SECTION XII. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions, from 1512 to 1517
   Towards the close of 1511, orders came to India for Don Jerome de Azevedo to succeed Tavora as viceroy. Azevedo had acquired a high character by many years service, eighteen years of which he had spent in Ceylon, where he had acquired great riches, and yet preserved a good name. The report of his riches contributed, as much as the fame of his valour, to his present promotion, as it was thought that he who had so much already, would be less inclined to covetousness; though experience shews, that those who have much still covet more. Azevedo had likewise offered to serve the office of viceroy without the usual salary, but afterwards accepted it. Among the first actions of his administration was to send home Danish Beg, ambassador from Shah Abbas, king of Persia, who had been in Spain at the court of King Philip. Shah Abbas treated, at the same time, both with King Philip, and James king of England, endeavouring to influence both to the furtherance of his own designs; having taken the island of Bahrayn from the Portuguese, and was now endeavouring to gain Ormuz. Along with this Persian ambassador, Antonio de Guovea, titular bishop of Sirene, went for the purpose of propagating Christianity in Persia; but, finding that the Persian government was inimical to his mission, he went no farther than Ormuz. Shah Abbas was so much displeased with his ambassador for not succeeding in his negotiation for the surrender of Ormuz, that he caused him to be beheaded; and was so much exasperated against the Christians, that he forced many of his Armenian subjects to renounce the faith.
   The fortune of Nicote in Pegu now declined as swiftly as it had risen. In 1513, the king of Ova, being provoked at the violence which Nicote had been guilty of against the king of Tangu, who was under his protection, made a vow that he would revenge his injuries. Having assembled an army of 120,000 men, and 400 vessels of considerable strength, in which were above 6000 of those Moors so noted for valour, called Caperuzas from their wearing caps, he marched against Siriam, where he burnt every thing beyond the walls of the fort. Nicote made a brave resistance though taken unawares, as he had suffered most of his men to go to India, and was very scarce of powder. In this distress, he sent a soldier to purchase powder at Bengal, who ran away with the money; and sent likewise to San Thoma for the same commodity, but was refused any supply. For want of powder he was unable to fire his cannon against the enemy, and was reduced to the expedient of pouring boiling pitch and oil on their heads. At length, Nicote was taken and carried to the king of Ova, who ordered him to be impaled on an eminence in view of the fort, where he lived two days in torment. His wife, Donna Luisa de Saldanna, was kept three days in the river to be purified, as the king designed her for himself; but when brought before him, she upbraided him for his cruelty, and he ordered her leg to be bored, and that she should be sent to Ova along with the other slaves. A native named Banna who had betrayed Nicote, demanding his reward from the king of Ova, was ordered to be torn in pieces, the king alleging, that he who had been false to his benefactor would never be true to him. The son of Nicote resided, at that time, in Martavan, having married the daughter of the king of that place; but the king of Ova caused him to be put to death, that no one of the race might remain alive. Thus ended Nicote, who, from the lowest poverty, had raised himself to great power and prodigious riches, being worth three millions431. The enemy allowed of having lost 30,000 men in this siege. The viceroy on hearing of the danger of Siriam, had dispatched Diego de Mendoza to its relief with five galliots; but having put off his time by the way on other objects, he was too late.
   In the year 1614, the viceroy resolved to go in person to the sea of Guzerate to meet the English and Hollanders, who were then strong in these seas. He sent before him Emanuel de Azevedo with 22 sail, who was joined at Surat by two other squadrons, after which he landed and destroyed the lands of Cifandam and Diva. The towns of Baroach and Goga were plundered, with six large ships in the bay, as was likewise the city of Patane. Having completed his preparations, the viceroy sailed from Goa with seven galleons, one of which was so large that it easily carried 230 men besides mariners, 30 of them being gentlemen. Besides the galleons, there were two pinks, one galley, one caravel, and five other vessels, on board of which were 1400 Portuguese soldiers, with a great number of cannon, but the gunners were very unskilful. At Surat the viceroy was joined by the squadron under Emanuel de Azevedo, the chief design of this large armament being to destroy four English vessels then in that port. The preparations for this purpose seemed disproportionately large, yet the event proved the contrary. Being come in sight of the English, the viceroy ordered the two pinks with the caravel and other smaller vessels to close with one of the English vessels which lay at some distance from the rest. Having all grappled with the enemy and almost carried her by boarding, the other three ships came up and drove them all off. The first of the three vessels which had attacked the English ship took fire, and being attempted to be steered on board the English ship to set her on fire was destroyed without doing the enemy any harm. In this manner the first day was expended to no purpose, and next day, on proposing to attack the English ships, they were found riding in a place to which the entrance was so narrow that one galleon only could come at them at once, which might therefore have been disabled by the English cannon, for which reason no attempt was made to attack them; but some alleged that this was only a pretence set up by those who had no mind for the enterprise. A fruitless endeavour was made to destroy them by means of fire-ships.
   Perceiving that he only lost his labour at this place, the viceroy went to Diu, whence he dispatched relief to Ormuz; and on his return from Diu towards Goa, the four English ships were seen at a great distance from Surat in full sail to the south. The viceroy pursued, and towards evening came up with the sternmost, having left his own fleet far behind. The head gunner offered to sink the English ship by means of two 40 pounders; but the officers who accompanied the viceroy opposed this, alleging that the other three English ships would come upon him while alone and the galleon might be lost. The viceroy accordingly submitted to their opinion, but neglected to make them give it under their hands; and when he was afterwards accused for having neglected to do what the gunner proposed, they denied having ever given him any such advice. The English were so thankful for this forbearance, that they fired their cannons without ball as if saluting.
   In the year 1615, Sebastian Gonzalez Tibao, formerly mentioned, who had raised himself from a poor dealer in salt to be an absolute sovereign by treachery and ingratitude, and who had neglected to submit himself to the Portuguese viceroy in the height of his prosperity, finding himself now in danger of losing his ill got power, sent to request succour; but even now proposed terms like an independent prince, and offered in return for assistance and protection to deliver a large ship load of rice yearly at Goa as an acknowledgement of vassalage. He urged that all he had done was to revenge the murder of the Portuguese in Banguel of Dianga by the king of Aracan, and hinted that the vast treasures of the king might easily be taken by a very moderate effort. This blinded the viceroy, who immediately fitted out 14 of the largest galliots with a fliboat and a pink, and sent them to Aracan under the command of Francisco de Menezes Roxo, who had formerly commanded in Ceylon. Roxo sailed from Goa about the middle of September 1615. On the 2d of October he arrived at Aracan, the chief port and residence of the king, having detached a galleon to Sundiva to give notice to Gonzalez of his arrival and intentions. Having opened his instructions in presence of all the captains, they directed him to proceed against Aracan without waiting for Gonzalez; which was highly improper, as that man knew the country and was acquainted with their manner of fighting, besides that the force he was able to bring was of importance. But God confounded their councils, having decreed the ruin of that vile wretch, and of the unjust succours that were now sent to his aid.
   On the 15th of October, the Aracan fleet was observed coming down the river to attack, so numerous that they could not be counted. The foremost vessel was a Dutch pink, and many of the other vessels were commanded by Hollanders. All that could be seen appeared full of men well armed and equipped, and seemed a prodigious overmatch for the small number the Portuguese had to oppose them, as besides the galliot sent to Sundiva another had been dispatched in search of the pink, so that only 12 galliots remained and the fliboat. The Dutch pink fired the first gun, and then the fight began with great fury, the Portuguese galliots bravely advancing against the vast hostile fleet. Four of the galliots got before the rest, and in the very beginning of the action their captains and many of their men were slain, but the other eight came up to their rescue, and great execution was done among the enemy, many of whom were drowned by oversetting their vessels in their haste to escape from the destructive fire of the Portuguese. The battle raged the whole day, but the enemy drew off in the evening, thinking that a reinforcement was coming to the Portuguese, as they saw the galliot approaching which had been sent in search of the pink. In this engagement the Portuguese lost 25 men of note besides others.
   Next morning the pink joined the fleet, on board of which all the wounded men were put, and those that were fit for service in that vessel were distributed among the others. Roxo now resolved to remain at anchor at the mouth of the river till Gonzalez came to join him, and then to attack the enemy. At length Gonzalez made his appearance, with 50 vessels well manned and equipped, and on being told the orders of the viceroy and what had been already done, he expressed much displeasure at the viceroy for giving such orders, and at Roxo for imprudently fighting before his arrival. About the middle of November: the combined fleets sailed up the river and discovered the vast fleet of Aracan at anchor in a well chosen situation, where it was resolved immediately to attack them. Roxo took half of the ships belonging to Gonzalez under his immediate command, giving Gonzalez half of these he had brought from Goa, so as to make two equal squadrons. Thus arranged they advanced against the enemy, firing against those vessels they could reach, but none of the enemy ventured to advance. The king of Aracan viewed the engagement from the shore to encourage his people, and caused the heads of such as fled to be cut off and exposed on spears as a terror to the rest. About noon when the heat of the sun was so great as to scorch the Portuguese; the Aracan ships came on in three numerous squadrons. Sebastian Gonzalez put to flight those of the enemy that were opposed to him, and the Portuguese pink compelled that belonging to the Hollanders to draw off. On that side where Roxo commanded there was much slaughter on both sides without any evident superiority; but about sunset, when the advantage was obviously leaning to the Portuguese, Roxo was slain. Being informed by signal of this mischance, Gonzalez was obliged to discontinue following up his good fortune; and on the tide ebbing the fleet separated, one of the Portuguese galliots being left aground among the enemy, who tore her to pieces and slew all her crew; The Portuguese fleet retired to the mouth of the river, where care was taken of the wounded men, and above 200 dead bodies were thrown into the sea. Don Luis de Azevedo succeeded in the command of the Portuguese squadron, and they all retired to Sundiva, whence Don Luis sailed back to Goa, in spite of everything that Gonzalez could say to detain him. Soon after the departure of the Portuguese ships, the king of Aracan invaded and conquered the island of Sundiva, by which Sebastian Gonzalez was reduced to his original poverty, his sovereignty passing away like a dream, his pride humbled in the dust, and his villainous conduct deservedly punished.
   In 1616, Don Nunno Alvarez Pereyra succeeded Emanuel Mascarennas Homem as general of the Portuguese in Ceylon, and made several successful inroads into the kingdom of Candy, whence he brought off many prisoners and great numbers of cattle. From the commencement of the Portuguese dominion in that island, they had been engaged in almost perpetual wars with the different petty sovereigns who ruled over its various small maritime divisions, and with the central kingdom of Canea, most of which have been omitted in this work as not possessing sufficient interest. At this time a dangerous commotion took place in the island, occasioned by a circumstance which, though not new in the world, is still admired though often repeated. Some years before, Nicapeti the converted king of Ceylon died without issue, and left the king of Portugal heir to his dominions. A poor fellow of the same name got admittance to one of the queens of Valgameme from whom he learnt several particulars respecting the deceased king, taking advantage of which he determined to assume the character of the late sovereign, and to endeavour to persuade the people that he was their prince who had come again-to-life. For this purpose he feigned himself a jogue, similar to a hermit among the christians; and making his appearance in the neighbourhood of Maregnepora, he gave out that he came to free his country from the tyranny of the Portuguese. Finding credit among the people, many of whom flocked to him, he entered the seven corlas during the absence of the Dissava Philip de Oliveyra, and being assisted by 2000 men sent to him by the king of Candy, he was acknowledged as king by most of the country. Hearing of this commotion, Pereyra sent a force under Emanuel Cesar to suppress the insurrection. Cesar encountered the false Nicapeti at Gandola, a village on the river Laoa, where the insurgents had collected a force of 6000 men. In the heat of the battle, 1000 Chingalese troops who served under Luis Gomez Pinto deserted to the enemy; but Don Constantine, a native Christian of the blood royal who served the Portuguese, called them back by declaring himself their lawful king, on which they immediately returned and proclaimed him their sovereign. After a long engagement the enemy was defeated and fled across the river.
   Philip de Oliveyra returned at this time from Candy to his command in the seven corlas, having heard of the insurrection but not of the victory at Gandola, to which place he immediately marched with about 800 Chingalese lascarins. On reaching the field of battle above 1000 men were found slain, but no indication by which he could ascertain which party had gained the victory. An inscription was found on a tree, signifying that all the Portuguese were slain, none of that nation remaining in Ceylon, and that Columbo had surrendered to Nicapeti, which startled the Portuguese who accompanied Oliveyra, and gave great satisfaction to his Chingalese troops. Continuing his march he was attacked in the rear by 300 of the enemy, but on facing about they all fled; soon after which he joined Emanuel Cesar on the river Laoa, and the insurgents fled to the woods. Cesar and Oliveyra by way of obliging the insurgents to return to their duty, seized above 400 of their women and children; but it had the contrary effect, as all their Chingalese troops immediately deserted with their arms, leaving only about 200 Portuguese. In this dilemma Cesar marched to the pagoda of Atanagala, not far from Maluana where the general resided, who sent him a reinforcement of 500 men, 200 of whom were Portuguese.
   Nicapeti had so much success with the natives that he collected an army of 24,000 men, with which he marched against Columbo, and was so vain of his good fortune that he caused himself to be proclaimed emperor of Ceylon, and transmitted an order to the king of Candy to send him one of his two wives. The answer on this occasion was, that it should be done when the Portuguese were subdued. Nicapeti was so enraged at this answer, that he threatened to use the king of Candy like the Portuguese; and on this threat coming to the knowledge of the 2000 auxiliaries from Candy, they immediately returned home. By these means the two enemies of the Portuguese became at variance with each other, to the great benefit of the Portuguese interests. Emanuel Cesar being joined by a considerable reinforcement, marched against Nicapeti, and found the road by which Nicapeti intended to march clean swept and strewed with flowers. A Chingalese who carried intelligence of the approach of Cesar to Nicapeti, was ordered to be impaled, the tyrant declaring there were no Portuguese in Ceylon; but he was soon undeceived, as the van guards of the two armies came in sight of each other. Nicapeti immediately took possession of a hill with 7000 men, where he entrenched himself; but his works were soon carried, 1000 of his men slain, and the usurper was forced to flee into the woods, laying aside his regal ornaments for better concealment. The rest of the insurgent army immediately fled on seeing their chief defeated, and the morning after the battle 500 of the Chingalese deserted from the enemy and joined the victors.
   At this time a native Chingalese of low birth, named Antonio Barreto, who had been a Christian and in the service of the Portuguese, but had gone over to the king of Candy, who appointed him general of his forces with the title of prince and governor of the kingdom of Uva, took advantage of the revolt of Nicapeti to seize upon the Portuguese fort of Safragan, which he got possession of by treachery and slew the Portuguese garrison. This was a severe but just retribution upon the Portuguese, as they had slain an ambassador sent by the king of Candy to treat of an accommodation, that they might jointly carry on the war against Nicapeti. After this the king of Candy marched against the Portuguese fort of Balane, which he reduced; yet immediately sent a message to the general Pereyra, offering to treat of peace.
   In 1617, the Portuguese affairs were in a dangerous situation in Ceylon, having at the same time to make war on the king of Candy, Antonio Barreto, and Nicapeti, who was still in considerable strength notwithstanding his late defeat. Pereyra divided his forces with considerable hazard, and put all to the sword in the revolted districts, sparing neither age nor sex; but neither will mercy and kind usage conciliate the Chingalese, nor cruelty terrify them into submission. Part of the forces pursued Nicapeti from Pelandu to Catugambala, Devamede and Coraagal, taking several forts, killing many of the enemy, and making 600 prisoners. The usurper retired to Talampeti his usual refuge, and the Portuguese advanced to Polpeti where they came in sight of the enemys camp, and forcing their works passed on to Balapane of Religiam, whence they sent away the prisoners and wounded men. At this time the Portuguese force was divided, one part marching against Barreto while the other continued to follow Nicapeti, but were able to effect very little, and after being quite spent with fatigue went into quarters at Botale.
   Having received reinforcements, Pereyra marched in person with a considerable force to drive Barreto from Sofragam and Matura, leaving Gomez Pinto with his regiment to-secure Alicur and oppose Nicapeti, while Cesar stayed to defend Botale with 100 men. The Portuguese were successful on all sides, driving the enemy from their works and slaughtering great numbers of them in the woods. In May the army advanced against Nicapeti, who was strongly entrenched at Moratena, yet fled towards Candy with such speed that he could not be got up with. He was at length overtaken in the desert of Anorajapure, when after losing 60 men his troops dispersed and fled into the woods. On this occasion the wives of the usurper, a grandson of Raju, and the nephew of Madune were all made prisoners. The fame of this victory induced the inhabitants of the Corlas to submit, and they plentifully supplied the army then at Malvana with rice. The news of this victory induced the king of Candy432 to sue for peace, sending by his ambassadors 32 Portuguese who had been made prisoners during the war. The terms agreed upon were, that he was to repair and restore the fort at Balane, and permit another to be constructed at Candy, and was to deliver yearly as tribute to the crown of Portugal four elephants and a certain stipulated quantity of cinnamon. Finding afterwards that the Portuguese affairs in Ceylon were less prosperous, he receded from these conditions and would only agree to give two elephants as the yearly tribute, but the peace was concluded.
   END OF THE SIXTH VOLUME.

Notes

1

   Hakluyt, III. 26.

2

   Id. III. 27.

3

   Presuming that this discovery was Newfoundland, a name nearly of the same import, perhaps the land first seen was what is now called Cape Bonavista, in lat. 48° 50' N. long. 62° 32' W. from London. In the text, there is every reason to believe that it is meant to indicate, that Cabot named the island he discovered St Johns, and only the first seen point of land Prima-Vista. –E.

