed a number of paraws to guard all the creeks and rivers around the city; and ordered every boat that could transport men or goods to be brought every night under the guns of his ships, and returned to their owners in the morning. In consequence of all these precautions, the people of Cochin were so much afraid of him, that not one of the Moors or Malabars dared to leave the city without his permission, and henceforwards continued quiet. Notwithstanding all these cares, Pacheco used to make nightly invasions into the island of Repelim, where he burnt the towns, slew the inhabitants, and carried away much cattle and many paraws; on which account the Moors of Cochin, astonished that he could endure so much fatigue, gave out that he was the devil.
   Mean time the zamorin collected his forces in the island of Repelim, where he was joined by the lords of Tanor, Bespur, Kotugan, Korin, and many other Malabar chiefs, making altogether an army of 50,000 men. Four thousand of these were appointed to serve by water, in 280 vessels, called paraws, katurs, and tonys; with 382 pieces of cannon intended to batter the Portuguese fort at Cochin; and the rest of the troops were appointed to force a passage across the ford of the river, under the command of Naubea Daring, nephew and heir to the zamorin, and Elankol, the lord of Repelim537.
   Intelligence of all this was conveyed to Cochin, and that the zamorin proposed to invade that city by the straits of Cambalan. Rodrigo Reynel, who sent this intelligence by letter, lay then very sick and died soon after, on which the zamorin caused all his goods to be seized. On the approach of the zamorin, the Moors of Cochin would very willingly have induced the inhabitants to run away, but durst not venture to do so from the fear they were in of Pacheco. He, on the contrary, that all might know how little he esteemed the zamorin and all his power, made a descent one night on one of the towns of Repelim, to which he set fire. But on the coming up of a great number of armed naires, he was forced to retreat in great danger to his boats, having five of his men wounded, after killing and wounding a great number of the enemy. On their return to Cochin, the targets of our men were all stuck full of arrows, so great was the multitude of the enemies who had assailed them. The rajah came to visit Pacheco at the castle on his return from this enterprize, and expressed his satisfaction at his success, which he considered as a mighty affair, especially as the zamorin and so great an army was in the island. Pacheco made light of the zamorin and all his force, saying that he anxiously wished he would come and give battle, as he was not at all afraid of the consequences, trusting to the superior valour of his own men.
   As the people of Cochin remained quiet, Pacheco now prepared for defending the pass of Cambalan. Leaving therefore a sufficient force to guard the castle, and twenty-five men in the caravel under the command of Diego Pereira to protect the city and watch the conduct of the Moors, taking with himself seventy-three men in one of the caravels and several armed boats, he departed for Cambalan on Friday the 16th of April 1504538. On passing the city, Pacheco landed to speak with the rajah, whom he found in evident anxiety; but making as if he did not observe his heaviness, Pacheco addressed him with a cheerful countenance, saying that he was just setting out to defend him against the zamorin, of whom he had no fear of giving a good account. After some conference, the rajah ordered 500 of his naires, out of 3000 who were in his service, to join Pacheco, under the command of Gandagora and Frangera the overseers of his household, and the caymal of Palurta, whom he directed to obey Pacheco in all things as if he were himself present. On taking leave of Pacheco, while he exhorted him to use his utmost efforts for defending Cochin against the zamorin, he desired him to be careful of his own safety, on which so much depended.
   Pacheco arrived at the passage of Cambalan two hours before day, and seeing no appearance of the zamorins approach, he made an attack on a town on the coast of the island about the dawn, which was defended by 300 naires, all archers, and a small number armed with calivers, or match-locks, all of whom were embarked in certain paraws, and endeavoured to defend the entrance of the harbour. They were soon constrained by the cannon of the Portuguese to push for the shore and quit their paraws, but resisted all attempts of the Portuguese to land for near an hour, when they were completely defeated after losing a great many of their number, killed or wounded, and our men set the town on fire. Having taken a considerable number of cattle at this place, which he carried off with him, Pacheco returned to defend the pass of Cambalan. At this time the zamorin sent a message to Pacheco, offering him a handsome present, and proposing a treaty for a peace between them: but Pacheco refused accepting the present, and declared he would never make peace with him while he continued at enmity with the rajah of Cochin. Next day, the zamorin sent a second message, proudly challenging him for daring to obstruct his passage into the island of Cochin, and offering him battle, declaring his resolution to make him a prisoner, if he were not slain in the battle. To this Pacheco made answer, that he hoped to do the same thing with the zamorin, in honour of the day which was a solemn festival among the Christians, and that the zamorin was much deceived by his sorcerers when they promised him the victory on such a day. Then one of the naires who accompanied the messenger, said smiling as if in contempt, that he had few men to perform so great an exploit; whereas the forces of the zamorin covered both the land and the water, and could not possibly be overcome by such a handful. Pacheco ordered this man to be well bastinadoed for his insolence, and bid him desire the zamorin to revenge his quarrel if he could.
   That same evening, the rajah of Cochin sent a farther reinforcement to Pacheco of 500 naires, of whom he made no account, neither of these who were with him before, believing they would all run away; his sole reliance, under God, was on his own men, who feasted themselves that night, that the zamorin might learn how much they despised all his threats, and how eager they were for battle. Early next morning, Pacheco made a short speech to his men, exhorting them, to behave valiantly for the glory of the Christian name and the honour of their country, and promising them an assured victory with the assistance of God; by which their fame would be so established among the natives that they would be feared and respected ever after. He likewise set before them the rewards they might assuredly expect from their own sovereign, if they behaved gallantly on the present occasion. His men immediately answered him that they hoped in the ensuing battle to evince how well they remembered his exhortations. They all then knelt down and sung the salve regina, and afterwards an Ave Maria, with a loud voice. Just at this time, Laurenзo Moreno joined Pacheco with four of his men armed with calivers, who were all anxious to be present in the battle, and of whose arrival the general was extremely glad, as he knew them to be valiant soldiers.
   In the course of the night, by the advice of the Italian lapidaries who had deserted to the enemy, the zamorin caused a sconce or battery to be erected directly over against the place where Pacheco was stationed, on which five pieces of ordnance were placed, from which great service was expected in the ensuing battle, owing to the narrowness of the pass. On the morning of Palm Sunday, the zamorin marched forwards with 47,000 men, partly naires and part Moors, and accompanied by all the rajahs and caymals who had joined him in this war. Of these, the rajah of Tanor had 4000 naires; the rajahs of Bybur and Curran, whose countries lay near the mountains of Narsinga, had 12,000 naires; the rajah of Cotogataco, which is between Cochin and Cananor close beside the mountains, had 18,000 naires; the rajah of Curia, which is between Paniani and Cranganor, had 3000 naires. Naubea Daring, the prince of Calicut, and his brother Namboa, who were particularly attached to that part of the army composed of the zamorins immediate subjects, had a large body of men whose numbers I do not particularize. Their warlike instruments were many and of divers sorts, and made a noise as if heaven and earth were coming together.
   Before day, the van of this prodigious army arrived at the sconce of the Italians, and began immediately to play off their ordnance against the caravel, which was so near that it was an absolute miracle that not a single shot did any harm. But our cannon were better served, and every shot did execution among the enemy: and so well did they ply their guns, that before sunrise above thirty discharges were made from our caravel. At day-break, the whole of the enemies fleet, consisting of 169 barks, came out of the rivers of the island of Repelim to attack our small force. Sixty-six of these were paraws, having their sides defended with bags of cotton by advice of the Italians, to ward off our shot; and each of these had twenty-five men and two pieces of ordnance, five of the men in each paraw being armed with calivers or matchlocks. Twenty of the foysts or large barks were chained together, as a floating battery to assault the caravel; besides which, there were fifty-three catures and thirty large barks, each of which carried sixteen men and one piece of ordnance, besides other weapons. Besides all these armed vessels, there were a great many more filled with soldiers, so that the whole river seemed entirely covered over. Of this numerous fleet, which contained near 10, 000 men, Naubea Daring was admiral or commander in chief, and the lord of Repelim vice-admiral. All these advanced against the Portuguese, setting up terrible shouts, which was answered alternately by sounding all their military instruments of music. The whole of these people were almost naked, having targets of various colours, and made a very gallant appearance. On the approach of this prodigious fleet, our caravel and boats were hardly discernible, so completely did the enemy cover the face of the water. Terrified by so prodigious a multitude, the naires of Cochin all ran away, only Grandagora and Frangora remaining, who were on board the caravel, or they would have done like the rest. Indeed their presence was of no importance, except to serve as witnesses of the valour of our men.
   Our people plied their ordnance and small arms so incessantly that the air was quite darkened with smoke, and as the boats of the enemy were very numerous and without order, they hindered each other, and our fire did prodigious execution among them, several of their paraws being torn to pieces and great numbers of their men killed and wounded, without any hurt on our side. The twenty-five paraws539 which were chained together were now brought forwards, and gave much annoyance to our men, who were now likewise much fatigued, as the battle had continued a long time. The captain-general gave orders to fire off a saker,540 which had not been, hitherto used during the battle. By the time this had been twice fired, it did such terrible execution among the thick of the enemy as to sink four of their paraws, and all the others made the best of their way out of the battle, eighteen of the paraws being sunk in all, and vast numbers of the enemy slain and wounded. On the defeat of this squadron, which was commanded by Prince Naubea Daring, Elankol, the lord of Repelim, who was vice-admiral, came forward with a fresh squadron, and gave a proud onset, commanding his paraws to lay the caravel on board; but the Malabars had not resolution to put this order into execution, and held off at some distance. The zamorin also approached with the land army, doing his utmost to force the passage of the ford; but all their efforts were in vain, although this second battle was more fiercely urged than the first. Though the battle continued from daybreak to almost sunset, the enemy were able to make no impression, and were known to have lost 350 men slain outright, besides others, which were above 1000.541 Some of our men were wounded, but none slain; for the balls of the enemy, though of cast iron, had no more effect than as many stones thrown by hand. Yet our barricades of defence were all torn to pieces, and one of our boats was very much damaged, which was entirely repaired during the night.
   The rajahs and other chiefs who were allied with the zamorin, lost all hope of ever being able to get the victory over the Portuguese, and were sorry for having joined in the war so greatly to their own dishonour. Being afraid the captain-general might burn and destroy their towns and houses, which were all situated on the banks of rivers, they were anxious to leave the army of the zamorin, and to give over making war on the Portuguese. Some among them withdrew privately from the camp of the zamorin to the island of Vaipi with all their men, and reconciled themselves with the rajah of Cochin: These were Maraguta, Muta Caymal, his brother and cousins. The zamorin was exceedingly mortified by the discomfiture of his people, and severely reprimanded his chiefs for their pusillanimous conduct, in allowing themselves to be defeated by such a handful of men. The two Italian deserters, while they acknowledged the valour of the Portuguese in the late action, represented that it would be impossible for them to continue to bear up long against such vast odds without reinforcements, and recommended the frequent reiteration of assaults, under which they must necessarily be at last overthrown. All those rajahs and chiefs who were for continuing the war, joined in opinion with the Italians. The zamorin made a speech, in which he recapitulated the defeats they had sustained and the defection of some of his allies, who had entered into treaty with the rajah of Cochin. He stated how short a period of the summer now remained for continuing the operations of the war, which must soon be laid aside during the storms and rain of the winter season, when it was impossible to keep the field; and that, on the conclusion of winter, a new fleet would come from Portugal with powerful reinforcements to the enemy, who would then be able to carry the war as formerly into his dominions, to their utter loss and destruction. He concluded by giving his opinion that it was necessary for him to make peace with the Christians. Naubea Daring, the prince of Calicut, made a long speech, in which he defended the Portuguese against the imputation thrown upon them by the Moors of their being thieves and pirates. He recapitulated all their conduct since their first arrival in India, showing that they had always conducted themselves with good faith, whereas they had been forced into war against Calicut by treachery and oppression. He concluded by strongly recommending to negotiate peace with the Christians, as otherwise the city and trade of Calicut would be utterly destroyed, to the irreparable injury of the zamorins revenue, which was of more importance to him than the friendship of the Moors, whose only object was their own profit. The zamorin was greatly moved by this discourse, and recommended to the other chiefs that they should concur with the prince, in procuring the establishment of peace. This opinion was by no means relished by Elankol, the lord of Repelim, who had confederated with the Moors to urge a continuance of the war, and endeavoured to impress upon the zamorin that his reputation would be destroyed by proposing peace at this time, which would be imputed to him as an act of cowardice. The principal Moors, likewise, who were present in the council used all their art and influence to induce the zamorin to persevere; and it was at length determined to continue the war.
   One Cogeal, a Moor of Repelim who had been a great traveller, and had seen many warlike devices, proposed a new invention for attacking the caravels at the ford, which was considered to be perfectly irresistible. Cogeal directed a floating castle to be built of timber on two boats or lighters, which were firmly secured by two beams at their heads and sterns. Over this the castle or square tower was strongly built of beams joined together by bars of iron and large nails, carried up to the height of a lance or spear, and so large that it was able to contain forty men with several pieces of ordnance. It was proposed that this castle should be brought Up to grapple with the caravels, by which the Portuguese might be attacked on equal terms. On seeing this machine, the zamorin liberally rewarded Cogeal for his ingenuity, and gave orders to have other seven constructed of the same kind. By means of his spies, Pacheco got notice of the construction of these floating castles, and likewise that the enemy were preparing certain fireworks to set the caravels on fire542. To keep off the fireships and floating castles, he constructed a species of rafts, made of masts or spars eight fathoms long, and bound together with iron bolts and hoops. Several of these, which were likewise eight fathoms broad, were moored with anchors and cables, at the distance of a stones throw from the caravels. Likewise, to prevent the caravels from being overlooked by the floating castles, one Peter Raphael built certain turrets on the decks of the caravels of spars set upright, in each of which seven or eight men had room to handle their arms. At this time the rajah of Cochin visited Pacheco, whom he earnestly exhorted to provide well for defence against the zamorin; as he was well assured his own subjects would desert him, if Pacheco were defeated. Pacheco upbraided Trimumpara for his tears, desiring him to call in mind the victories which the Portuguese had already gained over the enemy; and requested of him to return to his capital showing himself confident among his people, and to rest assured that he and the Portuguese would keep the pass against every force the zamorin might bring against it.
   In expectation of an immediate attack, Lorenco Moreno returned to the caravels with as many of his people as could be spared from the factory. Pacheco made all his people take rest early in the night, that they might be able for the expected fatigues of the ensuing day, on which he had intelligence that the grand attack was to be made. About midnight, his small force was summoned under arms; when, after confession and absolution, he made a speech to his men, exhorting them to behave themselves manfully in the approaching conflict. They all answered, that they were resolved to conquer or die. About two in the morning, some of the most advanced vessels belonging to the Calicut fleet began to fire off their ordnance, as they approached towards the pass. The zamorin was himself along with the land army, which exceeded 30,000 men, accompanied with many field pieces. Elankol, the lord of Repelim, who commanded the vanguard, advanced to the point of Arraul, which in some measure commanded the ford, at which place he began to throw up some ramparts or defences of earth. Pacheco landed secretly at the point with a detachment of his troops, on purpose to prevent the enemy from throwing up entrenchments, and a sharp skirmish ensued, in which many of the enemy were slain. On the appearance of day, Pacheco retired to his boats, though with no small difficulty, owing to the vast numbers of the enemy who thronged around; yet got off with all his people unhurt, having effectually hindered the proposed intrenchments.
   The land army of the enemy now brought their ordnance to the point, where they began a furious cannonade upon; the caravels, yet without doing us any harm, as our people were all effectually secured by means of high wooden defences on the gunwales of their vessels; whereas every shot of ours made prodigious havoc among the enemy, who were quite unsheltered. The zamorin sent orders to his fleet to come on with all expedition, to deliver him and his men from this imminent danger. The Calicut fleet now approached in most formidable order, having several fire rafts in front, intended for setting our caravels on fire. After them came 110 paraws, full of men, and every one of them having ordnance, many of these being fastened together by means of chains. After these came 100 catures and eighty tonys, each of which had a piece of ordnance and thirty men. In the rear of all came the eight castles, which kept close by the point of Arraul, as the ebb was not yet altogether entered.543 The enemy came on with loud shouts and the sound of many instruments, as if to an assured victory, and immediately began a furious cannonade. Their fire rafts advanced burning in a most alarming manner, but were stopped by the canizos, or rafts of defence, formerly mentioned. By these likewise, the paraws and other vessels of the enemy were prevented from closing with our caravels and boats, which they seem to have intended. In this part of the battle many of the paraws and other vessels of the enemy were torn to pieces and sunk, and a great number of their men were killed and wounded. On the turn of the tide, the floating castles put off from the point, and were towed by boats towards the caravels. In the largest of these castles there were forty men, in others thirty-five, and the smallest had thirty, all armed with bows or matchlocks, besides ordnance; and they seemed quite an irresistible force in comparison of ours, which consisted only of two caravels and two armed boats.
   When the largest castle came up to our floating defence, it immediately commenced a tremendous fire of all its ordnance upon our caravels; and at this time Pacheco ordered a saker to be shot off, which seemed to do very little harm even at a second discharge. The remainder of the castles now came into their stations, and the battle raged with the utmost fury. What with incessant flights of arrows, and the smoke of so many guns, our people could seldom see the vessels of the enemy. In this extremity, the saker was discharged a third time against the largest castle, which had been somewhat shaken by the two former discharges. By this shot its iron work was broken, some of its beams were forced from their places, and several of the men on board were slain. By two other discharges of the saker this castle was all torn in pieces, and was forced to retire out of the battle. Still however the rest of the castles, and the numerous fleet of small craft kept up the fight. Towards evening all the castles were much injured, many of the paraws were sunk and torn in pieces, and great numbers of the enemy slain; so that at length they were constrained to retire. On our side not one man was even wounded: One only ball went through the caravel in which Pacheco commanded, and passed among many of his men without doing any hurt. On the enemy retiring, Pacheco gave chase in the two boats and some paraws; and the caravels kept up a constant fire upon point Arraul, whence they forced the zamorin and the land army to retire, after having 330 of his men slain. After this great victory, the inhabitants of Cochin became quite reassured, and were no longer in dread of the power of the zamorin. Trimumpara came to visit Pacheco, whom he embraced, and congratulated on his great prowess: Many of the principal naires of Cochin went to compliment him; and even numbers of the Moorish merchants brought him rich presents, hoping to secure his favour.