4

   By this phrase is probably to be understood, the island behind this first-seen cape named Prima-Vista. –E.

5

   Vulgari Sermoni, is translated by Hakluyt, in the language of the savages; but we have given it a different sense in the text, that used by Hakluyt having no sufficient warrant in the original. –E.

6

   Hakluyt, III. 27. from the second volume of Ramusio.

7

   Florida is here to be taken in the extended sense as at first applied to the whole eastern coast of North America, to the north of the Gulf of Mexico. The commencement of this voyage appears to have been in search of a north-west passage; but Sebastian must have gone far above 56° N. to find the land trending eastwards: He was probably repelled by ice and cold weather. –E.

8

   Hakluyt, III. 28.

9

   Hakluyt, III. 29. quoting P. Martyr, Dec. III. Ch. vi.

10

   The Straits of Gibraltar are in lat. 36° N. which would bring the discovery of the eastern coast of North America by Cabot, all the way from 67-1/2° N. beyond Hudsons Bay, to Albemarle Sound on the coast of North Carolina-E.

11

   The middle of the island of Cuba is in long. 80° W. from Greenwich, which would have carried Cabot into the interior of Hudsons Bay, to which there is no appearance of his having penetrated, in the slight notices remaining of his exploratory voyage. –E.

12

   We have before seen that he named the country which he discovered, the island of St John, and that he gave the name in this part of the text, baccalaos, to the fish most abundant in those seas, which we name cod. –E.

13

   It is probable this applies to the tide of flood setting into the Gulf of St Lawrence or Hudsons Bay or both; which led Cabot to expect a passage through the land to the west-E.

14

   Hakluyt, III. 30. quoting Gomara, Gen. Hist. of the W. Indies, Book II. Ch. iv.

15

   By this account the progress of Cabot to the south along the eastern coast of North America, reached no farther than coast of Maryland. –E.

16

   Hakluyt, III. 30. quoting from a MS. in possession of Mr John Stow, whom he characterizes as a diligent collector of antiquities.

17

   Hakluyt, III. 31. quoting a book by Mr Robert Thorne, addressed to Doctor Leigh.

18

   Hakluyt, id. ib. Supposing Sebastian to have been sixteen years of age in 1495, when he appears to have come to England with his father, he must have attained to seventy years of age at the period of this grant-E.

19

   At the rate of six for one, as established by the Historian of America for comparing sums of money between these two periods, this pension was equal to L.1000 in our time. –E.

20

   At this place Hakluyt gives the Italian of Ramusio; we are satisfied on the present occasion with his translation. –E.

21

   Hakluyt, III. 595.

22

   Hakluyt, III. 250.

23

   Bibl. Univ. des Voy. VI. 15.

24

   In our most recent maps Cape Bonavista is laid down in lat. 48° 58' N. –E.

25

   Named in English charts Catalina Harbour, in lat. 48° 44' N. –E.

26

   This island of birds, judging by the course steered and its distance from the main of Newfoundland, appears to be that now called Funk Island, in lat. 50° N. 15 leagues N.E. from Cape Freels. –E.

27

   From the latitude in the text, Carpunt appears to have been what is now called Carouge Harbour, and the Bay of the Castles may be that now named Hare Bay, 6-1/2 leagues farther north. –E.

28

   Capes Rouge and De Grat. The former being the north head land of Carouge Bay, the latter the north-eastern extremity of Newfoundland, in lat. 51° 40' N. –E.

29

   If right in the latitude in the text, Cartier seems now to have got upon the coast of Labradore, to the north-west of Newfoundland; yet from the context he rather appears to have been on the north-end of Newfoundland, about Quirpon Harbour, the Sacred Isles, or Pistolet Bay. –E.

30

   This word has not been used before, but is probably meant for the same bird formerly called Aparath. These names of birds in Newfoundland are inexplicable. –E.

31

   Probably the Morse, vulgarly called the sea-horse. –E.

32

   The nature of these is not explained, but they must have been fire-arms of some kind. –E.

33

   Chaleur Bay on the north-eastern coast of Nova Scotia is probably meant; though, from the changes of names, we have not been able to trace the course of Cartier from the northern extremity of Newfoundland to this part of the Gulf of St Lawrence. He probably returned to the south, along the eastern coast of Newfoundland, and then sailed west, along the south coast of that island into the Gulf of St Lawrence, probably in search of a passage to the Pacific. –E.

34

   In a side-note, Hakluyt expresses an opinion that this harbour is what is now called Gaspay, or Gaspe Bay in lat. 48° 44' N., near Cape Rosiers, the south cape of the river St Lawrence. –E.

35

   Cartier seems now to have returned to the south coast of Newfoundland, but the relation of his voyage is too vague to be followed with any tolerable certainty. –E.

36

   The sentence in italics is given in the precise words of Hakluyt, probably signifying that the coast extended from E.S.E. to W.N.W. –E.

37

   Probably that now called Mistaken Points, near Cape Race, which latter is the south-eastern point of Newfoundland-E.

38

   Already supposed to be that now called Funk Island, in lat. 50° N. –E.

39

   From the context, I suspect the author here means that there was good anchorage at this place. –E.

40

   The river now called the St Lawrence. –E.

41

   The island here called Assumption, certainly is that now called Anticosti, a term formed or corrupted from the native name Natiscotec. –E.

42

   It is probable that we should here read the southern coast. –E.

43

   The Saguenay river runs into the north-west side of the St Lawrence, in lat. 48° 7' N. long. 69° 9' W. –E.

44

   Obviously the Isle of Orleans. –E.

45

   The native name of the river St Lawrence is Hoshelega or Hochelega, sometimes called the river of Canada. –E.

46

   By Canada in the text, the lordship belonging to Donnacona seems meant, which appears to have been what is now called the Isle of Orleans. –E.

47

   Now called St Peters Lake, between which and Trois Rivieres, the St Lawrence river is narrow with a rapid current. –E.

48

   Montreal, whence the island and city of the same name. –E.

49

   This description of the manner in which the ramparts of Hochelega were constructed, taken literally from Hakluyt, is by no means obvious or intelligible. Besides it seems rather ridiculous to dignify the village of a horde of savages with the name of city. –E.

50

   It is impossible to give any explanation of this ridiculous account of the esurgny, any farther than that the Frenchmen were either imposed upon by the natives, or misunderstood them from not knowing their language. In a subsequent part of the voyages of Cartier, this substance is called Esnoguy. –E.

51

   This seems a figurative expression, implying that he keeps them in ignorance of what is to happen when displeased. –E.

52

   Modern navigators prefer the north side, all the way from the Seven Islands to the Isle of Orleans, where they take the southern channel to Point Levi, at which place they enter the bason of Quebec. –E.

53

   The distance does not exceed 135 marine leagues. –E.

54

   The Isle of Orleans, the only one which can be here alluded to, is only 6 1/2 marine leagues in length; Cartier seems to use the small French league of about 12 furlongs, and even not to have been very accurate in its application. –E.

55

   The meaning of these routes are not explicable, as we are unacquainted with what is meant by Saguenay. The river of that name flows into the north-west side of the St Lawrence 150 miles below Quebec, in a nearly east course of about 150 miles from the lake of St John. The other river, said in the text to come from Saguenay, is probably that of the Utawas; but there does not appear to be any common direction or object attainable by the navigation of these two rivers. The subsequent account of the inhabitants of Saguenay is obviously fabulous, or had been misunderstood by the French adventurers. –E.

56

   The river from the south-west must have been the Chambly, and its series of lakes towards Hudson river. The rest of these vague indications refer to the great Canadian lakes. –E.

57

   The author clearly describes the scurvy, long so fatal to mariners on long voyages, now almost unknown in consequence of superior attention to articles of diet and cleanness. –E.

58

   A tribe named Picquagamies still inhabits around Lake St John at the head of the Saguenay river. The people in woollen dresses, with the rubies and gold, must be fabulous, or misunderstood by the French. –E.

59

   A very unintelligible account of the manner in which this article, so precious in the eyes of the Canadians, is procured, has been already given in this chapter; but there are no data on which even to conjecture what it is. Belts of wampum, a kind of rudely ornamented ribbons or girdles, are universally prized among the North American Indians, of which frequent mention will occur in the sequel of this work. –E.

60

   These geographical indications are so obscure as not to be intelligible, unless perhaps the passage between Cape Breton Island and Newfoundland is here meant under the name of Honguedo. –E.

61

   The text here is either corrupt, or so vaguely expressed as not to admit of any reasonable explanation or conjecture. –E.

62

   Portuguese Asia, by Manuel de Faria y Sousa-Astleys Collection of Voyages and Travels, I. 58. et sequ.

63

   Astley, I. 87.

64

   Bibl. Univ. des Voy. IV. 576.

65

   De Faria, Portuguese Asia, I. 82.

66

   Named Kalekare by Astley; and probably alluding to some place in the neighbourhood of the great pearl fishery in the Gulf of Manar, between Ceylon and the Carnatic. –E.

67

   Now called Golconda. But the dominions of Narsinga seem then to have included the whole southern peninsula of India, except the coasts of Canara and Malabar, from Visiapour and the Deccan to Cape Comorin. –E.

68

   This last mameluke Soldan of Egypt was Almalec al Ashraf Abul Nasr Sayf oddin Kansu al Gauri, commonly called Campson Gauri, the 24th of the Circassian dynasty, who reigned from 1500 to 1516, when he was slain in battle near Aleppo by Selim Emperor of the Turks.-Astley, I. 58. b.

69

   More properly Bahrayn, which signifies the two seas, being the Arabic dual of Bahr, the sea. –Astl. I. 59. e.

70

   Anchediva or Anjediva is I small island in lat. 14° 33' N. near the northern part of the Malabar coast, between Carwar and Meerjee. –E.

71

   This name mast certainly be erroneous. In the former part of the history of the Portuguese transactions in India, Nambea daring is mentioned as brother to the zamorin of Calicut, whereas the prince of Cochin is repeatedly named Naramuhin. –E.

72

   From the Portuguese Asia, Vol. I. 93. This account is omitted in Astley's Collection, but inserted, here as a curious record of the geographical knowledge of the Portuguese in those times. There are numerous errors in this short geographical sketch, especially in the names, measures, and latitudes; but it would load this portion of our work too much with notes, and induce great confusion, to comment upon every step of this survey. –E.

73

   Perhaps Debil, near the western mouth of the Indus. –E.

74

   Those names of sea port towns in the Guzerate are miserably corrupted in the text: Only Puttan can be recognised among them, and Mangalor must be a mistake; as that place is far to the south of Guzerat on the coast of Canara. –E.

75

   The sea ports on this part of the coast now are Jaffrabad, Cuttapour, Toolafee, Manuah, Gogo, Eawnagur, and Iotian. –E.

76

   The Guaga or Godavery is probably here meant, which falls into the Bay of Bengal in lat. 16° 16' N. at the S.W. extremity of the Circars. The latitude indicated in the text gets beyond the Bay of Bengal, and the cities between which the Ganga is said to fall into the sea have no representatives in our best maps. –E.

77

   The latitude of Cape Comorin is 7° 54' N, or nearly so. –E.

78

   The western branch of the Ganges is now called the Hoogly River. Satigan in the text may have some reference to what is now called Sagar roads or anchorage. Chatigan certainly means what is now called Chitigong: But the most easterly mouth is properly that of the great Barhampooter, or Bramah-putra River, long confounded among the mouths of the Ganges. The breadth of the Sunderbunds, or Delta of the Ganges and Barhampooter, is about 195 English miles. –E.

79

   The kingdom of Bisnagar in the text, appears to have contained the entire Carnatic above and below the Gauts, with Mysore and Golconda. –E.

80

   Now called Cape Calymere: It is next to impossible to identify the other names in the text; and the attempt would lead to very inconvenient length without correspondent utility. –E.

81

   It is difficult to correct this egregious error, not knowing the kind of leagues used by Faria. At 17-1/2 to the degree, the difference of latitude in the text would give 52-1/2 leagues. Perhaps it is a typographical error for 60 leagues, using the geographical measure, 20 to the degree. –E.

82

   The river of Siam falls into the great gulf of the same name, in lat. 18° 30' N. But De Faria seems to overlook the gulf. –E.

83

   De Faria omits the kingdom of Tonkin or Tonquin, which intervenes between Cochin-China and China: Perhaps at that time Tonkin may have been: De Faria is incorrect in his account of the provinces of China. Those on the coast are, Quantung, Footchien, Tchetchiang, Kiangnan, Shantang, Petcheli; or six maritime provinces, instead of three only in the text. The others are, Yunnan, Quangsee, Kaeitchou, Hooquang, Setchuen, Sifan, Honan, Shensee, and Shansee; or nine inland provinces; making fifteen in all, as in the text. –E.

84

   Or Nizam-al-mulk, and Adel-khan. –E.

85

   These are unquestionably the Malays, called Moors by Faria, merely because they were Mahometans. –E.

86

   In the translation of De Faria by Stephens these are called Moors; but it is not easy to conceive how Annaya should have had any of these on his side. –E.

87

   De Faria does not give any dates to the particular transactions in his text, merely noticing the successive years in the titles of the various sections into which his work is loosely divided, and occasionally on the margin: Even this has been neglected by the editor of Astley's Collection. These last transactions on the coast of Africa seem to have taken place towards the end of 1506. –E.

88

   By Moors in the writings of the early Portuguese, Mahometans are always to be understood. The Moors of Madagascar were a mixed breed between the Arabs and Negroes. –E.

89

   This wintering, being in the southern hemisphere, probably refers to June and July 1507. –E.

90

   Abyssinia is obviously here meant. –E.

91

   Though not distinguished in the text, Faria seems here to confine himself to the barbarous Christian natives, inhabiting the country; as the towns appear to have been occupied by Mahometan Arabs. –E.

92

   Cashen or Cassin.-Astley, I. 63.

93

   By a marginal note in Faria, it appears to have been now the year 1508; but the particular place or town in Socotora attacked by De Cunna is not mentioned. I am disposed however to believe that date an error of the press, for 1507. –E.

94

   Little did these poor Jacobite Christians suspect, that in exchanging masters they were subjected to the more dreadful yoke of the Portuguese Inquisition! The zeal of the Portuguese for the liberty of the Christian inhabitants of Socotora soon cooled, when it was found unable to pay the expence of a garrison, and it was soon abandoned to the milder oppression of its former Mahometan masters. –E.

95

   From an after part of the text of Faria, we learn that this fort in the island of Socotora was taken on the 20th of August, probably of the year 1507.

96

   In an after part of De Faria, this officer is said to have been a Chinese. –E.

97

   The expression in the text is obscure. It appears that Malek Kaez, ruled over the sea coast of the kingdom or province rather of Mogostan, of which Gordunshah was king or governor. –E.

98

   The account in the text is unintelligible and contradictory: But we fortunately have one more intelligible from the editor of Astley's Collection, I. 65. c. which being too long for a note, has been placed in the text between inverted commas. –E.

99

   In a plan of Ormuz given in Astley's Collection, the isle of Kishoma or Kishmis is placed at a small distance from that of Ormuz or Jerun, and is said to be the place whence Ormuz is supplied with water. In fact the island of Kismis or Kishom is of considerable size and some fertility, though exceedingly unhealthy, while that of Jerun on which Ormuz was built, though barren and without water, was comparatively healthy. It was a commercial garrison town of the Arabs, for the purpose of carrying on the trade of the Persian Gulf, and at the same time withdrawing from the oppressive rule of the Turkoman conquerors of Persia. –E.

100

   A Xerephine being worth about half a crown, this tribute amounted to about L. 1875 sterling. –Astl. I. 66. a.-According to Purchas a Xerephine is worth 3s. 9d; so that the yearly tribute in the text is equal to L. 2812 20s. sterling. –E.

101

   No year is mentioned in the text of Faria, which is throughout extremely defective in dates; but from the context it was now probably the year 1508-E.

102

   Turumbaka, in the plan of Ormuz mentioned in a former note, is a palace belonging to the king of Ormuz, in the same island with the city. The Isle of Keyshom has already been stated as the place whence Ormuz was supplied with water; but there may have been tanks or cisterns at Turumbaka.-E

103

   Called Nizamaluco by De Faria.

104

   The Turks, as having conquered the eastern Roman empire, have succeeded in India to the name of Rums, Rumi, or Romans. The Circassian Mamelukes of Egypt are here named Turks, because so soon afterwards conquered by that nation. –E.

105

   Dabul is on the coast of Canara, in lat. 17° 46' N. in that part usually called the Pirates coast, which is occupied by a number of half independent Mahratta chieftains, who often plunder defenceless trading ships, by means of armed grabs full of desperadoes. –E.

106

   It is hardly necessary to observe that these books belonged in all probability to Christian galley slaves serving under the Mamelukes. –E.

107

   Though not called upon to vindicate the conduct of Albuquerque and the Portuguese on this occasion; it may be noticed that the almost interminable war which subsisted for many centuries between the Christians and Moors of the Peninsula, and after the expulsion of the latter, with the states of Barbary; joined to the hellish Inquisition on the one side, and the most degrading slavery inflicted on both by their enemies, long nourished the most rancorous spirit of enmity and hatred, now farther exalted by commercial rivalship. –E.

108

   De Faria uniformly gives some description, as here, of the persons and dress of the successive viceroys and governors of Portuguese India; which however has been generally omitted in the sequel. –E.

109

   Probably a malefactor left on purpose, as has been formerly mentioned from Castaneda in our second volume. –E.