   The zamorin was greatly disheartened by the overthrow of all his mighty preparations, and losing all hope of victory wished seriously to end the war. In a council of his allies and great men, they represented the great losses they had already endured in the war with the Portuguese, and proposed to treat with them for peace. His brother Naubea Daring, who had always been averse to the war, seemed to believe that Pacheco would refuse any treaty, and advised rather to defer making an offer of peace till the arrival of the next captain-general from Portugal. This prince was likewise of opinion that the Calicut army should still keep the field till the coming on of the rainy season made it advisable to retire; as it would look like flight to retreat at this time. Yet he recommended that no more attacks should be made on the pass, in which attempts they had already met with so much loss. Elankol, the lord of Repelim, urged the continuance of the war, and to make reiterated assaults on the Christians, which must be at last successful; by which means all the Portuguese that were in Cochin, Cananor, and Coulan would be destroyed. He advised likewise, to send false intelligence to these places, saying that they had taken our caravels and slain all our men; on which news the people of Cananor and Coulan would put the people in our factories to death. This was accordingly done; but as the inhabitants of these places had already received notice of the real state of affairs, they gave no credit to this false story. Yet, owing to the malice of the Moors who dwelt in these places, our men were in great danger and durst not come out of their factories, and one of our men was slain in Coulan.
   By the persuasion of Elankol and the Moors, the zamorin reluctantly consented to try the event of another battle: And, the castles being repaired, a fresh assault was made both by land and water, with many more men and vessels than before. This battle continued longer than the other, and the enemy was overthrown with far greater loss than they had ever received before. In consequence of this new victory, the inhabitants of Cochin became quite confident in their security from the power of their enemies; and the rajah, who had hitherto been in much dread of the event, became quite elated. He now came to visit Pacheco in a chair of state, with far more splendour than he had ever assumed since the commencement of the war. When this was told in the enemies camp, the chiefs urged the zamorin to a fresh attack, lest the rajah of Cochin might hold him in contempt. He desired them to cease their evil counsels, from which he had already sustained great loss, and which would still lead him into greater danger; but to leave him to consider what was best to be done for revenge against his enemies.
   The zamorin gave orders to some of his naires in whom he reposed great confidence, that they should go to Cochin on some false pretence, and endeavour to assassinate the general of the Portuguese and such of his men as they could meet with. But the naires are an inconsiderate people unable to keep any of their affairs secret, so that this shameful device became immediately known to Pacheco, who appointed two companies of the Cochin naires to keep strict watch for these spies; one company at the ford, and the other along the river, waiting by turns day and night. By this means these spies were detected and made prisoners. The chief spy was a naire of Cochin, of the family or stock of the Lecros who had certain other naires attending upon him, who were strangers. On being brought before him, he ordered them to be all cruelly whipt and then to be hanged. The Cochin naires remonstrated against this punishment, because they were naires whose customs did not allow of this mode of execution; but he would not listen to their arguments, saying that their treachery richly merited to be so punished. The Portuguese officers represented to him the great troubles which the rajah of Cochin had endured for giving protection to their nation, and how much this action might displease him, when he was informed of naires having been put to death in his dominions without his authority. Besides, that this might give occasion to some of those about the rajah, who were known to be already unfriendly to the Portuguese, to insinuate that the captain– general had usurped the authority from the rajah, and might in that way wean his affections from them. Pacheco was convinced by these arguments that he had acted wrong, and immediately sent to countermand the execution. Two of them were already half-dead; but those who were still living, he sent to the rajah, informing him that they had deserved death, but that from respect to him he had spared their lives. The rajah was singularly gratified by this mark of respect, and the more so because there happened to be then present several of his principal nobles and some chiefs from other places, besides sundry of the chief of the Moors of Cochin, who had endeavoured to impress on his mind that the Portuguese were willing to assume the command in his dominions544. Henceforwards Pacheco had such good intelligence, that all the subtle devices of the zamorin were counteracted.
   The month of June was now ended and the rainy season, or winter, began to come on, from which Pacheco naturally concluded that the zomorin would soon break up his encampment, on which occasion he was fully resolved to give them an assault, having sufficient experience of the pusillanimity of the enemy. But the zamorin, being afraid that Pacheco might attack him at his departure, gave out that he intended to make another assault on the ford with a greater fleet than ever, and even directed the floating castles to be repaired. He even gave out that he meant to assail the passage of Palurte and the ford both at once; that Pacheco might occupy himself in preparing to defend both places, and he might have the better opportunity to steal away unperceived. Accordingly, on the evening of Saturday, which was the eve of St John545, the whole army of the enemy appeared as usual, and Pacheco fully expected to have been attacked that night. Next morning, however, he learnt from two bramins that the zamorin had withdrawn with all his army into the island of Repelim. Pacheco was much disappointed at this news, yet he made a descent that very day into Repelim, where he fought with many of the enemy, killing and wounding a great number of them, and then returned to the ford, where he remained several days, because the rajah was still afraid lest the zamorin might return and get across the ford into the island of Cochin.
   The zamorin was so crest-fallen by the great and repeated losses he had sustained in this war from a mere handful of men, that he resolved to retire into religions seclusion, that he might conciliate the favour of his gods, and dismissed his allies and chiefs to act as they thought best. His princes and nobles endeavoured to dissuade him from this resolution, but he continued firm to his purpose, and went into the torcul or religious state of seclusion, accompanied by some of his chief bramins or chaplains. Soon afterwards, his mother sent him word that great changes had taken place in Calicut since his seclusion. That many of the merchants had already deserted the place, and others were preparing to follow. That the city was becoming ill provided with victuals, as those who used to import them were afraid of the Christians. Yet she advised him never to return to Calicut, unless he could do so with honour; and that he should therefore continue in seclusion for a time, and afterwards endeavour to recover his credit and reputation by victory, or lose all in the attempt. On this message which greatly increased his discontent, the zamorin sent for his brother, to whom he confided the government of his dominions till such time as he should have completed his religious austerities in seclusion.
   On this strange resolution of the zamorin, the rajahs and nobles who had joined him in the war departed to their own countries, most of which lay on the coast. And being under great apprehensions that Pacheco might reduce their dominions, they endeavoured to enter into treaties with him for peace and concord; for which purpose they sent messages to Trimumpara, requesting that he would act as mediator between them and Pacheco. The rajah of Cochin was a prince of a mild and forgiving disposition; and forgetting all the past injuries they had done him in these wars, he undertook the office of mediation, and sent them safe conducts to come to Cochin to make their peace. On their arrival, he accompanied them to wait upon Pacheco, and even became their advocate with him to accept of their proferred friendship, which he readily consented to at the desire of the rajah. Some of these princes were unable to come personally, but sent their ambassadors to solicit peace, which was accorded to all who asked it. Several even of the great Moorish merchants of Calicut, that they might quietly enjoy their trade, forsook that place and came to dwell in Cochin, having previously secured the consent of Pacheco. Others of them went to Cananor and Coulan, by which means the great trade which used to be carried on at Calicut suddenly fell off.
   Owing to the great resort of Moors to Cochin, in whom Pacheco could not repose much confidence, and because, by the orders of Naubea Daring, the paraws of Calicut frequently made excursions into the rivers, the captain– general continued for a long while to defend the passage of the ford, where he often fought with and did much injury to his enemies. He made frequent incursions, likewise, into the island of Repelim, whence he carried off cattle and other provisions, and often fought with his enemies, always defeating them with much slaughter546. At length Elankol, the lord of that island, wishing to put an end to the miseries of his country, waited on Pacheco and entered into a treaty of friendship with him, making him a present of a great quantity of pepper, which was abundant in his country547.

SECTION IX. The Voyage of Lope Suarez de Menesis to India, in 1504; being the sixth of the Portuguese Expeditions to the East Indies
   Learning the necessity of sending powerful succours to protect the Portuguese trade from the hostilities of the zamorin, the king of Portugal fitted out a fleet of twelve548 large ships in 1504, of which the command was given to Lope Suarez de Menesis, who had been captain of the Mina on the coast of Guinea in the reign of John II. The captains of these ships were, Pedro de Mendoza, Lionel Cotinho, Tristan de la Silva, Lope Mendez de Vasconcelles, Lope de Abreu, Philip de Castro, Alonso Lopez de Castro, Alonzo Lopez de la Cocta, Pero Alonzo de Aguilar, Vasco de la Silvero, Vasco Carvallo, and Pedro Dynez de Sutunell: All of whom were gentlemen by birth or service. Having embarked many valiant soldiers, the whole fleet left Lisbon on the 22d of April and arrived on the 2d of May near Cape Verd. Having observed during this part of the voyage, that several of the ships were very irregularly navigated, not keeping in their proper course, by which they had run foul of each other; some pushing before, while others lagged behind, and others stood athwart the order of the fleet; Suarez convened an assemblage of all the captains, masters, and pilots of the fleet, to whom he communicated the following written instructions: 1. As soon as it is night, every ship shall keep in regular order a-stern of the admiral; and no vessel to carry any light except in the binnacle and in the cabin. 2. The masters and pilots to keep regular watch, taking special care not to run foul of each other. 3. All to answer the signals of the admiral. 4. As soon as day appears, every ship shall come to salute the admiral, and all are carefully to avoid getting before him during the night. The penalty for breach of any of these articles was a fine of ten crowns, besides which the offender was to be put under arrest without being entitled to wages, and so to remain to the end of the voyage. As some of the masters and pilots had been very negligent, allowing some of the ships to fall aboard of others, he removed these to other ships. By this attention to discipline, the fleet was kept afterwards in good sailing order.
   In the month of June, at which time they reckoned themselves off the Cape of Good Hope, the fleet was surprised by a heavy storm, and had to drive for two days and nights under bare poles in imminent danger of being cast away, the weather during all this time being wonderfully dark, so that the ships were in great hazard of running aboard of each other. To guard against this danger, the admiral caused guns to be fired at intervals from all the ships, to give notice of their situations, and the better to keep company. On the subsidence of the storm, the ship commanded by Lope Mendez was missing, and the admiral caused the fleet to lie to for some days in hopes of her reappearance. While in this situation, two of the ships ran foul of each other, by which a large hole was broken in the bow of one of the ships, through which she took in so much water as to be in great danger of sulking. The admiral immediately bore up to her assistance, and encouraged the crew to stop the leak, and even sent his boats on board to give every aid. By great exertions they got the leak effectually stopped, by nailing hides over the hole, and covering the whole with pitch. On St Jameses day, 25th July, the fleet arrived at Mozambique, where they were well received by the governor, who supplied them abundantly with fresh provisions, and sent off the letter which Pedro de Tayde had written respecting the state of affairs in India a short time before his death, as formerly mentioned. The admiral expedited the refitting of the ships which had been so much injured, as quickly as possible, and departed from Mozambique on the 1st of August. The king of Melinda sent off one of his principal Moors to visit the admiral, to whom likewise he sent sixteen of our men who had deserted from Pedro de Tayde.
   Having stopt only two days at Melinda for refreshment, the fleet sailed across for India, and came to Anchediva, where they found two Portuguese ships commanded by Antonio de Saldanna and Ruy Lorenzo, who were much afraid of our fleet, suspecting it to have belonged to the Rumes549. Saldanna informed Suarez, that he had been sent out the year before from Portugal along with Lorenzo, as vice-admiral, with orders to explore the Red Sea and adjacent countries. That they were separated in a storm off the Cape of Good Hope. That Lorenzo proceeding alone in the voyage, had taken a ship belonging to the Moors near Sofala, out of which he had taken a large quantity of gold, and had left the hull at Melinda. That Saldanna prosecuted his voyage to Cape Guardafui, where he had taken many rich prizes, without having entered the Red Sea; after which he had sailed to India, and the winter coming on, had taken shelter in Anchediva, where he was afterwards joined by Lorenzo. At this place, Lope Mendez de Vasconcelles, who had been separated in the storm off the Cape of Good Hope, rejoined the fleet. The admiral used every expedition to get the fleet ready to proceed for Cananor, where he arrived on the 1st of September, and was informed by the factor of the events in the war with Calicut; and how he and his companions in the factory had been often in great hazard of their lives.
   The day after his arrival, the admiral went on shore in great state to visit the rajah of Cananor, attended by all the captains of the fleet in their boats, decorated with flags and streamers, and armed with ordnance, all the boats crews being dressed in their best apparel. The admirals barge had a rich awning, and was dressed out with carpets, on which stood a chair of state covered with unshorn crimson velvet and two cushions of the same for his feet. His doublet and hose were of satin of divers colours, wrought diamond fashion; his shoes of black velvet, studded with gold; his cap covered over with gold buttons. Over all he wore a loose robe or gown of black velvet, in the French fashion, trimmed all round with gold lace. From his neck hung a triple chain of gold enamelled, from which depended a golden whistle. His rapier and dagger, which were borne by a page, had handles of pure gold. Two lackeys preceded him in splendid attire and six trumpeters with silk flags. He was also accompanied by a band of wind instruments, in a small boat In another boat were the presents which he carried for the rajah from the king of Portugal. There were, six beds of fine Holland, with their pillows of the same, all wrought with gold embroidery. Two coverlets or carpets of unshorn crimson velvet, quilted all over, having three guards of cloth of gold, that in the middle a span in width, and the others two fingers broad. The bedstead was gilded all over, having curtains of crimson satin, fringed with cold thread. On putting off from his ship, all the fleet saluted him with their cannon; then the trumpets and drums sounded for a long time; after which the organs never ceased to play till the boats reached the shore, where vast numbers of Moors and Gentiles waited to receive the admiral.
   On his landing, the admiral Was conducted into a sarame or house appointed for his reception and audience of the rajah, in which he ordered the bed and all its rich furniture to be set up, close to which was placed a chair for the admiral to sit upon. Soon afterwards, the rajah was brought to the house, carried in a rich chair of state, preceded by three armed elephants, three thousand nayres, armed with swords, spears, and targets, and two thousand armed with bows and arrows. The admiral, apprized of the rajah's approach by the fleet saluting him with all their guns, went to the door to receive him, where they embraced. Then going together into the apartment, the admiral presented him with the bed already described, on which the rajah immediately lay down, and the admiral sat down beside him in the place appointed. They here conferred together for two hours, when they were interrupted by the barking of a greyhound belonging to the admiral, which wanted to attack one of the elephants.
   Soon afterwards a Moor from Calicut waited upon the admiral, having along with him a Portuguese boy, who brought a letter from some of our men who were captives at Calicut ever since the time of Cabral being there. This boy informed the admiral, that the zamorin was so humbled by the defeats he had sustained from Pacheco, that he had gone into religious seclusion. That many of the Moorish merchants had gone from Calicut to other places, as they could carry on no trade there owing to the war, and that even provisions had become extremely scarce. That the zamorin and the prince of Calicut, and the magistrates of that place, were exceedingly desirous of peace with the Portuguese, for which reason they had sent him to the admiral, and had allowed the Portuguese prisoners there to write him to that effect, which they had done accordingly, but chiefly in hopes that he would free them from captivity. After reading the letter, the admiral would have sent a written answer, meaning to have sent it by the Moor. But the boy told him, they had no permission to carry any letter, and that he must return along with the Moor, as the people of Calicut had threatened to put all their Portuguese prisoners to death in case he did not return. On this account, the admiral gave the boy a verbal message for the prisoners; saying that he would very soon come to Calicut, where he would anchor as near as possible to the shore; and as the captives were allowed to go about the city without irons, they might find an opportunity to come off to the fleet either in boats or by swimming.
   Suarez went accordingly with the fleet to Calicut, where he came to anchor on Saturday the 7th September; and presently afterwards the boy who had been to visit him at Cananor came on board, accompanied by a servant of Cosebequin, who brought the admiral a present from the rulers of Cochin, and a message requiring a safe conduct for Cosebequin, that he might come on board to treat for peace. The admiral refused to accept of any present until such time as peace were restored; but sent word that Cosebequin might repair on board without fear, as a servant of the king of Portugal; he sent a private message at the same time to the Portuguese prisoners, advising them to use their best endeavours to escape. On receiving this message, Cosebequin was sent on board by the governors of Calicut, to treat of peace, carrying with him two of the Portuguese captives. They requested he would wait three or four days, by which time they believed the zamorin would come out from his seclusion, and that they were convinced he would agree to all that should be required. The admiral answered, that unless they would deliver up the two Italian deserters he would agree to no terms; but he sent no message for the liberation of our captives, as he thought they might easily escape. As soon as the Italians learnt that the admiral had demanded them, they suspected the captives would run away of which circumstance they gave notice to the governors, requiring them to secure the Portuguese captives, as they were men of consideration, and that a peace might be procured in exchange for them almost on any terms the zamorin pleased to prescribe. On this advice, the governors took care to prevent the captives from escaping, and became less urgent in their desire of peace. Owing to this, they remained in captivity till Don Francisco de Almeida became viceroy of India, though some made their escape in the interim, and others of them fell victims to the diseases of the climate.