110

   Pedier and Pisang; as called by the English. –Astl. I. 70. b.

111

   The author here very improperly calls the Nayres, or Malabar soldiers of the zamorin, Moors; though in all probability there might be some Mahometans among the defenders of Calicut. –E.

112

   In Paris, this reserve is stated at 2000 men, obviously a typographical error, yet copied in Astley's Collection, without considering that the whole original force was only 1800. –E.

113

   The loss acknowledged in the text is ridiculously small for so disastrous an enterprise, and we are almost tempted to suspect the converse of the error noticed in the preceding note, and that the loss might have been 800. –E.

114

   From various circumstances in the context, the word India, is here evidently confined to the peninsula to the south of the Nerbudda, called generally Deccan, or the south. –E.

115

   He was the sixth king of a dynasty of Turks from Persia, which founded the kingdom of Delhi in 12O2, or rather usurped it from the family of Ghaur, who conquered it in 1155 from that of Ghazni, which had subdued all India in 1001 as far as the Ganges. Mahmud Shah Nasr Addin began his reign in 1246, so that the conquests mentioned in the text must have happened considerably before 1300. –Astl. I. 71. 2.

116

   Deccan or Dakshin signifies the south, and is properly that portion of India which lies between the Nerbudda and Kistna river. It would far exceed the bounds of a note to illustrate the Indian history, which is very confusedly, and imperfectly stated in the text. –E.

117

   In the text of Faria named Mamud-xa, and probably the same person named immediately before Madura. –E.

118

   These names are strangely corrupted in the Portuguese orthography of Faria, and the princes are not well distinguished. Only three of them were very considerable: Nizam Shah, or Nizam-al-Mulk, to whom belonged Viziapour; Koth, or Kothb-shah, or Kothb-al-Mulk, the same with Cotamaluco of the text, who possessed Golconda; and Kufo Adel Khan, called Cufo king of Hidalcan in Faria, who held Bisnagar. –Astley, I. 71. d. –The great king of Narsinga is here omitted; which Hindoo sovereignty seems at that time to have comprised the whole of southern India, from the western Gauts to the Bay of Bengal, now the high and low Carnatic with Mysore. –E.

119

   From the context it is obvious that this bay and the fort of Pangi were in the close neighbourhood, of Goa; in fact the bay appears to have been the channel leading to Goa, and the fort one of those bulwarks on the continental shore which defended the navigation of that channel. –E.

120

   By winter on the coast of Malabar, must only be understood, the period of storms and excessive bad weather which occurs at the change of the monsoons, when it is imminently perilous to be at sea. –E.

121

   This person is afterwards named by Faria Melrao, and is said to have been nephew to the king of Onore; the editor of Astley calls him Melrau. Perhaps his real name might have been Madeo row, and both he and Timoja may have been of the Mahrana nation. –E.

122

   In lat. 2° 25' N.

123

   Named Pahang or Pahan, by the editor of Astleys Collection.

124

   In the text of Faria, and following him in Astley, the number of cannon is said to have been 8000; a number so incredible that we have used a general expression only on this occasion in the text. –E.

125

   All are Moors with Faria, particularly Mahometans. The crew of this vessel were probably Malays, perhaps the most ferociously desperate people of the whole world. –E.

126

   On this occasion, Faria mentions that Albuquerque wore his beard so long that it was fastened to his girdle; having made a vow when he was forced to retreat from Ormuz, that it should never be trimmed till he sat on the back of Khojah Attar for that purpose. –E.

127

   This prodigious train of artillery is quite incredible, though, twice repeated in the same terms, but it is impossible to form any rational conjecture for correcting the gross error or exaggeration in the text. –E.

128

   According to some authors these were commanded by Lopez de Azevedo and Antonio de Abreu, who set out in 1511 and returned in 1513; but according to others Antonio de Abreu, Francisco Serrano, and Ferdinand Magalhaens were the officers employed on this occasion, during which Magalhaens projected his circumnavigation of the globe. –Astley, I. 74. 2.

129

   The editor of Astleys Collection adds, with liberty to build a fort; but this condition is not to be found in the text of Faria, which is followed in that work literally on most occasions, though often much abridged. –E.

130

   In our early volumes it will be seen that this imaginary Prete Jani, Prester John, or the Christian Priest-king, had been sought for in vain among the wandering tribes of eastern Tartary. The Portuguese now absurdly gave that appellation to the Negus of Habesh, or Emperor of the Abyssinians; where a degraded species of Christianity prevails among a barbarous race, continually engaged in sanguinary war and interminable revolution. –E.

131

   The extreme length of the Red Sea is 400 geographical leagues, 20 to the degree, or about 1380 statute miles, and its greatest breadth 65 of the same leagues, about 225 miles. –E.

132

   It is probable that Mr Stevens has mistaken the sense of Faria at this place, and that the famine in Malacca was occasioned by the joint operations of Lacsamana and Pate Quitir, holding the city in a state of blockade. –E.

133

   Faria perpetually confounds all Mahometans under the general denomination of Moors. These possessors of the coast of Java were unquestionably Malays. –E.

134

   Faria omits any mention of the year, but from the context it appears to have been in 1513. –E.

135

   Reis or Rais signifies a chief, and is commonly given on the coasts of Arabia and Persia to sea captains: In Faria it is Raez. –Astl I. 75. 2.

136

   It is scarce possible to conceive how Faria could gravely make this observation, when the Portuguese had imposed an annual tribute on the king of Ormuz, and were actually building a fortress to keep the capital under subjection. –E.

137

   Portuguese Asia, II. vii. This rhetorical flourish by De Faria, gives a specimen of what was perhaps considered fine writing in those days; but it strongly marks the important services of Albuquerque, and is therefore here inserted. –E.

138

   The distance between Ceylon and the Carnatic across Palks Bay is about 63 English miles; but at Jafnapatnam and Ramiseram, this distance is lessened to 43, by two capes, at the former projecting from the island, and at the latter from the continent. –E.

139

   From Point Pedro in the north to Dondra Head in the south are 265 miles, and its widest part from Negombo in the west to Poukiri Chene in the east is 143 statute miles. –E.

140

   More properly Selan-dib, or the Isle of Selan. The derivation of the name of Ceylon in the text does not admit of commentary. –E.

141

   All of these except Cande, Candi, or Kandi, the central mountainous region, still occupied by the native Hindoo race, appear to have been small sovereignties of the Moors or Malays; and have been long under European rule, having been conquered by the Portuguese, Dutch; and British in succession. The topography of Ceylon will be illustrated hereafter, and does not admit of being explained in the compass of a note. –E.

142

   Perhaps tattooing may be here alluded to. –E.

143

   It is hardly possible to conceive how it could enter into the conception of any one to compare the stupid polytheism of the worshippers of Budda with the Christian religion: In one thing indeed the Catholic church has contrived to establish a resemblance, by the subordinate worship of innumerable idols or images. –E.

144

   It will appear from the sequel that Fernan Perez de Andrada commanded on this voyage, not Coello as stated in the text. –E.

145

   Possibly Japan is here meant. –E.

146

   This singular expression may have been some court phrase of the court of Pegu, meaning the royal presence. –E.

147

   On this trifling incident, the editor of Astley's Collection gives the following marginal reference, A merry passage. Ludere cum sacris is rather a stale jest, and perhaps the grand Raulim was as ingenious as Correa and his priest, to trick the ignorant unbelievers in their sacred doctrines of Bhudda. –E.

148

   This submarine cocoa-nut tree is utterly inexplicable. –E.

149

   The submission of the Abyssinian church to the Roman pontiff was a mere pretence, which afterwards produced long and bloody civil wars, and ended in the expulsion of the Portuguese from the country. –E.

150

   It is not worth while to inquire whence this ridiculous legend of king or Saint Jovarus has been derived. The origin of Christianity in Abyssinia will be considered on an after occasion, when we come to the particular travels in that country. –E.

151

   In Faria called Barnagux.

152

   Probably cassia.

153

   The principal island of the Molucca group is Gilolo; those in the text being small islands to the west of Gilolo. The large island mentioned in the text under the name of Batochina, can be no other than Gilolo. –E.

154

   This is obviously an erroneous account of Sago, an alimentary substance procured from the pith of a tree of the palm tribe, not from the bark. –E.

155

   From the text, coupled with a consideration of the infallible grants of his holiness, who had given every part of the world to the west of a certain meridian to the Spaniards and all eastwards to the Portuguese, or all to both, those Spaniards who had been at the Moluccas must have come from the western coast of Mexico. Magellan proposed a new route by the southwest, to evade the grant of the sovereign pontiff, which was actually accomplished, though he lived not to enjoy what may in some measure be termed the treasonable honour. –E.

156

   Though not directly so expressed in the text, Magellan appears to have wintered at Port St Julian. –E.

157

   Now called the Straits of Magellan from its discoverer. –E.

158

   As this first circumnavigation will fall to be related more at large, in a division of our arrangement devoted expressly to that subject, it has not been deemed necessary to elucidate this short incidental account from De Faria, by any geographical commentary. –E.

159

   The text seems irreconcileably contradictory, perhaps from mistranslation; but the circumstance is not important. –E.

160

   This account of the ridge of Malexam is considerably erroneous. The ridge of mountains in the text begins in the west of China on the borders off the province of Yunnan, between Koeitchoo and Quansee, and ends in the east at the province of Foo-tchien. –E.

161

   It is difficult to comprehend the distinction; and perhaps we ought to read Arabs or Moors. –E.

162

   Lasah may have been the name of the territory, and perhaps applied likewise to the capital which is named Al Katif in our maps, and the territory Bahrayn. These are two islands of Bahrayn, one of which from the text appears to have been named Catifa. –E.

163

   Yet only a few lines afterwards, Antonio Correa is found to be alive and commanding a squadron off Chaul. Having no means to correct this contradiction, the text is left as published by Stevens. –E.

164

   These three last mentioned places are all on the north-eastern point of Arabia, near Cape Rasaigat, and appear to have been then dependent on the kingdom of Ormuz. –E.

165

   It was only called 20,000 a few lines before. –E.

166

   Perhaps Shahr near Makulla on the coast of Yemen. –E.

167

   This place was probably near Aden on the coast of Arabia. –E.

168

   Heraldic terms, implying that the three upper arms of the cross end in the imitation of flowers, while the lower limb is pointed. –E.

169

   The strange expression in the text ought probably to have been the tenths of the duties on importation. –E.

170

   Coulam is on the coast of Travancore; in which country a remnant of the ancient Indian Christians has been recently visited by Dr Buchannan, which will fall to be particularly noticed in a future division of this collection-E.

171

   At first sight this appears to have been the fort of Pisang, but from the sequel it would rather seem to have been another fort at or in the neighbourhood of Pedier. –E.

172

   It is hardly possible that the lord of a petty state on the coast of Sumatra should have so large a number of elephants, more perhaps than the Great Mogul in the height of the sovereignty of Hindustan. Probably Capt. Stevens may have mistaken the original, and we ought to read "With above a thousand men and several armed elephants."-E.

173

   Though obscurely expressed in the text, these thirty pirates appear to have been employed in the ship commanded by Seixas; probably pardoned after the punishment of their former leader Gago. –E.

174

   De Faria is often defective in dates, and always confused. The events about this time are only vaguely stated as having happened during the government of Duarte Menezes, between the years 1522 and 1524, both inclusive. Among the confused mass of ill-digested and often indistinctly related events, many of which possess hardly any interest, we have now deemed it proper, in the farther prosecution of this History of the Portuguese transactions in India, to omit many trivial and uninteresting events, confining our attention to those of some importance, and which appear worth recording. The Portuguese Asia of DeFaria minutely relates every consecutive squadron sent to or from India, and every trifling commercial adventure; the insertion of which in our collection would be needlessly tedious. –E.

175

   Perhaps instead of towns we ought to read tonys, a species of vessel then need by the inhabitants of the Malabar coast. –E.

176

   These hundred vessels were probably paraos, or small native craft, considering that they only carried 2000 soldiers, only at the rate of 20 for each vessel-E.

177

   Such is the expression in the translation of the Portuguese Asia by Stevens. They were probably Malabar vessels, which in the early writers are named paraos, tonys, and caturs, and might perhaps be called row-boats.-E

178

   In Astley, I. 80, this person is named Reis or Raez Ashraf, Wazir or Visier of Ormuz. The strange title in the text, great guazil, is probably a translation of Alguazil mayor, giving a Portuguese or rather a Spanish denomination to an Arab officer. –E.

179

   On a former occasion, the Xerephine was stated as equal in value to 3s. 9d. Hence the total revenue of Ormuz was only about L.83,750 yearly: The tribute to Portugal L.11,250; and the fine L.7500. It is true that the value of money was then much greater than now, and these sums for comparison with our present money of account may perhaps be fairly rated at L.837,500, L.112,500 and L.75,000 respectively, or ten times their numerical amount in 1529. –E.

180

   Called Jazirat by the Editor of Astleys Collection.

181

   He is stated on a former occasion to have been the son of Malek Azz. –E.

182

   Called Bancanes in the text of De Faria; perhaps an error of the press for Banianes or Banzanes. –E.

183

   Corruptly called by the British in India running a muck. –E.

184

   On a former occasion, the name of Kami has been mentioned as universally given in India to the Turks as coming in place of the Romans. DeFaria therefore was mistaken in deriving it from the province of Romania or Thrace. –E.

185

   Perhaps that now called Jaffrabad. –E.

186

   The lord of Diu only a little before was named Malek Saca; but De Faria gives no intimation of any revolution, except by change of name. Yet from the sequel it is evident this person was the son of Malek Azz. –E.

187

   In De Faria called Omaum Patxath, king of the Moguls. –E.

188

   These mountains are in the middle of Guzerat, which they pervade in a range of considerable length from N.E. to S.W. –E.

189

   More properly Agimere, in which is the town or city of Cheitore, whence the name in the text. –E.

190

   Malwa, one of the kingdoms or Soubahs of Hindostan is to the east of Guzerat. The meaning of the name in the text is not obvious. –E.

191

   The Taptee is evidently one of these, but it is hard to say what river is meant by the other. Next to the Taptee on the north, the great river Nerbuddah flows into the Gulf of Cambay, dividing the two great Subahs of Malwa and Candeish. The Mahie divides Guzerat from Malwa; and the Mehindry and Puddar pervade Guzerat; which is bounded on the west by the Cagger, dividing it from the great sandy desert of Sinde or Jesselmere, and from Cutch. –E.

192

   Banians: It would much exceed the bounds of a note to enter upon any explanation here of the Hindoo casts, which will be fully illustrated in the sequel of this work. –E.

193

   It is most wonderful, that in the grossest, most ridiculous, and most obscene of all idolatrous polytheism, the Portuguese should have fancied any resemblance to the pure religion of Christ! even under its idolatrous debasement of image worship, and the invocation of legions of saints. The monstrous superstitions of the bramins will be discussed in a future division of this work. –E.

194

   Probably Malwa and Agimere are here meant. –E.

195

   The story in the text is difficultly intelligible. I am apt to believe that the great army belonged to Baber, the Great Mogul, designed for the reduction of Guzerat, but turned aside for the recovery of Dowlatabad in the Deccan, and that the shower of stones of the text is to be understood of hail. –E.

196

   Who these were does not appear. –E.

197

   Probably Malwa. –E.

198

   De Faria becomes here unintelligible, unless he here means the range of mountains which bound Hindostan, particularly on the north-west, including Cashmir and Cabul; which seems probable as immediately followed in the text by the Punjab, or country on the five rivers composing the Indus. –E.

199

   These rivers are so strangely perverted in their orthography as hardly to be recognisable, and some of them not at all. The true Punjab or five rivers is entirely on the east of the Indus, Sinde or Nilab. Its five rivers are the Behut or Hydaspes, Chunab or Acesinas, Rauvee or Hydraotes, Setlege or Hesudrus, and a tributary stream of the last named the Hyphasis by the ancients. These two last are the Beyah and Setlege of the moderns. The Kameh and Comul run into the Indus to the west of the Punjab-E.

200

   No intimation is given by De Faria of the denomination of money here alluded to. –E.

201

   Though not so expressed in the text, these messengers were probably sent over land. –E.

202

   Perhaps Warwama on the Gulf of Cutch. –E.

203

   Probably Noanagur on the east side of the Gulf of Cutch. –E.

204

   At 3s. 9d. each, worth L. 37,500 sterling. –E.

205

   Perhaps an error of the press for 120. –E.

206

   This account if the matter is inexplicable. Mangalore is on the coast of Malabar far to the south of Guzerat, Beth is not to be found in any map of India in these parts, and Novanaguer or Noanagur is at the other extremity of Guzerat on the Gulf of Cutch. –E.

207

   It is impossible even to guess what place is meant in the text by Satigam, unless it may have some reference to the river Sagar. –E.

208

   This must have been some town or village inhabited by Turks. –E.

209

   Astleys Collection of Voyages and Travels, I. 88.

210

   The title of the book published by Aldus in which this voyage is contained is Viaggi alla Tana, Persia, India, &c.-Astley, I. 88. a.

211

   The word designating the rank of this officer in Ramusio is Comito, signifying Boatswain, or the officer who superintended the galley-slaves.-Ast. I. 88. b.

212

   The topography of the Red Sea has been much improved by Bruce, in his Travels in Abyssinia, and since him by Lord Valentia in his Travels in India. –E.

213

   The Editor of Astleys Collection does not seem aware that in the British marine, the day begins at noon, instead of the civil day which begins at midnight. –E.

214

   This is surely some mistake, it being next to impossible that so few men should surround and overpower so great a number of armed soldiers. –Astl. I. 89. d.