   After waiting some days, and finding no friendly steps taken by the governors of Calicut towards a peace; and being likewise without hope of recovering the captives, Suarez resolved to take revenge by cannonading the city of Calicut, which he did for a whole day and a night, during which time he did prodigious damage, destroying the palace of the zamorin, several of their pagodas or idol temples, and many of the houses, and slew a great number of the inhabitants. For this service, he brought seven of his smallest ships as near the shore as possible, and advanced all the boats of the fleet, likewise carrying ordnance, close almost to the beach. After this he departed for Cochin, where he arrived on Saturday the 13th of September. He landed next day near the Portuguese castle, in as great state as he had done before at Cananor, and was received with many marks of satisfaction by Trimumpara. After embracing, they went hand in hand into the hall, in which a chair of state was placed for the admiral. As the rajah sat on the cushions on the floor, according to the custom of the country, and was therefore much lower than the admiral, he commanded his chair to be removed somewhat farther from the rajah, by which he greatly offended the native chiefs who were present at the interview. He now delivered to Trimumpara a letter from the king of Portugal, in which great compliments and many thanks were given, for the favour and protection the rajah had vouchsafed to the Portuguese. To this the rajah answered, that he had been amply repaid, by the good service which Duarte Pacheco had rendered him in the war with the zamorin. Next day, the admiral sent a large sum of money to Trimumpara, as a present from the king of Portugal, who knew that his finances had been greatly injured ill consequence of the war with Calicut.
   Soon after, Suarez sent Pedro de Mendoza and Vasco Carvallo with their ships to guard the coast of Calicut, with orders to capture all ships belonging to the Moors that were laden with spices. He likewise dispatched De la Cocta, Aguilar, Cotinho, and Abreu, to go to Coulan to take in their loading, being informed that spices were to be had there in abundance. He likewise sent Tristan de la Silva with four armed boats up the rivers towards Cranganor, against some armed paraws of Calicut which were stationed in that quarter. In this expedition, Silva had a skirmish with these paraws and some nayres on the shores of the rivers; but falling in with a Moorish ship laden with pepper, he captured her and brought her to Cochin, where he and the other captains loaded their ships, as spices were now procured in great abundance.
   Duarte Pacheco happened to be off Coulan when he learnt the arrival of Suarez; and knowing that his own command was ended so soon as the new captain-general should arrive at Cochin, determined to attempt some exploits while he remained master of his own conduct. With this view, he put to sea on the 22d of October, and soon after got sight of a ship at a great distance, to which he gave chase all that day and part of the night. The chase was driven into Coulan, when Pacheco learnt that she belonged to the confederates550, and was bound from Coromandel. He immediately afterwards descried three ships of Calicut, to which he gave chase, keeping as near the coast a possible to take the advantage of a land breeze. In the morning he put off to sea in chase of the vessel, which he was unable to get up with till towards evening close to the land; after a brave defence, as the ship had many men, she at length yielded; and not chusing to encumber himself with so many prisoners, he landed a part of her company, and made the rest prisoners in irons in his own ship. Learning that this was one of the three ships belonging to Calicut of which he was in search, he put two of his men on board the prize, with orders to keep him company. Being arrived directly abreast of Cape Comorin, he met with a sudden whirlwind, by which he was nearly cast away, and when this subsided, he came to anchor within a league of the shore, where he remained all night. While at anchor thirty of his Moorish prisoners made their escape, twelve of whom were retaken by means of his boat. Pacheco remained for some time off the Cape in expectation of the other ships of the Moors coming round from Coromandel, but none making their appearance, he went to Coulan with the ship he had captured, which he delivered to the factor at that city with all its rich merchandize. He then went to Cochin, where he put himself under the command of Suarez.
   The zamorin had now resumed the government, having withdrawn from the torcul or religious seclusion. He had dispatched one of his generals with a fleet of eighty paraws and fifty ships551 to defend the passages of the rivers, and to obstruct the trade of Cochin with the interior; and had likewise set on foot a considerable land army under the prince Naubea Daring. It was the intention of the zamorin to stand on the defensive only while the Portuguese fleet remained in India, and to renew the war against Cochin after their departure. But the admiral Suarez, by the advice of all his captains, resolved to make an attack on Cranganor, a town belonging to the zamorin, about four leagues from Cochin, whence the enemy had often done much injury to the dominions of Trimumpara during the late war. For this purpose, Suarez took fifteen armed boats with raised defences on their gunwales, and twenty-five paraws belonging to Cochin, all armed with cannon, and accompanied by a caravel, the whole manned with about 1000 Portuguese soldiers, and an equal number of nayres from Cochin. The armament arrived before day at Palypuerto, where it had to wait for daylight, not daring to attempt the passage of certain shoals, as the boats were heavily laden. On arriving at Cranganor, the fleet of Calicut was found drawn up ready to repel the Portuguese attack. The Calicut commander was posted in the front, in two new ships chained together, which were full of ordnance and well manned; chiefly by archers. In the rear of these ships, and on both flanks, the paraws of Calicut were arranged, all full of armed men.
   On the arrival of the Portuguese flotilla, the battle immediately commenced by the discharge of ordnance on both sides. Five Portuguese captains who led the van, pushed on to attack the Calicut admiral in his two chained ships, which they carried by boarding after a brave resistance, in which that officer and two of his sons with many others of the Malabars were slain. After the capture of these ships, the paraws made little resistance, and soon took to flight. Suarez immediately disembarked his troops, which soon put Naubea Daring to flight, who commanded the land army of Calicut. The Moors and Malabars in their flight, plundered the houses of Cranganor, which was immediately afterwards set on fire by the Portuguese. Certain Christian inhabitants of the place came to Suarez and prayed him not to burn their city, representing that it contained several churches dedicated to the Virgin and the Apostles, besides many Christian houses which were interspersed among these belonging to the Moors and Gentiles. For their sakes, Suarez ordered the conflagration to be stopped; yet many of the houses were destroyed before that could be effected, as they were all of wood. After the fire was quenched, our men plundered the houses belonging to the Moors, many of whom had formerly dwelt in Cochin. The two ships, and several paraws which had been taken in the before mentioned engagement, were set on fire, and other three ships that were found drawn on shore.
   At this time Suarez was joined by the prince of Cochin, who informed him that Naubea Daring remained with his army at no great distance, and intended to return to Cranganor after his departure. A considerable force was therefore sent against Naubea Daring; but immediately on seeing their approach, the troops of Calicut fled. On the return of the Portuguese flotilla towards Cochin, Suarez was disposed to have destroyed another town which lay near their passage; but the prince of Cochin represented that half of it belonged to him, and prevailed on the admiral to spare it, as he could not destroy one part without the other. Suarez, therefore, returned to Cochin, where he knighted some of his officers for their bravery during the last engagement. A few days after his return, there came an ambassador from the rajah of Tanor, whose dominions are next adjoining to those of Cochin. This ambassador represented, that his master had hitherto adhered to the zamorin, and had assisted him in all his wars against Pacheco. But that the zamorin, since he had come out from his religious seclusion, had redoubled his arrogant ideas of his irresistible power, and in reward of the services of the rajah of Tanor, now threatened him with war and conquest. He farther represented, that on the late occasion, when the general of the Calicut forces was in full march for the relief of Cranganor, the rajah of Tanor had placed 4000 of his nayres in ambush in a defile in their line of march, who had defeated the troops of Calicut, and hod slain 2000 of them. On this account the rajah of Tanor was in great fear of the zamorin, and humbly requested assistance from the admiral, promising in return to become subject to the king of Portugal.
   For this purpose, the admiral sent Pedro Raphael in a caravel to Tanor, with 100 soldiers, most of whom were crossbow men. It chanced that on the very day of his arrival at Tanor, the zamorin arrived before that city with his army and gave battle to the rajah; but, chiefly owing to the valour of Raphael and his company, the army of the zamorin was defeated with great slaughter. In reward for this well-timed succour, the rajah of Tanor became subject to the king of Portugal. In consequence of this defeat, the zamorin was much humbled, and lost more credit with the Moors than by all the victories which Pacheco had obtained; as these had been obtained by strangers, while the present victory had been gained by a native prince. In consequence of these reverses, seeing no likelihood of ever being able to recover their trade, all the Moors who dwelt in Calicut and Cranganor determined upon removing to their own country with their remaining wealth. For this purpose, they fitted up seventeen large ships at Pandarane, which they armed on purpose to defend themselves against any attack from our men, and loaded them with all expedition for Mecca. Besides these, they loaded a great number of paraws and tonys with such goods as the ships were unable to contain.
   The season now approached for the return of the fleet to Portugal, and Suarez appointed Manuel Telez de Vasconcelles552 as captain-general of the Indies, with whom he left a ship and two caravels, of which last Pedro Raphael and Diego Perez were captains. The admiral presented these officers to the rajah of Cochin, who would much rather have procured Duarte Pacheco to remain, having great confidence in his valour and attachment to his service, but dared not to request this of the admiral, as he was of a haughty disposition. In a conference between Pacheco and the rajah, the latter entreated him to remain in India if possible, as he did not think himself quite secure from the enmity of the zamorin; and even urged him to remember that he had promised not to leave him till he had made him king of Calicut. Pacheco answered, that he left him in a good situation, his country being restored to quiet, and the zamorin so much humbled that he was no longer to be dreaded; as a proof of which the Moors were about to depart from Calicut, seeing their trade entirely ruined. And that he hoped to return from Portugal, and to serve him longer and to greater purpose than he had done hitherto. The rajah was somewhat satisfied with this answer, and craved pardon of Pacheco that he had not rewarded his services as they deserved, because he was extremely poor; yet requested he would take as much pepper as he pleased. Pacheco refused to accept of any thing; saying, he hoped to find the rajah rich and prosperous on his return to Cochin, and then he would accept a reward. The rajah gave Pacheco a letter for the king of Portugal, in which he set forth all his gallant actions during the war, strongly recommending him to his majesties favour.
   The admiral Suarez departed from Cochin on the 27th December553, taking with him the whole of his fleet, even those captains who were to remain in India. His intention was to have come to anchor in the harbour of Paniani, on purpose to visit the rajah of Tanor; but from foul weather, and bad pilots, the fleet could not make that port, and was driven to Calicut and Pandarane. Being off these ports and with a scanty wind, the admiral detached Raphael and Perez with their caravels, to examine if there were any ships of the Moors at anchor. While on this service, ten paraws came off to attack them, and an engagement ensued. On the rest of the fleet hearing the sound of the ordnance, they bore up as close to the wind as possible, and came to anchor554. In a council of war, it was resolved to attack the seventeen ships of the Moors, which lay all aground; and as the ships were unable to get near them, because they lay within the bar, the attack was determined to be made by the boats of the fleet, with orders to set the Moorish ships on fire. This being resolved upon, the admiral and all the captains of the fleet embarked in the boats, taking with them all the soldiers belonging to the expedition.
   The Moorish ships were all drawn on the beach in a close line, having their sterns to the shore, and were well armed with ordnance, and had many soldiers on board armed with bows and arrows, a considerable number of them being men of a fair complexion555. Besides all these, the Moors had two pieces of ordnance on a small bulwark or redoubt which flanked the passage of the bar. Our boats, seeing all these formidable preparations, returned towards the fleet556, whence they towed several caravels within the bar to assist the boats in the attack. After a severe conflict, in which the Portuguese had twenty-five men killed, and 127 wounded, the whole seventeen ships of the Moors were boarded and taken, with the loss of 2000 men. But as the Moorish ships were all aground, the victors were under the necessity to burn them, with all the rich merchandize they contained. Owing to this severe loss, the Moors deserted the city of Calicut, which by the cessation of trade became much distressed for provisions, insomuch that most of its inhabitants withdrew to other places. The zamorin was so much humbled by this succession of disastrous events, that he remained quiet for a long time afterwards557.
   The particular incidents of this engagement are so confusedly related in Lichefilds translation of Castaneda as to baffle every attempt to reduce them into intelligible order. Among these, the two following are more distinctly told. Tristan de la Silva endeavoured to board a ship which appeared to be the admiral, of which the captain and a numerous crew were Turks. A little before De Silva got up to this ship, the crew had fired off a piece of ordnance which lay on the upper deck, and which by its recoil broke a large hole in the side of the ship. The Turks were so intent on defending themselves against the Portuguese boats, that they neglected to barricade this hole, of which the people in De Silvas boat took advantage to get on board; Alonzo Lopez the master, and Alvaro Lopez one of the kings servants, now town-clerk of Santarem, being the first who entered by the hole. A desperate conflict ensued on deck, in which many of the Turks were slain, others hid themselves below the hatches, and others leapt into the water, most of whom were drowned, as they were covered with shirts of mail.
   The caravel commanded by Pedro Raphael, one of these brought within the bar to co-operate with the boats, was struck by a ball from the battery on shore, which killed three men and dangerously wounded other ten. In the confusion occasioned by this accident, another shot killed the master at the helm, and the caravel drove with the tide of flood right under the bows of a large Moorish ship full of men which had not yet been attacked by the boats. In this situation, a great number of the enemy boarded the caravel, and used our men very ill. The caravel afterwards drifted on certain rocks, where she remained till the end of the battle. The situation of the caravel was now perceived by the admiral, who ordered effectual succour to be sent to Raphael. The succours boarded the caravel, which was quite full of Moors, whom they drove out with great slaughter; but all of our men belonging to that caravel were sore hurt.
   On the next day, being the first of January 1505, the admiral went with the fleet to Cananor, to take in the rest of his lading. He was here informed by the factor of the humbled situation of the Moors, from whom, in his opinion, the Portuguese had no longer any thing to fear in India. Being ready to depart for Europe, the admiral made an oration to Manual Telez, and those who were to remain with him in India, giving them instructions for their conduct after his departure; and as the enemy was so greatly humbled, he considered that such a fleet as had formerly been left by Albuquerque was quite sufficient, in which he left an hundred soldiers. Indeed the zamorin, as has been already said, was sick of the war, and remained quiet after the departure of the admiral.
   Departing from Cananor, Suarez arrived off Melinda on the 1st of February; where, without landing himself, he sent Antonio de Saldanna to bring away the rich prizes he had formerly made at Cape Guardafui. From Melinda, the fleet went to Quiloa, on purpose to enforce the payment of the tribute from the king of that place. Departing from thence on the 10th of February, he arrived safe at Lisbon on the 22d of June 1505558, without any incident worth relating559; carrying with him two ships more than had accompanied him to India, all laden with rich commodities, and was received by the King Don Manuel with great honour.
   When the king learnt the great service which Pacheco had performed in India, he expressed his high approbation of his conduct in a public procession. The king went, in all the splendour usually shewn on Corpus Christi day, from the high church to that of St Domingo, accompanied by Duarte Pacheco. After solemn service, a sermon was preached by Don Diego Ortis, bishop of Viseo; who, by the kings command, gave a rehearsal of all that had been performed by Pacheco in the war against the zamorin. On the same day, a solemn festival was held in all the churches of Portugal and Algarve. The king sent letters on the occasion to the pope and all the princes of Christendom, announcing all these notable acts and victories which had been performed in the Indies.560

CHAPTER VII.
Letters from Lisbon in the beginning of the Sixteenth Century, respecting the then recent Discovery of the route by Sea to India561



INTRODUCTION.
   The following letters bear to have been written by some Italian public agents and merchants, to their employers and friends, and contain a curious record of the first impressions made on the public mind by the wonderful discoveries which navigation was then opening up to the European world. They are selected from the Novus Orbis, a work which was published by Simon Grynжus early in the sixteenth century. According to M. de la Richarderie,562 this collection was formed by Hans Heteirs, canon of Strasburg, and was printed under the care of Simon Grynжus, by Isaac Hervag, in folio, at Basil in 1532. We learn likewise that it passed rapidly through several editions, having been reprinted at Basil in 1535, 1537, and 1555; and at Paris in 1582. The edition used on the present occasion is printed at Basil in 1555 by Jo. Hervag. Its principal contents, besides those translated for the present chapter, are the voyages of Cada Mosto, already given; the discovery of America by Christopher Columbus, which will form the first article in our subsequent volume; the voyages of Vincent Alonzo Pinzon, and of Americus Vespucius, which will be attended to hereafter; and the travels of Marco Polo, which have been already given at full length from a better source.
   The language of the Novus Orbis is perhaps the most barbarous Latin ever composed for the press, and its punctuation is so enormously incorrect that it would have been easier understood without any points whatever.
   As already mentioned, the edition here used is dated in the year 1555, little more than fifty years after the discoveries they commemorate; and the letters themselves are dated in 1501, 1502, and 1503, immediately after the return of the earliest of the Portuguese voyages from India. Indeed the first letter seems to have been written only a day or two after the arrival of the first ship belonging to Cabrals fleet.
   This work is accompanied by a very curious map of the world, on one planisphere, much elongated to the east and west, which may be considered as a complete picture of the knowledge then acquired of the cosmography of our globe. The first meridian is placed at the island of Ferro, and the degrees of longitude are counted from thence eastwards all round the world, so that Ferro is in long. 0° and 360° E. In every part of the world, the outlines are grossly incorrect, and it would serve no purpose to give an extended critical view of this map; yet a few notices respecting it may gratify curiosity.
   Europe is singularly incorrect, especially in the north and east. America, called likewise Terra Nova, has an approximated delineation of its southern division, stretching far to the south, as if the cosmographer had received some tolerable notices of Brazil, Cape Horn, and the coasts of Peru and Chili. But instead of the continent of North America, the island of Cuba is delineated in a north and south direction, reaching between the latitudes of 10° and 50° north; leaving a small strait or passage between its southern extremity and the Isthmus of Darien into the South Sea. About twelve degrees west from Cuba the island of Zipangri is placed; and at least twenty degrees east from Cathay or China. At sixteen degrees east from the northern end of Cuba, a large island is placed in the Oceanus Magnus or Atlantic, called Terra Cortesia; which the cosmographer seems to have intended to represent the kingdom of Mexico, recently discovered by Cortez; though placed almost in lat. 50° N. Perhaps this may be an error for Corterealis, an early navigator, who is said to have made discoveries on the eastern coast of North America.