215

   In Ramusio this is called the land of the Abissini. So that instead of Kabisa or Kabisia, we should read in the text Habash or Habashia, commonly called Abassia, Abissina, or Abyssinia. –Astl. I. 90. a.

216

   Otherwise Jiddah or Joddah, the port of Mecca. In his map of Egypt, Nubia, and Abyssinia, De L'Isle makes Zidem, which he also names Gidde, doubtless a corruption of Jiddah, a distinct place a little to the south from Jiddah. This must be a mistake; as Jiddah has for many ages been the port of Mecca, as Zidem is said to be in the text. This is farther confirmed by the mention of Eves tomb in the text, which Pitts saw at Jiddah. Thevenot says her tomb is at Gidde, which De L'Isle supposed to have been a different place from Gidda, Joddah, or Jiddah, whence arose his mistake. –Astl. I.90. b.

217

   Perhaps we ought to read Balsam of Mecca. –E.

218

   In Ramusio only 40 miles. –Astl. I. 90. d.

219

   This is called the land of the Abissins in the edition of Ramusio. –Astl. I. 91. a.

220

   In Ramusio this shoal is called Babel, being the two first words or syllables of Bab-el-Mandub, corruptly called Babel Mandel. Bab-el-Mandub signifies the gate of weeping, being the name of the entry to the Red Sea of Arabian Gulf; so called because reckoned exceedingly dangerous by the ancient Arabs, insomuch that they used to put on mourning for their relations who passed them, as persons given over for lost.-Ast. I. 91. d.

221

   Perhaps redoubts or detached towers are here meant; or the word here translated ravelins may signify shoals, reefs, or sand-banks, encompassing the harbour. –E.

222

   This circumstance is not in the least improbable; yet it is possible that the author of this journal may have mistaken Banians for Jews, as we know that all the trade in the ports of Arabia and the Red Sea is now conducted by Banian factors-E.

223

   In the edition of Ramusio, the author is made to relate the story openly, in the following manner: "That same instant after dismissing the sheikh, the Pacha, caused him to be hanged by the neck at the yard-arm, together with four of his principal officers or favourites."-Ast. I. 92. a.

224

   By Ramusio this word is given Arabia.-Ast. I. 92. b.

225

   This place is afterwards called Mudafar-aba, and perhaps ought to be written Madaffer-abad.-Ast. I. 93. e.

226

   Perhaps we ought here to read against the tower by the water side. –E.

227

   Probably meaning the dominions of the zamorin of Calicut-E.

228

   It ought to be Pacheco. –E.

229

   This person has been several times mentioned under this title, as a principal officer under Solyman Pacha, but we have no indications by which to conjecture who he was. –E.

230

   That part of the gulf may be here understood which is on the outside of the Straits of Ormuz, or the bay between Cape Ras-al-gat, or the coast of Muscat, and the Persian shore: Yet, from the after part of the voyage this could hardly be the case, and we ought perhaps to read in this part of the text the Arabian Sea, or that part of the Indian ocean which stretches across the mouths of the Indus, from the western coast of Guzerat towards the coast of Arabia. –E.

231

   In the text of the Aldus this place is called by mistake the town of Khamaran, which is a very different place within the Red Sea, but in Ramusio it is rightly named Curia Muria. These islands, are in lat. 17° 30' on the oceanic coast of Yemen or Yaman, and are likewise named the islands of Chartan and Martan. –E.

232

   About the distance rather vaguely indicated in the text, is a place called Dhofar on the coast of Yemen, and perhaps the text ought to have been D'Afer. –E.

233

   These fouts, so often mentioned in this chapter, were probably grabs or jerbs, a large species of barks employed in their navigations by the Arabs of the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf. –E.

234

   In the edition of Aldus, this place is here named Khebiccairf; but afterwards Kubit Sarif as in the text. In Ramusio it is named Kobbat Sharif, signifying the noble dome, which is probably the right name. –Astl. I. 98. a.

235

   This name is differently written Zibit, Zebit, and Zebeyd. It is a town of the Tehamah on the western coast of Arabia, in lat. 15° 2O', about 30 miles from the Red Sea, inland from the large bay formed by the isle of Khamaran. –E.

236

   Probably negroes, imported from the coast of Abyssinia, Massua and Arkike, the gates or entry into that country being on the opposite coast of the Red Sea. –E.

237

   Pacheco most probably, formerly mentioned, who surrendered in a cowardly manner at Diu. –E.

238

   Formerly called Zidem, but it ought to be Jiddah, Joddah, or Juddah, as differently pronounced: Yet Barthema, Corsali, Barbosa, and other travellers of those times call it Zidem or Ziden; doubtless by corruption. Thus likewise Yamboa, Yembo, or Al Yambo, the sea port of Medinah, is named Elioban by Barbosa, transposing the letters instead of El Jambo. –Astl. I. 99. a.

239

   It does not appear that the Pacha ever rejoined his fleet. It has been already mentioned from De Faria, that on his return to Turkey he was reduced to the necessity of killing himself. "Cruel and tyrannical men like him, says De Faria, should always be their own executioners."-E.

240

   Called Jombu in the edition of Aldus, and Jambut by Rarmusio. This is Yembo, Yambo, or Yamboa, the Italians using the J instead of the Y. Yamboa is the port of Medina, Medinah, or Medinat al Nubi, signifying the city, or the city of the prophet. –Astl. I. 100. c.

241

   Medina is at least 90 miles inland from Yamboa, which cannot be less than three ordinary days journeys. –E.

242

   This error has been long since corrected, yet many travellers still persist in placing the tomb of Mahomet at Mecca. –Astl. I. 100. d.-Christian travellers are debarred from visiting the holy cities of Mecca and Medina. At Mecca the grand object of pilgrimage is the Caaba or holy house, containing a black stone, the remains of the ancient Pagan superstition of the Arabians: Perhaps the same with the Lingam or Priapus of the Hindoos. –E.

243

   In Ramusio this distance is made 60 miles. –Astl. I. 100. e.

244

   Only 40 miles, in the copy published by Ramusio. –Astl. I. 100. f.

245

   In the original called the Abyssinian coast, but certainly that of Egypt. –E.

246

   In Ramusio the Emin, who is an officer of the treasury, or the pay-master.-Astley, I. 101. a.-Probably Al Emin, and originally written in Italian L'Emin. –E.

247

   From Suez to the Straits of Bab-al-Mandub, the direct distance is about 1590 statute English miles, or 1200 geographical miles, 60 to the degree. From the Straits to Cape Guardafu is about 433 English miles farther, or 375 geographical: Making in all 1825 of the former and 1575 of the latter. The direction is S.S.E. –E.

248

   In the original Italian, Orza and Poggia, being the names of the ropes at the yard-arms which are hauled when these words are pronounced. –Astl. I. 101. b.

249

   The expression in the text is not very obvious, but seems to indicate that these Rubani are such excellent divers as to be able to fasten ropes or hausers to the rocks below water. –E.

250

   The 15th of August, the Assumption of the Virgin. –E.

251

   Astley, I. 107. Purchas, II. 1422.

252

   De Faria in his Portuguese Asia, says that Don Juan went up to Mount Sinai, where his son Don Alvaro was knighted. But this does not appear in his journal. –Astl. I. 107. a.

253

   Pilgrims, Vol. II. p. 1122, under the title of A Rutter, or Journal, &c. from India to Suez, dedicated to the Infant Don Luys. –Astl. I. 107. b.

254

   On the present occasion we have followed the example of the Editor of Astleys Collection, having employed the original abbreviated translation by Purchas modernized in the language and endeavouring to elucidate obscurities; using as our assistance the version in Astley. –E.

255

   In this edition, which has been taken from that by Purchas, these conjectures of Don Juan de Castro are restored to the text: but the remarks by the Editor of Astleys Collection are all retained in notes. –E.

256

   The modern knowledge of the Red Sea has been much augmented by the labours of Bruce, Nieubur, Lord Valentia, and others, which will be given in a future division of our work. –E.

257

   It is proper to remark here that the collection of Astley was published in 1745, sixty-seven years ago. –E.

258

   This section is added from the Portuguese Asia of De Faria, II. s. et seq. to connect the history of events. –E.

259

   The name of this commander is probably erroneous in the text, from an error of the press, and ought to have been Coutinho. –E.

260

   Probably the galley already mentioned in the Venetian Journal, as having separated from the Turkish fleet on the voyage to Diu, and for which the pilot was executed by command of Solyman. –E.

261

   We now take up the Rutter or Journal of Don Juan de Castro, but Purchas has chosen to omit the navigation from the Malabar coast to the Island of Socotora, to avoid prolixity. –E.

262

   The real distance is 430 marine leagues, and the difference may be easily accounted for by the operation of an eastern current, not observed or not sufficiently allowed for. –E.

263

   Don Juan omits all mention of the island of Abdal Kuria, about nine leagues E.S.E. of Socotora, with two intersposed small islands, called Las Duas Hermanas or the Two Sisters. –E.

264

   Probably meaning no images or Christian idols. –E.

265

   Since then they have been subdued by the Arabs. –Astl.

266

   By verdigris is probably meant the Socotorine aloes.-Purch.

267

   This singular expression certainly means the Red Sea, which the Arabs often call the Straits of Mecca, or more properly the Gulf of Mecca; sometimes Bahr-hejaz, or the Sea of Hejaz, one of the provinces of Arabia. –E.

268

   Meaning Abassi, Abyssinia, or Habash. –E.

269

   The cape on the Arabian shore is called Arrah-morah, or of St Anthony, and that on the African Jebul al Mondub, or Mandab, which signifies the Mountain of Lamentation, as formerly explained respecting Bab-al-Mandub, the name of the straits-E.

270

   In Arabic Al Bab is the gate, and Al Abwah the gates. By the Turks it is called Bab Bogazi, a general name for all straits; and the babs by the English sailors.-Ast.

271

   Rather Roban or Ruban.-Ast.

272

   The island of Prin. –E.

273

   From this expression it is probable that Don Juan had described the channel between the island of Pria and the shore of Arabia, or rather the pilot island. –E.

274

   In Purchas these two last mentioned places are named Dalaqua and Xamea, the Portuguese expressing our k by qu, and our sh by x; but we have preferred the more ordinary mode of spelling in modern geography. –E.

275

   This expression is absolutely unintelligible, but in the context the ship is said to have returned to the south-east. It is used on a subsequent occasion apparently in the same sense, and perhaps means beating to windwards or drifting to leeward. –E.

276

   A Xerephine being 3s. 9d., a lac is L.1875 sterling, and ten lacs are consequently L.18,750. –E.

277

   Arkiko, Arkoko, or Erkoko, by some erroneously called Erocco, and by De L'Isle, Arcua. In the edition of this journal by Purchas it is called Arquito.-Ast.

278

   These are no proofs that Massua is on the spot formerly occupied by Ptolomaida; for the whole coast of Abyssinia is full of wild beasts, and since Ptolomy fixed the latitude solely by computed distances, it is next to impossible that these should exactly agree with real observations.-Ast.

279

   That is Ethiopia below Egypt, or more properly to the south of Egypt. The expression below seems ridiculous, as Abyssinia or Ethiopia containing the sources of the Nile must be higher than Egypt at its mouth. But among Greek and Roman geographers, above and below meant respectively to the north and to the south. –E.

280

   Of the cruelties of David, several examples are given in the journal of Alvarez, such as the death of two Betudetes, the chief justice, two Tigre mahons or governors of Tigre, and four Barnagassoes or governors of the maritime country, in six years. This disposition increased with his years, and perhaps he intended to force some alteration in the religion of the country; which indeed sufficiently appears by his sending Alvarez and Bermudez as his ambassadors to the Pope.-Purchas.

281

   The circumstances and fate of this Portuguese expedition into Abyssinia will be found in the next chapter of this work. –E.

282

   The word used here in the edition of Purchas is Alarbes. –E.

283

   According to Bermudez, this attempt was begun by Ale Beale, predecessor to Onadinguel or Atine-tingil. –Astl.

284

   The particular enumeration comes only to 46 vessels, so that the number of 64 in the text seems an oversight or transposition. –E.

285

   Perhaps this refers to the west channel of the harbour, though not so expressed in the text. –E.

286

   Named Daratata and Dolkefallar in Astley.

287

   More properly Shabak.-Ast.

288

   Purchas in a side-note makes this the latitude of the harbour of Xabaque; but it is obvious that they had sailed a long way between noon, when the altitude was taken, and an hour before sunset, when they entered the harbour. –E.

289

   This mountain of the Satyrs may more properly be generally referred to the high range of mountains on this part of the coast, perhaps from abounding in the baboon called Simia Satyrus, or the Mandrill. –E.

290

   I know not what to make of the pianets; but the footsteps of beasts reaching to the edge of the water may probably refer to amphibious animals, while the flocks of pianets may have been water-fowl of some kind. –E.

291

   This is to be understood of 1541, when visited by De Castro. Since the Turkish conquest, Mokha and other places have greater trade.-Purch.

292

   Considering the very small rise and fall of the tide at Swakem, the text in this place ought perhaps only to have been inches. –E.

293

   Meaning perhaps the sandy point near Ras-al-Dwaer. This paragraph is very obscure, and seems to want something, omitted perhaps by the abbreviator. –Astl.

294

   This paragraph is likewise obscurely worded, and is perhaps left imperfect by the abbreviator. –Astl.

295

   In some subsequent passages this harbour is called Igidid, probably to distinguish it from the point of Ras-al-Jidid. –Astl.

296

   It is therefore probable that in all the bearings set down in this voyage, when applied to practice, either for the uses of geography or navigation, this allowance of 1-1/4 too much to the east ought to be deducted. –E.

297

   Named Badois in the edition of Purchas, but certainly the Badwis or Bedouins, signifying the People of the Desert, being the name by which the Arabs who dwell in tents are distinguished from those who inhabit towns. –Astl.

298

   In our mode of counting time, three in the morning of the 8th. –E.

299

   This nautical language is so different from that of the present day as to be almost unintelligible. They appear to have sailed in a winding channel, in which the wind was sometimes scant, sometimes large and sometimes contrary; so that occasionally they had to tack or turn to windward. The strange word roamour, which has occurred once before, may be conjectured to mean that operation in beating to windward, in which the vessel sails contrary to the direction of her voyage, called in ordinary nautical language the short leg of the tack. –E.

300

   Signifying in Arabic the shelf of the two hands. –Astl.

301

   Probably that just before named Prionoto from Ptolomy, and called cape of the mountains, because the Abyssinian mountains there end. –E.

302

   It may be presumed that the position given by Ptolomy is merely accidental, resulting from computed distances; and Pliny only speaks from the authority of Ptolomy. In all probability Al Kossir, to be afterwards mentioned, is the Berenice of the ancients. –Astl.

303

   Perhaps Wad-annawi. –Astl.

304

   This strange expression, as connected with the tide which is dependent on the moon, may possibly mean when the moon was in opposition to the north; or mid-way between her setting and rising.-

305

   Perhaps Kalabon. –Astl.

306

   In Purchas, Al Kossir is named Alcocer. Don John thinks this place to be the Philoteras of Ptolomy; but Dr Pocock places it 2°40' more to the north, making Kossir Berenice, which is highly probable, as it is still the port of Kept, anciently Coptos, or of Kus near it, both on the Nile, as well as the nearest port to the Nile on all that coast, which Berenice was. Dr Pocock supposes old Kossir to have been Myos Hormos: but we rather believe it to have been Berenice.-Ast.

307

   No wonder, as Messr is the name by which Egypt is known to the Arabs. –E.

308

   More properly Al Rif, which name more particularly belongs to part of Lower Egypt. –Ast.

309

   This is erroneous, as the Nile only overflows once yearly. –E.

310

   Safanj-al-Bahr. In Arabic Safanj, Sofinj and Isfanj, all signify Sponge, which is obviously derived from the Arabic word. –Ast.

311

   Probably meaning that part of Arabia between the Gulf of Suez and the Bahr-akkaba, called the promontory of Tor, of which Cape Mahomed forms the S.W. extremity. –E.

312

   Don Juan entirely mistakes this point of antiquity, in consequence of not having learnt that there was another and eastern gulf at the head of the Red Sea; the Bahr-akkaba or real Sinus Elaniticus, on which is the town of Ayla, assuredly the ancient Elana or Aylan. –E.

313

   If this observation be exact, the great promontory or peninsula between the gulfs at the head of the Red Sea must be extended too far south in the map constructed by Dr Pocock. –Ast.

314

   Had Don Juan de Castro been acquainted with the eastern gulf at the head of the Red Sea, called the Bahr-akkaba, he would have more readily chosen Ayla for the seat of Ailan, and the dock-yard of the navy of Solomon, being at the inwardest part of the Red Sea, and the port nearest to Gaza. Besides, the portion of the text marked with inverted commas, seems a quotation by Don Juan from Strabo, which distinctly indicates the eastern or Elanitic Gulf, and points to Ayla as the seat of Elana and Ailan, and distinctly marks the other or western gulf, now that of Suez. –E.

315

   This paragraph, marked by inverted commas, is a dissertation by the editor of Astleys Collection, too important to be omitted, and too long for a note. –E.

316

   The latitude of Ayla in modern maps is about 29°10' N. having a very near coincidence. –E.

317

   Properly speaking only to the Arabian coast of the Gulf of Suez, not at all to the Arabian coast of the Red Sea. –E.

318

   Surely this passage should be only three short days journey. –E.

319

   Mecara, perhaps by mistake for Meзara or Mezara, which is very near Mesr as it is called by the Turks. Cairo is an Italian corruption of Kahera or al Kahira-Astl.