   In Africa there is an approximation towards its true shape; yet the Caput Viride, or Cape Verd, is placed to the north of the river Senegal, instead of between that river and the Gambia; and the sources of the Nile are brought down to lat. 15° S. at least twenty-two degrees too far to the southwards.
   Asia, with India and China, are too much distorted for criticism. Calicut is placed in the peninsula of Cambaya or Guzerate. The Aurea Chersonesus and Regnum Malacha, or Malacca, are separated by a great gulf, while the latter is placed so low as 30° S. latitude. This much may suffice for an account of the incorrect yet curious specimen of cosmographical knowledge which had been acquired by the learned in Europe about 300 years ago.
   To these four letters we have added a short account of several curious circumstances relative to the trade of the Europeans with India at the commencement of the sixteenth century, or three hundred years ago; which, though not very accurately expressed, contains some curious information.

SECTION I. Letter from the Venetian Envoy in Portugal to the Republic563
   Most serene prince, &c. Believing that your highness has been already informed by the most excellent legate, of all the memorable things which have occurred in this place, and particularly respecting the fleet so lately dispatched for India by the king of Portugal, which, by the blessing of God, has now returned with the loss of seven ships; as it originally consisted of fourteen sail, seven of which only have come home, the other seven having been wrecked in the voyage. Their voyage was along the coasts of Mauritania and Getulia to Cape Verd, anciently called Experias; off which the islands called the Hesperides are situated. From thence they explored lower Ethiopia towards the east, beyond which the ancients never penetrated. They sailed along this eastern coast of Ethiopia to a line corresponding with the meridian of Sicily, about five or six degrees within the equinoctial, the gold mines belonging to the king of Portugal being about the middle of that coast.564 Beyond that coast of the gold mines, and nine degrees to the south of the winter tropic,565 they came to a great promontory called the Cape of Good Hope, which is almost 5000 miles distant from our country. From thence they came to the cape anciently called Prasum, which was considered by Ptolemy as the extremity of the southern regions, all beyond being unknown to the ancients. After that they reached the country of the Troglodites, now called Zaphala, or Sofala, which our ancestors affirm to have abounded in gold, infinitely more than any other part of the earth. Stretching from Sofala across the Barbaric Gulf,566 they came into the Indian Ocean, and at length to the city of Calicut. Such was their voyage, which carefully calculated, as following the coasts of the ocean, extends to the prodigious length of 15,000 miles; but which, if the lands and mountains would allow in a direct line, were greatly shorter.
   Before passing the Cape of Good Hope, in consequence of being forced out of their course by a S.W. wind, they discovered a new country to which they gave the name of the Land of Parrots, because they found, there an incredible number of these birds, of many beautiful colours, some of them a cubit and a half in length and more. We have seen two of these birds, and can vouch for the truth of the description. On exploring this extensive coast, the navigators believed that it must necessarily belong to a continent, as they sailed along it for the space of 2000 miles without having seen either extremity. Its coasts are inhabited by people of a tolerably handsome appearance, who go quite naked.567
   In this voyage they lost four ships. Two others were sent to the gold mines, which are not yet returned; and seven only reached Calicut, where they were honourably received, and had a house allotted them by the prince, and there they brought their ships to anchor. Soon afterwards there assembled many boats of the Moors and other neighbouring people, and some frigates belonging to the great sultan, all the people belonging to which conspired together against the Christians, being exceedingly adverse to the coming of the Christians into these parts, lest they should diminish their profits. They insisted therefore to have their ships first loaded, to the great dissatisfaction of the Christians, who immediately complained to the king of the insolence of the Moors, but soon discovered that he favoured them. The king of Calicut was a person of very doubtful faith, and made the following answer: That it did not seem equitable for the Moors to be permitted to finish their traffic before the Christians; and gave orders accordingly, that the Christians might carry on their trade. The Moors trangressed this decree, and took away the goods of the Christians at pleasure; upon which disputes arose between the Christians and the Moors, in which the whole inhabitants of the city took part with the Moors. Whereupon a great slaughter was made of the Christians, above forty of them being slain; among whom was their principal factor, when endeavouring to escape by swimming. In revenge for this cruelty, the Christians made severe reprisals; as they burnt ten ships belonging to the prefect of Syria, that is the sultan; and destroyed a considerable portion of the city by means of their catapults and bombards568, many houses being burnt to the ground, as they are covered with thatch like cottages, and exceedingly combustible.
   After this, the fleet left Calicut, and went to another kingdom named Cochin, about forty miles distant, being conducted thither by a Jew who assumed the Christian faith. The king of Cochin hated the king of Calicut exceedingly, and on that account received the Christians with much kindness. Spices are in greater abundance at Cochin than at Calicut, and the Christians carried off such riches from Cochin as I dare scarcely venture to report; for they allege to have purchased a cantarus of cinnamon, which is a considerable measure, for one gold ducat. The king of Cochin gave two hostages to the Portuguese, in assurance of their safety, and sent even ambassadors to the king of Portugal. In the mean time, the king of Calicut fitted out an immense fleet against the Christians, in revenge for having burnt the ships in his harbour. This fleet exceeded 150 ships, and carried 15,000 men, yet on account of a north wind which they were unable to contend with, they dared not to attack the Portuguese ships, and withdrew from Cochin. As their great numbers were considerably formidable, the Portuguese ships went to a certain island in which the body of St Thomas is interred, the lord of which received them kindly, and gave them some relics of that holy person in token of friendship: He even offered them greater quantities of spices than they had ever seen before, without money, trusting that they would pay for them on their return from Europe: But, being already laden, the Portuguese declined this friendly offer.
   The Portuguese fleet employed fourteen months in this voyage, and returned to Lisbon in spring; but they say that it may be made much sooner, now that the course is well known, and may even be accomplished in ten months. All the ships that reached Calicut returned, except one which was lost on certain rocks, but the crew saved, which ship was of six hundred tons burden. As yet only one caravel has come into port, but the rest are said to be not far off. This lately arrived ship came into port on St Johns day, 6th May, at which time I happened to be with the king, who addressed me in these words. "Hah! congratulate me, good sir, as my fleet is already in the river, loaded with all kinds of spices." I received the news joyfully, as became me, and made my compliments of congratulation to the king. The tidings were welcomed with exceeding joy and all kind of festivity, with the sound of trumpets, cymbals, and flutes, and the continual firing of cannon. On the day following there was a solemn thanksgiving, at which all the people assisted. When I again waited on the king, he desired me to apprize your serenity of his good fortune, saying that you may send your ships hither in safety to purchase his spices; adding, that he should take such measures as to prevent the prefect of Syria, that is the sultan569; from procuring spices in India. He founds this hope assuredly on the success which his fleet had lately in contending with the numerous vessels of the Moors, and has no doubt of being able to reduce India under his own authority. The ship already arrived is commanded by a Tuscan named Bartholomew, a native of Florence. Her cargo consists of 300 cantari or quintals of pepper, 120 cantari of cinnamon, 60 cantari of lac, and 15 cantari of castor and other perfumes of that kind570. They have no cloves or ginger, having been prevented by the Moors, as these could only be procured at Calicut; neither have they any of the lesser spices. They had purchased many pearls of different sorts, which were all lost in the disturbances at Calicut, in which many of their men and much riches were destroyed.
   I must not omit to mention, that there have lately arrived messengers from Ubenus571 king of Ethiopia to the king of Portugal, bringing gifts of ivory and many other things. These are soon to return in two ships, which are to go to India after stopping at the new gold mines. While this ship which has first arrived was on its voyage home, it met two ships steering their course from the new gold mines572 for India. These; thinking themselves lost, or that they would be plundered by the Christians, offered to pay them a ransom of 15,000 ducats for leave to continue their voyage: But the Christians, though tempted by so much gold, gave these people many gifts and permitted them to continue their course, that they might hereafter be allowed a free trade with their country.

SECTION II. Letter from certain Merchants and Bankers of Spain,573 to their correspondents in the cities of Florence and Venice, respecting a treaty of peace and league between the kings of Portugal and Calicut
   We have been informed by those who were on board of the fleet which sailed from Lisbon to India in May 1502, and returned on the 15th December 1503, that the king of Calicut has concluded a peace with our sovereign on the following conditions. As a compensation for the slaughter of our men, he is to pay 4000 bahars of pepper, equal to 12, 000 quintals. That the Moors shall not be allowed to trade there from any place whatever, excepting only those who are natives of Calicut; and that these even shall not be permitted to trade with Mecca. That our king, if so inclined, may build a fort at Calicut, and shall be supplied with a sufficient quantity of stones, lime, and timber for that purpose by the zamorin, paying for these on delivery. That the king of Calicut shall aid and favour the Portuguese in all things, and that it shall be competent for our king to appoint one of his own subjects to administer justice among the Portuguese resident in that city, even with the power of life and death, and without appeal to the zamorin. That when any of our people shall revolt from or be disobedient to our commercial agent, they shall immediately be delivered up to be judged by the aforesaid Portuguese consul. If any captive Moors are detained, they shall all be delivered up to our agent. That the two Milanese lapidaries, who had gone from Rome to India, and who there acted as military engineers and shipbuilders in the European fashion, to the disgrace of the Christian profession, and the vast injury of the Christians, should be delivered up in chains to the admiral of our fleet. That the kings or rajahs of Cochin and Cananore shall be included in this treaty as co-allies, mutually sharing all danger and advantages with the other contracting parties: So that if any one shall take arms against any of the parties to this treaty, he shall be declared an enemy to all the parties hereby confederated. If any of the parties to this league shall act contrary to its stipulations, the power of all the rest shall act against him, as a perfidious person, a traitor, and an enemy to good faith; all the contracting parties using their utmost to preserve the present peace and alliance inviolate. While the Portuguese fleet might remain in the harbour of Calicut, all other ships whatever were to be refused access, at least until after ours were laden: But when there were sufficient goods for all who wanted them, then all ships Were to be at liberty to load; provided always that the accustomed prices should not be augmented, and expressly that the profit to the venders should never exceed 8 per cent which was usual in that port.
   These are the conditions of peace and alliance which have been stipulated, to the great honour and renown of our sovereign, as must be evident to every one; as henceforwards he may not only be accounted sovereign of India, but has imposed laws on Turkey and the prefect of Syria574, since by this treaty all access to the city of Calicut is debarred to their traders. We do not even doubt that, in four years from hence, through the vigorous measures of our king, our sailors may safely navigate to Constantinople and Alexandria, the present most celebrated marts of eastern commerce, and shall take signal vengeance on the Moors by whom they have been infamously and frequently abused. For this purpose a fleet of twelve sail was fitted out this year, which found the rajah of Cochin expelled from his dominions, having fled for refuge from the hostilities of the king of Calicut to a strong place in a certain island. The only reason he could assign for the hostilities of the zamorin was, that, faithful to his engagements, he refused to deliver our people to the king of Calicut, and chose rather to live in exile than to betray his trust. In this extremity, our fleet brought opportune aid to the friendly rajah, and having landed troops for his assistance, they marched boldly against the perfidious zamorin, routed his forces with great slaughter, and triumphantly restored the rajah of Cochin to his dominions.
   This kingdom is not far distant from the straits of the Red Sea, where they have erected a very strong fortress575, and are building another in the mouth of the bay of Cochin, provided with all kinds of warlike artillery, by which to repel the enemy, and to provide a safe station, for our fleet; nor shall we recede from thence, however adverse the natives may be to our remaining; and when the same shall be done in the bay of Calicut, it will not then be difficult to defend these stations and the adjoining coasts against all aggressors. Our ships which remained in these seas last year made no small booty, as they took one morning five ships bound from the kingdom of Cambaya for Mecca, the shrine of Mahomet, in which they found 1000 cantari or quintals of clean cloves, besides a large quantity of the same spice not freed from the husk as is usual with us. These ships had likewise castor and other perfumes of that kind576, sanders wood, amber, purified lac, and excessively fine linen, and a large sum in gold and silver coin; insomuch that the value of this prize exceeded 200,000 ducats.
   Having thus informed you of the wealth of that country, which abounds in almost every thing, we now proceed to relate that two of our ships above mentioned have been cast away in a storm near the mouth of the Red Sea, their commander Vincentius and above six hundred men having perished, but the other two were saved577. Another vessel, which escaped that dreadful tempest, was soon afterwards dashed to pieces against a rock; so that the sea was covered with dead bodies and with rich merchandize of all kinds: Thus, as the proverb says, wealth ill acquired is ill lost. Of all these ships one small caravel only rode out the storm, and brought intelligence of the destruction of the others.
   We have now to inform you, that our king has given permission to all who choose to proceed to India and to carry on trade, providing that he is paid a quarter part578 of all returns, and that they purchase from him for the purpose such ships as he thinks proper, and the price of these ships must be paid before setting out on the voyage; because, considering the loss of ships which he has already sustained, he is desirous that others should now bear the risk: It will therefore require large funds to embark in this trade, so that we hardly believe the king will find any to engage on these conditions; but of this we shall inform you from time to time as it may occur. It must not, however, be concealed that the circumstances of this trade are by no means established on certain principles, which can only be determined by future events.
   A Portuguese of the former fleet touched at a certain port in the kingdom of Sofala, and visited a gold mine of which he relates wonderful things. He assured us that a ship of the Christians had been there, and speaks of incredible quantities of gold to be found there. On this account, our king is resolved to erect a strong fort at that place, to keep the barbarians under subjection, and to keep away the Indians and the inhabitants of Cambaya, lest they should make themselves masters of the mine. He will therefore immediately seize upon this mine for his own use, which we certainly believe to have been the mine whence Solomon derived such vast riches, and where the queen of Sheba dwelt, who went to visit Solomon, as related in holy writ. These things are of such importance that they ought not to be concealed from you; and our king is to be deemed happy and fortunate; because he hath made the discovery of such vast riches.
   It is believed by many that they will soon obtain permission from the king to go to India, paying him at the rate of 25 per cent. and taking his ships as before mentioned. It appears to be his wish that the merchants should send out their own factors or supercargoes with the care of their goods, but without any authority, as he wishes to rule in all things, and that every thing may be directed by his officers, even the expences of the merchants. The trade in spiceries is to remain exclusively in the viceroy, and is not to be permitted to the merchants; for which reason it is not believed that this Indian trade will be very profitable: But we shall give you due information of all these things as they occur. We have formerly written you that Cairo failed in its commercial prosperity from the very same cause; and if this great eastern trade shall be appropriated by the king, it will certainly occasion a Babylonian confusion in the state, and very deservedly: For at Cairo the Moors were in use to maltreat the Christians exceedingly, and they are now perhaps suffering for that error, as they will not any longer be allowed to carry away any kind of spices, or jewels of all kinds, or pearls and other valuable commodities; as by means of the Portuguese forts, they will in future be debarred from trading to Calicut and Sofala; for all which you will be thankful to God.
   Concerning the gold mine of Sofala, which we mentioned before, and of which such wonderful things are told, it is said our king will be the sole proprietor in two years, which must prove of vast importance; as from that place, which is now possessed by the idolaters, all India and Persia used to procure the whole of their gold; although the mouth of the bay is under the dominion of a king of the Chaldeans579, at which place the trade is carried on with the idolaters by the Moors, who bring yearly their ships from Cambaya laden with low-priced articles, which they barter for gold. These goods are coarse cotton cloths, silks of various fashions and many colours, but chiefly of the Turkish fabric. The king of Quiloa, an island about sixty leagues from Sofala, it is said, will have to quit that place from fear of the idolaters. At Quiloa all ships going to Sofala have to stop and pay tribute, before going to the mine of Sofala. When they get to Sofala, they have to remain there six or eight months before completing their affairs; carrying from thence gold, ivory, and wax, all of the best kind. After this they have again to touch at Quiloa, and to pay a tax for their gold. Thence they go to Cambaya or Mecca. In our ships there are twelve or fifteen agents of the king of Quiloa, who pays a tribute yearly to our king of 1500 metigals, each of which metigals is worth 150 ducats, or in all 225,000 ducats. That king depends so entirely on the king of Portugal, that our king may dethrone him whenever be pleases to send there a force of 1000 men, which would oblige the king of Quiloa to run away; and it is believed this will be done shortly, the thing being so easy, and by this means an yearly revenue of 500,000 ducats would be secured.
   If you have properly considered what those ships may bring which are daily expected, you will find that they will at least import about 222 quintals of all kinds of spice: And we shall ship for you of all these, using our endeavours that you may never be in want of them. Even after the before mentioned treaty with the king of Calicut, no small risk still remains to those who navigate to the Indies, on account of a certain archipelago, containing about 14,000 islands580, and owing to the narrowness of a certain strait which is scarcely navigable. We shall persist notwithstanding, as by custom and experience these dangers will become of no consequence. At length we expect to have the glory of having discovered almost the whole of the world, and those parts of it especially to which the ancients never penetrated. It only remains for us to go to the island of Taprobana, or Ceylon, which according to Pliny is exceedingly rich in gold, gems, and ivory. Thus by our anxious endeavours, we shall lay open the whole of India to our trade. By letters from thence, it appears that our merchandize is not much valued in these parts, and that crusadoes ought to be sent out, if we wish to have our affairs speedily conducted, as other goods remain long in hand: For the Indians purposely procrastinate, that they may beat down the value of our commodities. The Indians give a high price for brass and alum; but this last must be white not red, and in large pieces, as they despise the small. They do not care for coral, unless large and finely wrought, which otherwise bears no value. Lead is valued, if in large bars. Quicksilver and amber are in no request. Wrought brass bears a low price, as it is always manufactured over again in their own fashion, so that the cost of manufacturing in Europe would be thrown away. All other goods besides these mentioned are in no demand, and will therefore bring small profit.