320

   No description can be more explicit: but Don John unfortunately knew not of the eastern sinus, and found himself constrained to find both sinuses in one gulf. –E.

321

   This communication was actually opened about A.D. 685, by Amru, who conquered Egypt for Moawiah, the first Ommiyan Khalifah of Damascus. It was called al Khalij al Amir al Momenein, or the canal of the commander of the faithful, the title of the Caliphs. It was shut up about 140 years afterwards by Abu Jafar al Mansur. –Astl.

322

   This description does not agree with the map or relation of Dr Pocock; which makes the sea terminate in two bays, divided by the tongue of land on which Suez stands. That to the N.W. is very wide at the mouth, and is properly the termination of the western gulf of the Red Sea. The other on the N.E. is narrow at the entrance; and is divided by another tongue of land into two parts. –Astl.

323

   This passage respecting sea foams or evil waters is altogether unintelligible, unless perhaps some obscure allusion to water-spouts maybe supposed. –E.

324

   The fleet seems only to have been before Suez from 3 o'clock on the afternoon of the 27th of April till the morning of next day the 28th, or rather Don Juan only went forwards to examine the possibility of landing. Yet De Faria says, II. 23. "That after many brave attempts made by several to view and sound the harbour, Don Stefano landed with his men, and being repulsed, chiefly by means of an ambush of 2000 horse, was obliged to retire." The silence of Don John respecting any military operations, and the shortness of time, leaves hardly room to suppose that any were attempted. –E.

325

   Rather Kallama or Kalla'lma,-Astl.

326

   Rather perhaps Bohalel Shomeh, meaning the lot or portion of Bohalel. –Astl.

327

   Perhaps Bells. –E.

328

   Badwi, or more properly Badawi, signifies a dweller in the field or in the desert; corruptly called by us Bedouin. –Astl.

329

   Either Don Juan or his abbreviator has omitted part of the Journal at this place, from the port of Azallaihe to that of Igidid -E.

330

   Here again a considerable portion of the Journal is emitted. –E.

331

   A large portion of the Journal is again omitted at this place, either by Don Juan or his abbreviator, Purchas. –E.

332

   Perhaps in coming in sight of the Strait, the ship of Don Juan was so much in advance as barely to see the hulls of the rest; and lay to till the rest came up. –E.

333

   By Dr. Hyde, in his notes on Peritsol, and Dr. Cumberland, in his remarks on Sanchoniatho, and by other writers, Erythros or Red is supposed to be a translation of Edom, the name of Esau; whence it is conjectured that this sea, as well as the country of Idumea, took their denominations from Edom. But this does not seem probable for two reasons: First, because the Jews do not call it the Red Sea but Tam Suf, or the Sea of Weeds; and, second, the ancients included all the ocean between the coasts of Arabia and India under the name of the Erythrean or Red Sea, of which the Persian and the Arabian Gulfs were reckoned branches.-Ast. I. 129. c.

334

   This might have been the case among the pilots at this time; but among Arabic geographers it is likewise called the Sea of Hejaz, the Sea of Yaman, and the Sea of Kolzum. –Astl.

335

   In this Table (A) denotes two observations having been made at the place; (B) indicates more observations than two; and all the rest only one. All of course north. –E.

336

   In the enumeration of latitudes in Astleys Collection this is set down as 15 deg. 17 min. but in the text of Purchas it is stated as here. –E.

337

   Astley, I. 130. We have adopted this article from Astleys Collection, that nothing useful or curious may be omitted. In the present time, when the trade beyond the Cape of Good Hope is about to be thrown open, it might be highly useful to publish a series of Charts of all the coasts and islands of the great Eastern Ocean; and among others, a Chart of the Red Sea, with a dissertation on its geography and navigation, might be made of singular interest and utility. –E.

338

   See Gagnier's preface to the life of Mahomet by Abu'lfeda; and the preface of Shulten to that of Saladin-Astl. I. 130. d.

339

   Or al Kolzom, which signifies the swallowing up. Here, according to Albufeda in his description of Mesr or Egypt, Pharaoh was drowned, and the town and the sea took this name from that event. Kolzum is doubtless the ancient Clysma, as indicated both by the similarity of names, and the agreement of situation. It was in the road of the pilgrims from Egypt to Mecca, but is now destroyed. Dr Pocock places Clysma on his map about 15 min. south from Suez.-Ast. I. 131. b.

340

   Kus is a town near the Nile, a little way south of Kept, the ancient Koptos; which shews that Kossir must be the ancient Berenice, as formerly observed in a note on the Journal of de Castro. –Astl. I. 131. c.

341

   In this name of Aydhab, the dh is pronounced with a kind of lisp, like the English th in the words the, then, &c. About 1150, in the time of al Edrisi, this was a famous port, and carried on a great trade. Both the king of Bejah or Bajah, a port of Nubia, and the Soldan of Egypt, had officers here to receive the customs, which were divided between these sovereigns. There was a regular ferry here to Jiddah, the port of Mecca, which lies opposite, the passage occupying a day and a night, through a sea full of shoals and rocks. In his description of Egypt, Abulfeda says Aydhab belonged to Egypt, and was frequented by the merchants of Yaman, and by the pilgrims from Egypt to Mecca. –Astl. I. 131. d.

342

   From Aden the coast leading to the Straits of Bab al Mandab runs almost due west, with a slight northern inclination, about 115 statute miles, or 1 deg. 45 min. of longitude to Cape Arah, which with Cape al Mandab from the two sides of the Straits of Mecca or Bab al Mandab, having the island of Prin interposed, considerably nearer to the Arabian than the African shore. –E.

343

   A mountain so called near Sinai, which likewise goes by that name.-Ast. I. 151. h.-This mountain of al Tur forms the separation between the Gulf of Suez and that of Akkaba, its western extremity forming Cape Mahomed. –E.

344

   These are to be understood as Arabian miles, 56-2/3 to the degree, or each equal to 1-1/4 English miles according to Norwoods measure, 69-1/2 to the degree. –Astl. I. 132. b.
   This would only give 80 English miles for the breadth of the Red Sea; whereas, immediately below the junction of the two northern guffs, it is 104 miles broad, and its greatest breadth for a long way is 208 miles. –E.

345

   The longitude is reckoned by Abulfeda from the most western shores on the Atlantic Ocean, at the pillars of Hercules; supposed to be 10 deg. E. of the Fuzair al Khaladat, or the Fortunate Islands. –Ast. I. 134.
   These latitudes and longitudes are so exceedingly erroneous as to defy all useful criticism, and are therefore left as in the collection of Astley without any commentary; indeed the whole of this extract from Abulfeda is of no manner of use, except as a curiosity. –E.

346

   From the Portuguese Asia of De Faria, II. 24.

347

   In an account of this expedition of the Portuguese into Abyssinia, by the Catholic Patriarch, Juan Bermudez, who accompanied them, this difference of the number of men is partly accounted for. According to Bermudez, the force was 400 men, among whom were many gentlemen and persons of note, who carried servants along with them, which increased the number considerably. –E.

348

   Lat. 19° 40'.

349

   Lat. 26° 15'.

350

   Lat. 28° 15'.

351

   In preceding passage, Lionel de Lima is mentioned as commanding the fleet; Emanuel de Gama may therefore be supposed to have commanded the ship that mutinied. –E.

352

   In Portuguese x has the power of sh in English orthography; hence the name of this prince was perhaps Nizam Shah, and may be the same prince called in other places of De Faria Nazamaluco or Nizam al Mulk. –E.

353

   De Faria, II. 29 & seq.

354

   Pulo Condor, off the mouths of the Japanese river, is in lat. 8° 40' N. perhaps the figure 3 in the text is a typographical error. –E.

355

   Possibly Luzon in lat. 16° N. may be here meant. Unless we can suppose some part of Japan may be intended, which is in the latitude of the text. –E.

356

   This strange oracular message, and indeed most of the wonderful deeds of Antonio de Faria, smells strongly of Mendez de Pinto, the factor of Pedro de Faria, who has been characterised as the prince of liars. Indeed the editor of Astleys Collection says that his name ought to be Mendax de Pinto. –E.

357

   This is either an enormous exaggeration, or a gross error. The quantity in the text is equal to 3500 tons. –E.

358

   The names in this strange relation of the adventures of Antonio de Faria are so extremely corrupt as to defy even conjectural commentary. –E.

359

   More rigidly from lat. 31° 28' to 40° 80' N. and between the longitudes of 127° 47' and 142° 33' E. from Greenwich. –E.

360

   Meaning probably a different denomination of measure. The island of Niphon measures 824 English miles in extreme length, from S.W. to N.E. in a somewhat bent line. Its breadth varies from 55 to 240 miles, averaging about 100; but it is extremely irregular, owing to many deep bays and considerable peninsulae. Jedo is now the capital and residence of the temporal sovereign, Meaco of the once spiritual sovereign, now reduced to chief priest of the national religion. –E.

361

   The only islands of magnitude besides Niphon, are Kiusiu, which does not appear to have any representative in the text, and Sicocf, probably the Cikoko of De Faria. The other numerous islands are of little importance, and several of the names in the text cannot be referred to any of the islands. Firando and Taquixima remain unchanged, and the others cannot be traced. –E.

362

   The cutting down of the woods mentioned in the text, probably refers to cocoa nut trees, on which the natives of the coast of India appear to have greatly depended for food. –E.

363

   Called afterwards Tebilicare.

364

   This second siege of Diu appears to have commenced about the beginning of March 1545. –E.

365

   It is hardly necessary to observe that this is the expression of D. Faria in the seventeenth century, when Portugal groaned under the yoke of the Austrian sovereigns of Spain. –E.

366

   This is an evident allusion of De Faria to the ridiculous reports so often propagated among the Portuguese and Spaniards of those days, of heavenly champions aiding them in battle against the infidels. –E.

367

   This gentleman has been said only a little way before, to have been mortally wounded. He must only have been severely wounded on that former occasion; or perhaps it might have been Don Ferdinand, another son of the governor, who was killed. –E.

368

   The transactions of this period are of so little importance, and related in so desultory a manner, that in the present section we have only thought it necessary to give an abbreviated selection. –E.

369

   We only learn incidentally from De Faria that this happened in the year 1550. –E.

370

   This silly story has been retained, perhaps very unnecessarily. It is perhaps an instance of embellishment founded on the love of the marvellous, and the whole truth may lie in a very narrow compass "an infant coming into the world covered with hair," while all the rest is fiction. –E.

371

   On many occasions, as here, De Faria, or his translator, gives no intimation of the species of coin to which he alludes. –E.

372

   Named Nizamuxa in De Faria, and perhaps the same prince called Nizamaluco on former occasions, whom we have always designated Nizam al Mulk. The Indian officers named in the text a little before Nazer al Mulk and Murad Khan, are called Nazar Maluco and Moatecan by De Faria, whose orthography of eastern names is continually vicious. –E.

373

   Probably Mr Stephens may have mistranslated this passage, which might be more appropriately read, who put him to death for the sins of men. This clumsy legend of St Thomas may amuse our readers; but probably derives its principal features from the contrivances of the Jesuits. –E.

374

   Assuredly cocoa-nut trees. This explains a circumstance repeatedly mentioned on former occasions, of the Portuguese anxiously cutting down the woods in their war with the natives on the coast of India. –E.

375

   From the name of the commander of the enemy, probably Adde Rajah, and other circumstances, they were most likely Nagres, and other native Malabars, though called Moors in the text of De Faria. –E.

376

   In the original, there is along enumeration of twenty-four several posts, with the names of the officers commanding each, and the numbers in their respective detachments; all here omitted as uninteresting. –E.

377

   These names are of course to be considered as translations of the native or Persian names. That named the furious in the text, is called the Orlando furioso in the translation of De Faria by Stevens; but it is not easy to guess how the subjects of the Nizam should have known any thing of that hero of Christian romance. –E.

378

   To expert modern gunners it would be an easy matter so discharge as many balls in one day, as were expended in this siege in a whole month. De Faria mentions that an expedient was fallen upon by which the danger from the plunging fire was avoided, but gives us no intimation of its nature. –E.

379

   At the commencement of this siege, according to De Faria, Luis Ferreyra de Andrada commanded in Chaul; and Mascarenhas is said to have brought a reinforcement of 600 men; it would now appear that he had assumed the command. –E.

380

   Named by DeFaria, Gelalde Mamet Hecbar Taxa; probably a corruption of Gelal 'oddin Mahomet Akbar Shah. –E.

381

   Though not mentioned by De Faria, the king of Acheen appears to Jave raised the siege of Malacca after this naval victory. –E.

382

   Probably the groves of cocoa-nut trees are here alluded to. –E.

383

   A great number of trifling incidents in the misgovernment and tyranny of the Portuguese in the Moluccas, have been omitted at this and other parts the history of Portuguese Asia in our version. –E.

384

   In De Faria no dates are given of these transactions, except that Barreto sailed from Lisbon in April 1569. –E.

385

   In modern geography the country called Monomotapa in the text is known by the name of Mocaranga, while Monomotapa is understood to be the title of the sovereign. It is sometimes called Senna by the Portuguese, from the name of a fort possessed by them in the interior. –E.

386

   According to modern maps, the Zambeze divides the empire of Mocaranga, the sovereign of which is called Monomotapa, from the empire of the Bororos; and the river Chireira or Manzara on the south of the Zambeze, which it joins, is entirely confined to the country of Mocaranga. –E.

387

   Sena is 220 English miles from the sea; Tete is 260 miles higher up: so that this great river is navigable for 480 miles, probably for small vessels only. –E.

388

   Massapa is the name of a Portuguese fort or settlement on the river Mocaras, a branch of the Chireira, in the interior of Mocaranga. Anfur or Fura is a mountain about 100 miles from Massapa, said to contain rich gold mines. –E.

389

   Luanze is about 100 miles south from Tete, on one of the branches of the Chireira. –E.

390

   Bacuto is 40 miles south of Luanze. –E.

391

   Massapa is about 45 miles S.S.W. from Buento or Bacuto, or 170 miles in that direction from Tete.-E

392

   Quiteve is that kingdom or province of Mocaranga, now named Sofala from the river of that name by which it is pervaded. Sabanda is probably the kingdom or province of Sabia, on the river of that name, the southern province of Mocaranga. Chicanga is what is now called Manica, the south-west province of Mocaranga, the king or chief of which province is named Chicanga. –E.

393

   The Butua of the text is probably the kingdom of Abutua of modern maps, in the interior of Africa, directly west from the northern part of Mocaranga. The distance between Abutua and the eastern confines of Benguela, one of the provinces of Angola or Congo, is about 800 or 900 miles. –E.

394

   The chief of Mocaranga is named Monomotapa, which latter is often used as the name of the country. His residence is said to be at Zimbao near the northern frontiers, between the Portuguese forts of Sena and Tete. –E.

395

   This savage race are said to inhabit on the north western frontiers of Mocaranga. –E.

396

   In modern geography, which indeed is mainly ignorant of the foreign possessions of the Portuguese, the dominion of Sofala on both sides of the river of that name, extend about 520 miles from east to west, in lat. 20° S. from the Mozambique channel, by about 100 miles in breadth. The commercial station of Sofala belonging to the Portuguese is at the mouth of the river; and about 220 miles from the sea is a town called Zimbao of Quiteve. Manica the kingdom of Chicanga is an inland district to the west of the kingdoms of Sofala and Sabia; all three dependent upon Monomotapa. –E.

397

   This Zimbao of Quiteve is to be carefully distinguished from a town of the same name in Monomotapa. The former is nearly in lat. 20° S. on the river of Sofala, the latter is about 16° 20' S. near the river Zambezi or Cuama. –E.

398

   No such place is laid down in modern maps, but rich gold mines are mentioned in Mocaranga near mount Fura, which is nearly in the route indicated in the text, between Sofala or Quiteve and Chicoya. –E.

399

   Chicova is a territory and town of Mocaranga or Monomotapa, in lat. 19° N. at the north-west boundary of that empire on the Zambeze; and is said to abound in mines of silver. –E.

400

   The commencement of the government of Barreto has been already stated as having taken place in 1569. Antonio Moniz Barreto governed India from 1573 to 1576: Hence the consecutive governments of Francisco Barreto and Vasco Fernandez Homem in Monomotapa could not be less than four or more than seven years. –E.

401

   Sanaa is about 80 marine leagues, or 278 English miles N.E. from Mokha, and 30 leagues, or about 100 miles nearly north from Makulla, the nearest port of Arabia on the Indian ocean. –E.

402

   Perhaps Posino on the oceanic coast of Makran, one of the provinces of Persia, is here meant, nearly north from Maskat, on the opposite coast of the entrance towards the Persian Gulf. –E.

403

   Gedrosia the ancient name of that province of Persia on the Indian Ocean between the mouth of the Persian Gulf and the Indus, now called Mekran or Makran. –E.

404

   We have here omitted from de Faria several long and confused dissertations on subjects that will be treated of more satisfactorily in the sequel of this work, from better sources of information. These are, 1. Of the religion of Hindostan. 2. Of the empire of Ethiopia, or Abyssinia. 3. Of Japan. 4. Of China. 5. Of the traditions respecting the preaching of Christianity in India by St Thomas. Likewise, in the sequel of the Portuguese transactions in India from de Faria, we have omitted a vast deal of uninteresting events, confining our attention only to such as are of some relative importance. –E.

405

   The date of the year is omitted by DeTaria, who, always rather negligent of dates, now; hardly ever gives any more light on this subject than the years in which the respective viceroys and governors assumed and laid down their authorities. The siege therefore must have happened between 1584 and 1588, during the government of Duarte de Menezes. –E.

406

   It will be afterwards seen in the particular history and travels in Ceylon, that this person was the native sovereign of the central region or kingdom of Ceylon, called Candy or Candea from the name of the capital, who had acquired the same in the text in baptism. –E.

407

   Probably of the year 1588; as the death of the viceroy, who died in that year, is soon afterwards mentioned by De Faria. –E.

408

   If the latitude in the text could be depended on, this shipwreck seems to have taken place on the coast now occupied by the Hambonaas, near the small river Bagasie, 85 miles south from the entrance into Delagoa bay. The river of Semin Dote is probably that now called Mafumo, which agrees with the country of Fumos in the text; and the bay of Lorenzo Marquez may possibly be Delagoa, though only 28 leagues north from the latitude of the text, but there is no other bay of any importance for 400 miles farther along this coast. –E.

409

   In modern maps, the country along the south side of the river Mafumo, is said to be the dominions of Capellah. –E.

410

   To the south of the Hambonaas at Delagoa bay, the coast of Natal is inhabited by the Tambookies and Koussis. The river St Lucia still remains in our maps in the latitude indicated, but the other names in the text are unknown in modern geography. –E.

411

   Of these rivers only that of Manica, called likewise Spiritu Santo, retains the name in the text. That circumstance and the latitude indicated, point out Delagoa bay as that called St Lawrence by De Faria; unless we may suppose St Lawrence bay includes the whole bend inwards of the coast from Cape Corientes to point St Lucia on the coast of Natal, and that Delagoa bay, in the bottom of this large sweep, is that formerly called the bay of Lorenzo Marquez. –E.

412

   No trace of Anzate can be found in modern maps. –E.

413

   The text in this place is assuredly erroneous, as the Mocaranges have been formerly described by De Faria as the ruling nation in Monomotapa, which runs along the great bay of Sofala to the north of Cape Corientes. –E.

414

   Probably the country and river now called Inhambane. –E.

415

   These five last mentioned kingdoms, probably named from the barbarous chiefs of roving savage tribes, are now unknown to geography. –E.

416

   Manica is far inland, but the place indicated in the text was probably near the mouth of the river of that name, on the north, side of Delagoa bay. –E.

417

   This unusual name seems from the context to be here given to the Nizam-al-mulk or sovereign of the Decan. –E.

418

   We have no means of correcting the strange chronology of this voyage, wonderful even in the opinion of De Faria. He names the Dutch Admiral Neque; but as qu in Portuguese is used to mark the sound of k or hard c, we have ventured to give this first successful rival of the Portuguese trade in India the name of Van Nec. –E.

419

   Borneo is probably here meant, as they could not have been in Banda without seeing both Sumatra and Java. –E.

420

   Under this story we may presume without any lack of Christian charity, that these promises were extorted by means best known to the inquisition, that diabolical instrument of the pretended disciples of the Prince of Peace, and eternal opprobrium of the Peninsula. With regard to Joseph there was some shadow of excuse, as he seems to have accepted his appointment from the orthodox pope, though secretly attached to the heretical Nestorian patriarch. –E.

421

   This probably refers to her supposed immaculate purity even after the birth of the Saviour. –E.

422

   Only a few pages before these men are named Xanio and Prod; but we have no means of ascertaining which are the right names. –E.

423

   These petty kings of small districts in the South of India are now known by the titles of Polygars; and the hereditary female chiefs are stiled Rana. It is prostituting the dignity of king to give that denomination to the chiefs of small villages and trifling districts, often not so large as parishes in Europe. They are mere temporary chiefs, occasionally hereditary by sufferance; indeed such could not possibly be otherwise, when all the larger dominions and even empires have been in perpetual fluctuation from revolution and conquest for at least 3000 years. –E.

424

   The history of this ancient Christian church of Malabar has been lately illustrated by the Christian Researches of Dr Buchannan, who seems to have opened a door for the propagation of the gospel in India infinitely promising, if judiciously taken advantage of. –E.

425

   It is highly probable, though not mentioned by De Faria, that this Portuguese was in the service of the king of Aracan, under whom he had held these offices. Sundiva or Sundeep is a considerable island to the south-east of the mouth of the Burrampooter, near the coast of Chittagong, and to the east of the Sunderbunds or Delta of the Ganges. –E.

426

   Shabapour is an island to the west of Sundeep, at the principal mouth of the Barrampooter. –E.

427

   There still is a town named Bulloah, to the east of the Barrampooter and directly north of Sundeep, which may then have given name to a province or small principality, of which Comillah is now the chief town. –E.

428

   Perhaps the island now called Balonga on the coast of Aracan. –E.

429

   Probably a desert or uninhabited island among the Sunderbunds, in the Delta of the Ganges. Indeed the whole geography of this singular story is obscure, owing to the prodigious change in dominion and names that have since taken place in this part of India. –E.

430

   Owing to the want of interest in the transactions of these times, as related in the Portuguese Asia, and the confused arrangement of De Faria, we have in this place thrown together the principal incidents in the extraordinary rise of these two successful adventurers, Nicote and Gonzalez, leaving their fate to be mentioned in the succeeding section. –E.

431

   Probably ducats are here meant.

432

   In the translation of the Portuguese Asia, this sovereign is here named Anaras Pandar king of Pandar; but from every circumstance in the context it appears that we ought to read Anaras Pandar king of Candy. –E.

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol.VII

Robert Kerr


A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, #7

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. VII
PART II.
BOOK III.
CHAPTER IV.
CHAPTER V.
CHAPTER VI.
CHAPTER VII.
CHAPTER VIII.
CHAPTER IX.

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. VII
by Robert Kerr

   A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,
   ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:
   FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE PRESENT TIME.
   BY ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.
   ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.
   VOL. VII.

   MDCCCXXIV.

PART II.
(CONTINUED)

BOOK III.
CONTINUATION OF THE DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE IN THE EAST; TOGETHER WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THE EARLY VOYAGES Of OTHER EUROPEAN NATIONS TO INDIA

CHAPTER IV.
CONTINUATION OF THE PORTUGUESE TRANSACTIONS IN INDIA, AFTER THE RETURN OF DON STEPHANO DE GAMA FROM SUEZ IN 1541, TO THE REDUCTION OF PORTUGAL UNDER THE DOMINION OF SPAIN IN 1581



SECTION XIII. Account of an Expedition of the Portuguese from India to Madagascar in 1613
   Being anxious to find out a considerable number of Portuguese who were reported to exist in the island of St. Lawrence or Madagascar, having been cast away at different times on that island, and also desirous of propagating the ever blessed gospel among its inhabitants, and to exclude the Hollanders from that island by establishing a friendly correspondence with the native princes, the viceroy Don Jerome de Azevedo sent thither, in 1613, a caravel from Goa commanded by Paul Rodrigues de Costa, accompanied by two Jesuits, some interpreters, and a competent number of soldiers. This island is about 260 leagues in length and 600 in circumference1, its greatest extent being from N.N.E. to S.S.W. It is 80 leagues from E. to W. where widest, but considerably less towards the north, where it ends in a point named St Ignatius which is about 15 leagues from east to west2. It may be considered as divided into three parts. The first or northern portion is divided from the other two by an imaginary line from east to west at Cape St Andrew3. The other two divisions are formed by a chain of mountains running nearly south from this line to Cape St Romanus, otherwise Cape St Mary, but much nearer the east coast than the west. The island is divided into a great number of kingdoms, but so confusedly and ill-defined, that it were endless to enumerate them. It is very populous, the inhabitants having many cities and towns of different extent and grandeur4. The country is fertile and well watered, and everywhere diversified with mountains, vallies, rivers, bays, and ports. The natives have no general name for the island, and are entirely ignorant of those of Madagascar and St Lawrence, which are given to it by strangers. The general population of the island consists of a nation called Buques, who have no religion and consequently no priests or places of worship, yet all their youth are circumcised at six or seven years old, any one performing the operation. The natives are not all of one colour; some being quite black with crisp or curled hair like negroes; others not quite so black with lank hair; others again resembling mulatoes; while some that live in the interior are almost white, yet have hair of both kinds. They are of large stature, strong and well made, of clear judgment, and apt to learn. Every man has as many wives as he pleases or can maintain, turning them off at pleasure, when they are sure to find other husbands, all of whom buy their wives from their fathers, by way of repaying the expence of their maintenance before marriage. Their funeral obsequies consist chiefly in feasting the guests; and their mourning in laying aside all appearance of joy, and cutting off their hair or daubing their faces and bodies with clay. Their government is monarchical, their kings or chiefs being called Andias, Anrias, and Dias, all independent of each other and almost continually engaged in war, more for the purpose of plunder than slaughter or conquest. On the Portuguese going among them, no arms were found in their possession except a few guns they had procured from the Moors and Hollanders, which they knew not how to use, and were even fearful of handling. They have excellent amber5, white sandal, tortoises, ebony, sweet woods of various kinds, and abundance of slaves, with plenty of cattle of all kinds, the flesh of their goats being as sweet as mutton. The island likewise produces abundance of sea cows, sea-horses, monkeys, and some say tigers, with a great many snakes which are not very venomous. It has no elephants, horses, asses, lions, bears, deer, foxes, nor hares.
   The first place visited by de Costa on this voyage of discovery was a large bay near Masilage6 in lat. 16° S. in which there is an island half a league in circumference containing a town of 8000 inhabitants, most of them weavers of an excellent kind of stuff made of the palm-tree. At this place the Moors used to purchase boys who were carried to Arabia and sold for infamous uses. The king of this place, named Samamo, received the Portuguese in a friendly manner, and granted leave to preach the gospel among his subjects. Coasting about 40 leagues south from this place, they came to the mouth of a large river named Balue or Baeli in about 17° S. and having doubled Cape St Andrew, they saw the river and kingdom of Casame, between the latitudes of 17° and 18° S. where they found little water and had much trouble7. Here also amity was established with the king, whose name was Sampilla, a discreet old man; but hitherto they could get no intelligence of the Portuguese whom they were sent in search of. On Whitsunday, which happened that year about the middle of May, mass was said on shore and two crosses erected, at which the king appeared so much pleased that he engaged to restore them if they happened to fall or decay. During the holidays they discovered an island in lat. 18° S. to which they gave the name of Espirito Santo8, and half a degree farther they were in some danger from a sand bank 9 leagues long. On Trinity Sunday, still in danger from sand banks, they anchored at the seven islands of Cuerpo de Dios or Corpus Christi9 in 19° S. near the kingdom and river of Sadia to which they came on the 19th of June, finding scarcely enough of water to float the caravel. This kingdom is extensive, and its principal city on the banks of the river has about 10,000 inhabitants. The people are black, simple, and good-natured, having no trade, but have plenty of flesh, maize, tar, tortoises, sandal, ebony, and sweet woods. The name of the king was Capilate, who was an old man much respected and very honest. He received the Portuguese kindly, and even sent his son to guide them along the coast. All along this coast from Massalage to Sadia the natives speak the same language with the Kafrs on the opposite coast of Africa; while in all the rest of the island the native language called Buqua is spoken.
   Continuing towards the south they came to the country of the Buques, a poor and barbarous people feeding on the spawn of fish, who are much oppressed by the kings of the inland tribes. Passing the river Mane10, that of Saume11 in 20° 15'; Manoputa in 20° 30', where they first heard of the Portuguese; Isango in 21°; Terrir in 21° 30'; the seven islands of Elizabeth in 22°; they came on the 11th of July into the port of St Felix12 in 22°, where they heard again of the Portuguese of whom they were in search, from Dissamuta the king of that part of the country. On offering a silver chain at this place for some provisions, the natives gave it to an old woman to examine if it was genuine, and she informed the Portuguese that at the distance of three days journey there was an island inhabited a long while before by a white people dressed like the Portuguese and wearing crosses hanging from their necks, who lived by rapine and easily took whatever they wanted, as they were armed with spears and guns, with which information the Portuguese were much gratified. Continuing their voyage past the bay of St Bonaventura and the mouth of the river Massimanga, they entered the bay of Santa Clara, where Diamassuto came to them and entered into a treaty of friendship, worshipping the cross on his knees. They were here told that white people frequented a neighbouring port, and concluded that they were Hollanders. Going onwards they found banks of sand not laid down in any chart, and entered a port in lat. 24° S. The king of this place was named Diacomena, and they here learnt that there were Portuguese on the opposite coast who had been cast away, and now herded cattle for their subsistence. They said likewise that the Hollanders had been three times at their port, and had left them four musketeers with whose assistance they had made war upon their enemies. On some trees there were several inscriptions, among which were the following. Christophorus Neoportus Anglus Cap. and on another Dominus Robertus Scherleius Comes, Legatus Regis Persarum.
   In the latitude of 25° S. they entered a port which they named St Augustine13 in a kingdom called Vavalinta, of which a Buque named Diamacrinale was king, who no sooner saw the Portuguese than he asked if these were some of the men from the other coast. This confirmed the stories they had formerly heard respecting the Portuguese, and they were here informed that the place at which they dwelt was only six days sail from that place. In September they got sight of Cape Romain or St Mary the most southern point of Madagascar, where they spent 40 days in stormy weather, and on St Lukes day, 18th October, they entered the port of that name in the kingdom of Enseroe. The natives said that there were white people who wore crosses, only at the distance of half a days journey, who had a large town, and Randumana the king came on board the caravel, and sent one of his subjects with a Portuguese to shew him where these white people dwelt, but the black ran away when only half way.
   Among others of the natives who came to this place to trade with the Portuguese, was a king named Bruto Chembanga with above 500 fighting men. His sons were almost white, with long hair, wearing gowns and breeches of cotton of several colours with silver buttons and bracelets and several ornaments of gold, set with pearls and coral. The territory of this king was named Matacassi, bordering on Enseroe to the west. He said that the Portuguese were all dead, who not far from that place had built a town of stone houses, where they worshipped the cross, on the foot or pedestal of which were unknown characters. He drew representations of all these things on the sand, and demanded a high reward for his intelligence. Some of his people wore crosses, and informed the Portuguese that there were two ships belonging to the Hollanders in port St Lucia or Mangascafe. In a small island at this place there was found a square stone fort14, and at the foot of it the arms of Portugal were carved on a piece of marble, with this inscription
   REX PORTUGALENSIS O S.
   Many conjectures were formed to account for the signification of the circle between the two last letters of this inscription, but nothing satisfactory could be discovered. King Chembanga requested that a Portuguese might be sent along with him to his residence, to treat upon some important affairs, and left his nephew as an hostage for his safe return. Accordingly the master, Antonio Gonzales, and one of the priests named Pedro Freyre, were sent; who, at twelve leagues distance, came to his residence called Fansaria, a very populous and magnificent place. At first he treated them with much kindness, after which he grew cold towards them, but on making him a considerable present he became friendly, and even delivered to them his eldest son to be carried to Goa, desiring that the two Jesuits and four other Portuguese might be left as hostages, to whom he offered the island of Santa Cruz to live in. These people are descended from the Moors, and call themselves Zelimas; they have the alcoran in Arabic, and have faquirs who teach them to read and write; they are circumcised, eat no bacon, and some of them have several wives. The king said that in the time of his father a ship of the Portuguese was cast away on this coast, from which about 100 men escaped on shore, some of whom had their wives along with them, and the rest married there and left a numerous progeny. He repeated several of their names, and even showed a book in Portuguese and Latin which had belonged to them, and some maps; and concluded by saying that there were more Portuguese on that coast, seven days journey to the north. On farther inquiry, a man 90 years of age was found, who had known the Portuguese that were cast away there, and could still remember a few detached words of their language.
   The Portuguese set all hands to work to build a house and chapel for the two Jesuits and four Portuguese who were to remain, and when the work was finished, mass was solemnly said on shore, many of the natives coming to learn how to make the sign of the cross. One day while the king was looking on, and saw several men labouring hard to carry a cross that was meant to be set upon a rock, he went half naked and bareheaded, and carried it without assistance to the place appointed. The Portuguese might well say they had found another emperor Heraclius; for after this pious act of gigantic strength, he became very wicked; for being ready to sail, De Costa demanded that the king's son who had been promised should be sent, but he denied having ever made any such promise, and offered a slave. On this the captain sent the master and pilot with some men to enforce the demand, and safe conduct for some Portuguese to go to port St Lucia to see an inscription said by the natives to be at that place. The peace was thus broken, and a party of Portuguese soldiers was sent armed against the king, who endeavoured to resist, and the king's son, a youth of eleven years of age was brought away, the natives being unable to contend against fire-arms. Several messages were sent offering a high ransom for the boy; but on being told by the captain that he would lose his head if he did not carry him to the viceroy, they went away much grieved. This happened about the end of 1613; and towards the middle of 1614, de Costa arrived safe at Goa with the boy, whom the viceroy caused to be instructed in Christianity by the jesuits, and stood god-father at his baptism on St Andrews day, when he was named Andrew Azevedo.
   The viceroy treated him with much honour and magnificence, in hopes that when he succeeded to his father, he might encourage the propagation of the gospel in Madagascar; and when he was supposed to be sufficiently instructed, he was sent away, accompanied by four Jesuits. On this occasion a pink and caravel were sent to Madagascar, commanded by Pedro de Almeyda Cabral, and Juan Cardoso de Pina, who sailed from Goa on the 17th of September 1616. On the 20th of March 1617, they discovered a most delightful island, watered with pure springs, and producing many unknown plants besides others already known, both aromatic and medicinal. To this island, in which were two mountains which overtopped the clouds, they gave the name of Isola del Cisne or swan island, and on it the jesuits planted some crosses and left inscriptions commemorative of the discovery15. The wreck of two ships of the Hollanders were found on this island. On the arrival of the two Portuguese ships in the port of St Lucia in Madagascar, the king and queen of Matacassi received their son with the strongest demonstrations of joy, and gave back the hostages left on taking him away. The four jesuits with six soldiers accompanied the young prince to his father's court at Fansaria, where, and at every place through which he passed, he was received with demonstrations of joy, which to the Portuguese seemed ridiculous, as no doubt those used by the Portuguese on similar occasions would have appeared to them. The king made a similar agreement with the two commanders on this voyage with that formerly made with De Costa, which was that the fathers should inhabit the inland of Santa Cruz and have liberty to preach the gospel in Madagascar. Upon this the fathers went to the fort at Santa Cruz, where Don Andrew, the king's son, sent them workmen and provisions.
   The captain, Pedro de Almeyda, had orders to bring another of the king's sons to Goa, and if refused to carry one away by force; but the king declared that he had only one other son, who was too young for the voyage, on which Almeyda satisfied himself with Anria Sambo, the king's nephew, who was carried to Goa, and baptized by the name of Jerome. When sufficiently instructed in the Christian religion, he was sent back to his country in a pink, commanded by Emanuel de Andrada, together with two Jesuits, 100 soldiers, and presents for the king and prince, worth 4000 ducats. They set out in the beginning of February 1618; and being under the necessity of watering at the Isola de Cisne, they found three ships sunk at the mouth of the river. On landing, twenty Hollanders were found about two leagues from the shore, guarding the goods they had saved from the wreck. They made some opposition, but were forced to submit to superior numbers, and were found to have a large quantity of cloves, pepper, arms, ammunition, and provisions. Andrada carried the prisoners, and as many of the valuable commodities on board his pink as it could contain, and set fire to the rest, though the Hollanders alleged that they had come from the Moluccas, with a regular pass.
   When Andrada arrived in the port of St Lucia, the two Jesuits came to him both sick, declaring that it was impossible to live in that country, where all the men who had been left along with them had died. Andrada sent the letters with which he was intrusted to the king and prince, by the servants of Don Jerome; and in return, the king sent 100 fat oxen, with a great quantity of fowls and honey, and six slaves, but would not come himself, and it was found that his son had reverted to Mahometanism. The tribes in Madagascar called Sadias and Fansayros are Mahometan Kafrs16, and are attached to the liberty allowed by the law of Mahomet, of having a plurality of wives. The king was of the Fansayro tribe, and was now desirous to destroy Andrada and the Portuguese by treachery; incited to this change of disposition by a Chingalese slave belonging to the Jesuits, who had run away, and persuaded the king, that the Portuguese would deprive him of his kingdom, as they had already done many of the princes in Ceylon and India. The Kafrs came accordingly to the shore in great numbers, and began to attack the Portuguese with stones and darts, but were soon put to flight by the fire-arms, and some of them slain, whose bodies were hung upon trees as a warning to the rest, and one of their towns was burnt.
   Andrada carried away with him Don Jerome, the king's nephew, and a brother of his who was made prisoner in a skirmish with the natives, who was converted, and died at Goa. All the Jesuits agreed to desist from the mission of Madagascar, and departed along with Andrada much against his inclination; and thus ended the attempt to convert the natives of Madagascar to the Christian religion.

SECTION XIV. Continuation of the Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1617 to 1640; and the conclusion of the Portuguese Asia of Manuel de Faria
   Towards the end of 1617, Don Juan Coutinno, count of Redondo, came to Goa, as viceroy, to succeed Azevedo. During this year, three ships and two fly-boats, going from Portugal for India, were intercepted near the Cape of Good Hope by six English ships, when the English admiral declared that he had orders from his sovereign to seize effects of the Portuguese to the value of 70,000 crowns, in compensation for the injury done by the late viceroy Azevedo to the four English ships at Surat. Christopher de Noronha, who commanded the Portuguese ships, immediately paid the sum demanded by the English admiral, together with 20,000 crowns more to divide among his men. But Noronha, on his arrival at Goa, was immediately put under an arrest by the viceroy, for this pusillanimous behaviour, and was sent home prisoner to Lisbon, to answer for his conduct.
   In the year 1618, the Moor who had been seen long before, at the time when Nunno de Cunna took Diu, and was then upwards of 300 years old, died at Bengal now 60 years older, yet did not appear more than 60 years old at his death. In 1619, a large wooden cross, which stood on one of the hills which overlook Goa, was seen by many of the inhabitants of that city, on the 23d of February, to have the perfect figure of a crucified man upon it. The truth of this having been ascertained by the archbishop, he had it taken down, and got made from it a smaller cross, only two spans long, on which was fixed a crucified Jesus of ivory, and the whole surrounded by a golden glory; the rest of the cross being distributed to the churches and persons of quality. Ten days after this cross was removed, water gushed from the hole in which it was formerly fixed, in which cloths being dipped wrought many miraculous cures. A church was built on the spot to commemorate the miracle. At this time it was considered, in an assembly of the principal clergy, whether the threads, worn by the bramins across their shoulders, were a heathenish superstition or only a mark of their nobility, and, after a long debate, it was determined to be merely an honourable distinction. The reason of examining this matter was, that many of the bramins refused to embrace the Christian faith, because obliged to renounce these threads.
   In November 1619, the count of Redondo died; and, by virtue of a patent of succession, Ferdinand de Albuquerque became governor-general, being now 70 years of age, 40 of which he had been an inhabitant of Goa, and consequently was well versed in the affairs of India, but too slow in his motions for the pressing occasions of the time. During his administration, the Portuguese were expelled from Ormuz by the sultan of Shiras, assisted by six English ships.
   In July 1620, the Hollanders were desirous of gaining possession of the city of Macao in China, and appeared before it in seventeen ships, or, as some say, twenty-three, having 2000 soldiers on board, and were likewise in hopes of taking the fleet at that place, which was bound for Japan, having already taken several Portuguese and Chinese ships near the Philippine islands. After battering the fort of St Francis for five days, the Dutch admiral, Cornelius Regers, landed 800 men, with which he got possession of a redoubt or entrenchment, with very little opposition. He then marched to take possession of the city, not then fortified, where he did not expect any resistance; but Juan Suarez Vivas, taking post on some strong ground with only 160 men, defeated the Hollanders and compelled them to return precipitately to their ships, leaving 300 of their men slain, seven only with the colours and one piece of cannon being taken, and they threw away all their arms to enable them to swim off to their ships. In the mean while, the ships continued to batter the fort, but were so effectually answered that some of them were sunk and sixty men slain. After this the enemy abandoned the enterprise, and the citizens of Macao built a wall round the city with six bastions; and, as the mountain of our Lady of the Guide commanded the bastion of St Paul, a fort was constructed on its summit armed with ten large guns.
   We have formerly mentioned the destruction of the Portuguese cities of Liampo and Chincheo, in China, through their own bad conduct. From that time, they lived in the island of Lampazau till the year 1557, when they were permitted to build the city Macao, the largest belonging to the Portuguese in the east after Goa. They had been in use to resort to the island of Sanchuan, on the coast of China, for trade, where they lived in huts made of boughs of trees, and covered with sails during their stay. At this time, the island of Goaxama, eighteen leagues nearer the coast of China, being wild and mountainous, was the resort of robbers who infested the neighbouring part of the continent, and, as the Chinese considered the Portuguese a more tolerable evil than these outlaws, they offered them that island on condition of extirpating the nest of thieves. The Portuguese undertook this task, and succeeded without losing a man. Then every one began to build where he liked best, as there were no proprietors to sell the land, which now sells at a dear rate. The trade and reputation of this city increasing, it soon became populous, containing above 1000 Portuguese inhabitants all rich; and as the merchants usually give large portions with their daughters, many persons of quality used to resort thither in search of wives. Besides these, there are a number of Chinese inhabitants who are Christians, who are clothed and live after the manner of the Portuguese; and about 6000 heathens, who are artificers, shop-keepers, and merchants. The duties of ships trading from thence to Japan, amount to 300,000 Xeraphins, at 10 per cent, being about equal to as many pieces-of-eight, or Spanish dollars17. The yearly expence of the garrison and repairs of the fortifications is above 40,000 ducats. A similar sum is paid yearly for duties at the fair of Quantung, or Canton. The Japan voyage, including presents to the King and Tonos, and the expence of the embassy, costs 25,000. The Misericordia expends about 9000 in charity, as the city maintains two hospitals, three parish churches, and five monasteries, besides sending continual alms to the Christians in China, Hainan, Japan, Tonkin, Cochin-china, Cambodia, and Siam.
   Albuquerque governed India from the end of 1619, to the month of September 1622, during all which time so little care was taken in Spain of the affairs of Portuguese India that he did not receive a single letter from the king. In every thing relating to the civil government he was equal to any of his predecessors, but was unfortunate in military affairs, especially in the loss of Ormuz. In 1621, Don Alfonso de Noronna was nominated viceroy of India; but sailing too late, was driven back to Lisbon, being the last viceroy appointed by the pious Philip III. On the news coming to Lisbon, of the shameful surrender of the city of Bahia, in the Brazils, to the Hollanders, without considering his age, quality, and rank, he listed as a private soldier for that service, an instance of bravery and patriotism deserving of eternal fame, and an example that had many followers.
   Don Francisco de Gama, Count of Vidugueyra, who had been much hated as viceroy of India, and sore affronted at his departure, as formerly related, always endeavoured to obtain that command a second time, not for revenge, as some asserted, but to satisfy the world that he had been undeservedly ill used. At length he obtained his desire, after twenty years solicitation, upon the accession of Philip IV. of Spain. He sailed from Lisbon on the 18th of March 1622, with four ships. On the coast of Natal, a flash of lightning struck his ship, and burnt his colours, but killed no one. Under the line two of his ships left him, and arrived at Goa in the end of August; another ship staid behind, and it was thought they shunned his company designedly. At this time six Dutch ships plied near the islands or Angoxa, or the Comoros, one of which perished in pursuit of a Portuguese ship; and while standing on for Mozambique, the viceroy encountered the other five, on the 22d of June. His other ships had now joined him, and a terrible battle ensued, which fell heaviest on the vice-admiral, whose ship was entirely disabled, but the viceroy and Francisco Lobo rescued and brought him off; yet the ship was so much battered that it sunk, some men and part of the money on board being saved, but some of the men fell into the hands of the enemy. Night coming on, the ships of the viceroy and Lobo were cast upon certain sands and lost, when they saved what goods, rigging, ammunition, and cannon they were able, and burnt the rest, to prevent them from falling into the hands of the enemy. The viceroy shipped all the goods that were saved on board some galliots, with what men they could contain, and went to Cochin, whence he went to Goa in September. On seeing him replaced in the dignity of viceroy, his enemies were terrified lest he might revenge the affronts formerly given him, but he behaved with unexpected moderation. He wished to have punished Simon de Melo, and Luis de Brito, for the shameful loss of Ormuz. Melo had fled to the Moors, and Brito was in prison; so that he only was punished capitally, and the other was hung in effigy.
   About the year 1624, some of the Portuguese missionaries penetrated into the country of Thibet, in which are the sources of the river Ganges. The natives are well inclined, and of docile dispositions; zealous of their salvation, and value much the devotions enjoined them by their priests, called Lamas, who profess poverty and celibacy, and are much given to prayer. They have churches and convents like the most curious of those in Europe, and have some knowledge of the Christian religion, but mixed with many errors, and with strange customs and ceremonies; yet it plainly appears that they had formerly the light of the true gospel18; and they abhor the Mahometans and idolaters, being easily converted to the Christian faith. The habit of the Lamas is a red cassock, without sleeves, leaving their arms bare, girt with a piece of red cloth, of which the ends hang down to their feet. On their shoulders they wear a striped cloth, which they say was the dress of the Son of God; and they have a bottle of water hung at their girdle. They keep two fasts, during the principal of which they eat but once a day, and do not speak a word, using signs on all necessary occasions. During the other fast they eat as often as they have a mind, but use flesh only at one meal The people are called to prayers by the sound of trumpets, some of which are made of dead men's bones; and they use human skulls as drinking-vessels. Of other bones they make beads, which they allege is to remind them of death. The churches are only opened twice a year, when the votaries walk round the outside three times in procession, and then go in to reverence the images, some of which are of angels, called by them Las, the greatest being the one who intercedes with God for the souls of men. This being represented with the devil under his feet, was supposed by the missionaries to be St Michael the archangel. It is not unworthy of remark, that the word Lama, signifying priest, begins with La, which means an angel. The young Lamas go about the towns, dancing to the sound of bells and other noisy instruments of music; which, they say, is in imitation of the angels, who are painted by the Christians as singing in choirs.
   At the beginning of every month a procession is made in which are carried black flags and the figures of devils, and attended by drums and music, which they believe chases away the devils. They use holy water, which is consecrated with many prayers, having gold coral and rice put into it, and is used for driving devils from their houses. The country people bring black horses, cows and sheep, over which the Lamas say many prayers, as it is alleged the devils endeavour to get into cattle of a black colour. They cure the sick by blowing on the part affected. They have three different kinds of funerals, according to the star which rules at the time of death. In one the body is buried in a tomb adorned with gilded pyramids. In another the body is burnt and the ashes being mixed with clay are formed into images by which they swear. In the last, which is reckoned the most honourable, the body is exposed to be devoured by certain birds resembling cranes. These three forms are used with such as have spent good lives, but others are cut in pieces and thrown to the dogs. They believe that the good go directly to heaven, and the bad to hell; while such as are indifferent remain in an intermediate state, whence their souls return to animate noble or base creatures according to their deserts. They give their children the names of filthy beasts, at the recommendation of their priests, that the devil may be loth to meddle with them. They believe in one God in Trinity; the son having become a man and died, yet is now in heaven. God equal with the father, yet man at the same time; and that his mother was a woman who is now in heaven: And they compute the time of the death of the son nearly as we do the appearance of the Redeemer on earth. They believe in a hell as we do, and burn lamps that God may light them in the right road in the other world: Yet do they use divination after a ridiculous manner. The country of Thibet produces several fruits of the same kinds with those grown in Europe, together with rice and wheat, and has abundance of cattle; but a great part of the land is barren.
   The Jesuit fathers Andrada and Marquez went from Delhi in the country of the Great Mogul to Thibet along with a caravan of pilgrims that were going to visit a famous pagoda. Passing through the kingdom of Lahore, they came to the vast mountains whence the Ganges flows into the lower plain country of Hindostan, seeing many stately temples by the way full of idols. At the kingdom of Sirinagur they saw the Ganges flowing among snow, the whiteness of which is dazzling to the eyes of travellers. At the end of 50 days journey they came to a pagoda on the borders of Sirinagur, to which multitudes resort to bathe in a spring, the water of which is so hot as to be hardly sufferable, and which they imagine cleanses them from sin. The people here feed on raw flesh and eat snow, yet are very healthy; and the usual order of the sexes is reversed, as the women plough and the men spin. Having rested at the town of Mana the fathers pursued their journey, almost blinded by travelling continually among snow, and came at length to the source of the Ganges, which flows from a great lake. They soon afterwards entered the kingdom of Thibet, and were honourably received by officers sent on purpose from Chaparangue, the residence of the king of Thibet. The king and queen listened to their doctrines with much complacency, and even admitted their truths without dispute, and would not allow them to return to India till they promised an oath to come back, when the king not only engaged to give them liberty to preach, but that he would build them a church, and was greatly pleased with a picture they left him of the Virgin and Child.
   The fathers returned according to promise, on which the king built them a church and was afterwards baptised along with the queen, in spite of every thing the Lamas could say to prevent him. From merchants who traded to this place from China, the fathers understood that it was 60 days journey from Chaparangue to China, 40 of which was through the kingdom of Usangue, and thence 20 days to China. They likewise learnt that Cathay is not a kingdom, but a great city-the metropolis of a province subject to the grand Sopo, very near China, whence perhaps some give the name of Cathay to China19. Perhaps this kingdom of Thibet is the empire of Prester John, and not Ethiopia as some have believed.
   After having governed five years, the Count of Vidugueyra was ordered by the king to resign to Don Francisco de Mascarennas in 1628; but as that gentleman had left India for Europe, the viceroy resigned the charge of government to Don Luis de Brito, bishop of Cochin, and went home to Portugal. In this year the king of Acheen made an attempt to gain possession of Malacca, against which he sent a fleet of 250 sail, with 20,000 soldiers and a great train of artillery. In this great fleet there were 47 gallies of extraordinary strength, beauty, and size, all near 100 feet long and of proportional breadth. The king embarked with his wife, children, and treasure; but upon some ill omen the fleet and army sailed without him, and came before Malacca in the beginning of July 1629, the former under the command of Marraja, and the latter of Lacsamana, an experienced general who had made many conquests for his master. Having landed the troops, they were attacked by Antonio Pinto de Fonseca with only 200 men, who slew above 300 of the enemy without losing a man, and then retreated into the city. Juan Suarez Vivas with 350 Portuguese, who commanded at Iller, defended that post for some time with great gallantry and did great execution among the enemy; but at length, overpowered by numbers, was forced to retire. Having gained an eminence called mount St Juan, the enemy erected a battery there from which they played furiously against the fort, which answered them with great spirit. The Capuchin convent dedicated to the Mother of God, being considered as of great importance for the defence of the fort, was gallantly defended for 50 days by Diego Lopez de Fonseca, who on one occasion made a sally with 200 Portuguese and defeated 2000 of the enemy. On Lopez falling sick, Francisco Carvallo de Maya took the command of that post, and defended it till the convent was entirely ruined, so that he was obliged to withdraw into the city, on which the enemy converted it into a strong post in which Lacsamana took up his quarters with 3000 men. Marraja occupied mount St Juan, on which he erected a large fort; others were established at the convent of St Lawrence, at Iller and other places, having strong batteries and lines of communication, so that the city was invested on all sides by land, while a number of armed boats presented all access by sea for relief. Fonseca, who commanded in the besieged city, sent out Vivas with 220 Portuguese troops to dislodge Lacsamana from his head-quarters on the ruins of the Capuchin convent, on which occasion Vivas gained possession of the post by a night attack, killing 100 of the enemy, and retired with several cannon. The King of Pam, who was in alliance with the Portuguese, sent a fleet of paraos with 2000 men to the assistance of the town; and Michael Pereyra Botello brought five sail from the city of San Thome: Yet these reinforcements were insufficient to induce the enemy to retire, though they had lost above 4000 men during the siege, while 60 were slain on the side of the defenders.
   Although the bishop of Cochin was informed in June of the intended attack on Malacca and the weak state of its garrison, he postponed sending any reinforcement, as it was then the dead of winter on the Malabar coast, proposing to dispatch succours in September. He died however about the end of July 1629, after having governed India for nineteen or twenty months. Upon his death the next patent of succession was opened, which named Don Lorenzo de Cunna, the commander of Goa, to the civil government of India, and Nunno Alvarez Pereyra to the military command. Of this last name there happened to be two in India, or none. If Don Nunno Alvarez Pereyra, a gentleman well known, were meant, the title of Don was omitted in the patent; if Nunno Alvarez Botello, the sirname teemed wrong. It was thought unlikely that the title of Don could be omitted through mistake, as that in Portugal is peculiar to certain families. The mistake of name in regard to Nunno Alvarez Botello was more probable, as he had long gone by the name of Pereyra, in memory of his grandfather Alvarez Pereyra, and had dropped that name for Botello when he inherited the estate of his father, whose name was Botello; yet some continued to call him by the old name, and others gave him the new one. The council of Goa, and the Count de Linnares after his arrival in India, allowed the pretensions of Botello.
   In the meantime, considering how dangerous delay might prove to Malacca in its distress, Nunno Alvarez Botello undertook the relief of that place, saying that he would postpone the decision of the dispute till his return. By general consent however, he went by the title of governor; and by direction of the council of Goa, the Chancellor Gonzalo Pinto de Fonseca assumed the administration of justice, so that the government was divided between him, De Cunna, and Botello, who used such diligence in preparing for his expedition to relieve Malacca, that, from the 2d of August, when the charge of governor was awarded to him, to the beginning of September, he had collected 900 Portuguese troops, a good train of artillery, a large supply of arms and ammunition, and 30 vessels, and was ready to put to sea as soon as the weather would allow. He set sail on the 22d of September, rather too early, and encountered four several storms during his voyage, two of which were so terrible that every one expected to be lost. He at length reached Pulobutum, whence he sent two vessels to give notice at Malacca of his approach, yet arrived himself before them. At Pulobutum he found a vessel belonging to Cochin and two from Negapatnam, being some addition to his fleet He arrived at Malacca on the afternoon of the 22d October 1629, to the great surprise of Lacsamana, as his fleet was then in the river Pongor, a league from Malacca, and so situated as to be unable to escape.
   Botello immediately landed and gave the necessary orders and again embarking forced his way up the river through showers of bullets, which he repaid with such interest that the enemy abandoned their advanced works that same night, and retired to that which they had constructed on the ruins of the Capuchin monastery. As the river Pongor had not sufficient water for the Portuguese ships, Botello embarked a strong detachment in 33 balones or balames, being country-vessels of lighter draught, with which he went in person to view the strength and posture of the hostile fleet. Being anxious for the safety of their gallies, the enemy abandoned their works at Madre de Dios and San Juan, and threw up other works with wonderful expedition for the protection of their fleet. But having attacked these with much advantage, Botello proposed to the enemy to surrender, on which Marraja returned a civil but determined refusal. His situation being desperate, Marraja endeavoured the night to escape with the smaller vessels, leaving his large gallies at the mercy of the Portuguese, but was prevented by the vigilance and bravery of Vasquez de Evora, who cut off many of his men, not without some loss on his own side, having one of his arms carried off. The enemy now endeavoured to make use of their formidable gallies, and the chief among them called the Terror of the World was seen in motion; on which Botello sent the admiral of the Portuguese gallies, Francisco Lopez to attack her, which he did with great gallantry, passing through clouds of smoke, and a tremendous fire of artillery, and after two hours hard fighting, carried her by boarding, after killing 500 of her men out of 700, with the loss only of seven of his own men.
   On the 25th of November, the enemy set fire to a galley that was full of women whom they had brought to people Malacca, and made a fresh attempt to break through the Portuguese fleet, but without success, many of them being slain and taken, and great numbers leapt into the water, and fled to the woods, where they were devoured by wild beasts. Lacsamana then hung out a flag of truce, and sent a deputation to treat with Botello, who answered that he would listen to no proposals till they restored Pedro de Abren the Portuguese ambassador, whom they kept prisoner; and as they delayed compliance; the Portuguese cannon recommenced a destructive fire. On the last day of November, Botello got notice that Marraja the Acheen admiral was slain, and that the king Pam was approaching to the assistance of the Portuguese with 100 sail of vessels. Botello went immediately to visit him, and was received with the customary ceremonies used by the eastern princes to the Portuguese governors. After interchanging presents and mutual compliments, Botello returned to his post, where he found the Portuguese rather slackening their efforts in consequence of a desperate cannonade from the enemy. But on the 4th of December, the enemy sent fresh proposals for an accommodation, accompanied by the ambassador Abreu, requiring only to be allowed to withdraw with three of their gallies and 4000 men, being all that remained of 20,000 with which they had invested Malacca. In answer to this, they were told they must surrender at discretion on promise of life; and as Lacsamana hesitated to accept such humiliating terms, Botello assaulted and forced all his works, where many of the enemy were put to the sword; some throwing themselves into the river to swim across were drowned, and others who fled to the woods were devoured by beasts of prey. In fine, Botello obtained the most glorious victory that was ever gained by the Portuguese in India; as of all the fleet which came against Malacca, not a single vessel got away, and of the large army, not one man escaped death or captivity. So great was the booty, that the whole of the Portuguese troops and mariners were enriched, Botello reserving nothing to his own share but a parrot which had been much valued by Lacsamana.
   On going to Malacca after this great victory, he entreated to be allowed to walk barefooted and unaccompanied to church, that he might humbly prostrate himself before the Lord of Hosts, in acknowledgement that the victory was entirely due to God, and not to the Portuguese valour; but he was constrained to enter the city in triumph. The streets were crowded with men, and the windows and house tops thronged with women, who sprinkled the hero with sweet waters and strewed flowers in his path. The music could not be heard for the noise of cannon, and all the city was filled with extreme joy. At this time an embassy came from the king of Pera, who was tributary to the king of Acheen, offering to pay tribute to the king of Portugal, and to deliver up a large treasure left in his custody belonging to the king of Acheen and his general Lacsamana. Don Jerome de Silveyra was sent with eleven ships to receive the treasure, and establish a treaty with the king of Pera, who performed his promise, and the treasure was applied to pay the men and refit the fleet.
   About the middle of January 1630, Botello being off the straits of Cincapura to secure the ships expected from China against the Hollanders, Lacsamana and two other officers who had fled to the woods were brought prisoners to him, having been taken by the king of Pam. Owing to contrary winds, he was unable to get up with five Dutch ships that were about Pulo Laer, and which took a Portuguese galliot coming from China. He returned therefore to Malacca to refit his ships, and resolved to attempt the Dutch fort of Jacatara20, the best which was possessed by these rebels in all Asia. In the first place, he sent Antonio de Sousa Coutinno in the admiral galley lately belonging to Lacsamana called the Terror of the World, in which Lacsamana was now prisoner, to Goa; directing that Lacsamana should be sent to Portugal, and that this large and magnificent galley should be given as a present to the city of Goa. In this galley there was one cannon made of tombac, a precious sort of metal, which was valued at above 7000 ducats, and another cannon reckoned still more valuable on account of its curious workmanship. Lacsamana died before he could be carried to Portugal.
   Learning that the Count de Linnares, now viceroy of India, had arrived at Goa in October 1629, Botello transmitted to him an account of all that he had done, and desired his assistance and approbation to continue in these parts in order to carry on his designs against the English and Hollanders. About the end of April 1630, the viceroy not only sent him every thing he asked, but gave him full power to act as governor general, without being obliged to wait for orders from Goa. In the meantime Botello sailed with 27 ships towards the straits of Cincapura, and put in at Jambo21, a place abounding in pepper, and on that account much resorted to by the Dutch and English. At this place he took two large ships after a stout resistance; and going higher up the river he discovered another ship so large and beautiful that he designed to make use of her for his entrance into Goa; but a ball falling into her powder-room, blew her up. After employing three weeks in working up the river, Botello learnt that at a town about two leagues distant, two Dutch ships had taken shelter, and being desirous of taking them, he manned 14 light vessels with which he went to view the place, on which he was opposed by 26 sail of small vessels manned with Hollanders and natives, whom he put to flight; but on viewing the place he found it impracticable to attempt the two vessels, on account of the strength of the works by which they were protected. He destroyed therefore all the neighbourhood with tire and sword, and then sailed down the river, intending to proceed against Jacatara.
   While on his way thither, a Dutch ship of 24 guns was met, which was laden with powder for their forts, and on being attacked and boarded by some of his ships she took fire. In this situation, Botello gave orders for his ships to draw off from the danger, and on going up in his galliot to bring off Antonio Mascarennas, the Dutch ship blew up while Botello was passing her stern, by which his galliot was instantly sunk. His body was found and taken to Malacca, where it was honourably interred.
   Don Michael de Noronna, Count de Linnares, arrived at Goa as viceroy of India in October 1629. About the commencement of his administration, Constantine de Sa, who commanded in Ceylon, marched from Columbo, which he left almost without any garrison, meaning to reduce the interior provinces to subjection. His force consisted of 400 Portuguese, with a considerable number of Christian Chingalese, in whose fidelity he reposed too much confidence, although a Franciscan friar who resided among the enemy, and his own officers warned him of the danger to which he was exposed. He penetrated to the city of Uva with very little opposition, which he destroyed; but was met on his return by the king of Candy with a considerable army, to whom the greatest part of the Christian Chingalese immediately deserted, and aided him in battle against the Portuguese, now reduced to 400 of their own troops and 200 Chingalese who remained faithful. De Sa and his inconsiderable army fought against prodigious odds during three entire days, but the general being slain, the Portuguese troops fell into disorder, and were all slain or taken prisoners.
   Immediately after this victory, the king of Candy laid siege to Columbo with an army of 50,000 men, while the garrison under Launcelot de Leixas did not exceed 400, even including the priests and monks. The garrison was reduced to extreme distress, and even threatened with famine, when a ship from Cochin brought them a relief of provisions and ammunition; after which five ships came from San Thome and one from Goa. Though not mentioned by De Faria, it appears that the siege was now raised; as at a subsequent period, after the natives had reduced almost the whole of the island, the kings of Candy, Uva, and Matale again laid siege to Columbo with an army of 20,000 men. At this time five ships came from Goa to carry off the cinnamon to Portugal, on which the enemy raised the siege, believing these ships had come to relieve and reinforce the garrison.
   The viceroy now appointed Don George de Almeyda to the command in Ceylon, who sailed from Goa for that place on the 19th of February 1631, in the great galley taken by Botello when he destroyed the fleet of Acheen: But encountering a storm off Cape Comorin, the galley was ready to founder, on which Almeyda took to the boat with 29 persons, and reached one of the Maldive islands after four days of incredible distress. Going over from thence to Cochin, he received a reinforcement of some Portuguese troops, with 500 kafrs and 800 Canarin lascars, and a supply of money, ammunition, and provisions. Having raised some more men at Cochin, Almeyda sailed again for Ceylon, where he arrived on the 21st October 1631, and landed at Columbo. He marched immediately against the enemy, though then the rainy season, and was soon forced to desist, as the country was mostly overflowed, and at this season the trees swarm with leeches, which drop down upon the men as they pass, and bleed them to death.
   On the return of fine weather, Almeyda marched again on the 5th January 1632, though with much difficulty, as the waters were still out, so that the men had often to wade up to their breasts. Being opposed by the enemy near the fort of Tranqueyra Grande, many of them were slain, as the general gave three or four pistoles for every head that was brought him. At another pass, the enemy were defended, to the number of 6000 men, by some works, but on being attacked, and many of them killed, the rest fled, destroying every thing they could not carry away. After these successes, many of the natives came in, and submitted, and were treated with kindness; but as others hid themselves in hopes of getting away to join the enemy, Almeyda caused them to be apprehended, and given as slaves among his officers. One was delivered to the Kafrs, who, in sight of his wife and children, cut him immediately in pieces, which they divided among them to eat. At Cardevola, the enemy had two forts, which were carried by escalade. The enemy fled in every quarter, making no stand till they arrived at the foot of the mountains of Candy, where they were defeated, and the forts of Manicravare, Safragam, Maluana, and Caliture, were immediately afterwards reduced, as was the district of Matura, of which the commander of the Chingalese Christians, who deserted from de Sa, had made himself king. At last the king of Candy sent to implore peace, which was granted at the intercession of the priests and monks. In fine, Almeyda not only restored the reputation of the Portuguese arms in Ceylon, but increased it, and established the government of the island in good order. He was removed, however, by the succeeding viceroy, and returned to Goa poor, and full of honour, where he died poor, more from grief than age; and no sooner was he deprived of the command, than all he had gained was speedily lost, though it was again recovered by Diego de Melo y Castro in 1633.
   About the end of the year 1635, the Count de Linares resigned the government of India to Pedro de Silva, who was usually called Mole or the Soft, on account of the easiness of his disposition. He disliked the government so much, that he was often heard to exclaim, "God forgive those who appointed me viceroy, as I am not fit for the office." He held the government, however, nearly four years, and died in the end of June 1639, when he was succeeded as governor by Antonio Tellez de Silva, whose name was found in one of the royal patents, which was now opened. Tellez happened to be absent from Goa at the time, for which reason, the archbishop of Goa, who was next in nomination, assumed the government in his name, and sent notice to him of his appointment, and in the meantime, employed himself in fitting out twelve ships of war for the relief of Malacca, then threatened by the king of Acheen and the Hollanders. At this time nine Dutch ships entered the river of Goa, and set on fire three Portuguese galleons then lying at Marmugam, after which they retired without loss or opposition, because the fort was destitute of men and ammunition. Antonio Tellez arrived immediately after this unfortunate accident, at which he was exceedingly enraged, not so much for the actual loss, as that the enemy should be able to insult the harbour of the Portuguese Indian capital without harm or resistance. On the back of this misfortune, news came that the Dutch fleet of 12 sail, and that of Acheen of 35 gallies, were in sight of Malacca. While occupied in making great preparations to relieve Malacca, and to remedy other disorders then subsisting in Portuguese India, he was superseded in the government of India, by the arrival of Juan de Silva Tello, as viceroy, towards the end of 1640; on which Antonio Tellez, having resigned the sword of command, immediately embarked for Portugal, not thinking proper to serve as admiral where he had enjoyed the supreme authority.
   Other authors will write the actions of the new viceroy, Juan de Silva Tello, for he begins his task where I end mine.22

SECTION XV. Occurrences in Pegu, Martavan, Pram, Siam, and other places23
   We here propose to give some account of the exploits of the black king of Siam, in whose character there was a strange mixture of virtues and vices. In the year 1544, the king of the Birmans24 besieged the city of Martavan by sea and land, being the metropolis of the great and flourishing kingdom of that name, which had a revenue of three millions of gold. Chaubainaa was then king of Martavan, and fell from the height of fortune to the depth of misery. The Birman fleet, on this occasion, consisted of 700 sail, 100 of which were large gallies, in which were 700 Portuguese, commanded by one Juan Cayero, who was reputed a commander of courage and conduct. After a siege of some months, during which the Birmans lost 12,000 men in five general assaults, Chaubainaa found himself unable to withstand the power of his enemy, being reduced to such extremity that the garrison had already eaten 3000 elephants. He offered, therefore, to capitulate, but all terms were refused by the enemy; on which he determined to make use of the Portuguese, to whom he had always been just and friendly: But favours received from a person in prosperity, are forgotten when the benefactor falls into adversity. He sent therefore one Seixas, a Portuguese in his service, to make an offer to Cayero, if he would receive himself, his family, and treasures, into the four ships which he commanded; that he would give half the treasure to the king of Portugal, to whom he would become vassal, paying such tribute as might be agreed on, being satisfied that he could recover his kingdom with the assistance of 2000 Portuguese troops, whom he proposed to take into his pay. Cayero consulted with his principal officers on this proposition, and asked Seixas, in their presence, what might be the amount of treasure belonging to the king of Martavan. Seixas said, that he had not seen the whole, but affirmed that he had seen enough in gold and jewels to load two ships, and as much silver as would load four or five. Envious of the prodigious fortune that Cayero might make by accepting this offer, the Portuguese officers threatened to delate him to the Birman sovereign, if he consented, and the proposal was accordingly refused.
   The king of Martavan was astonished at the rejection of his proposals, and finding Seixas determined to withdraw from the danger that menaced the city, made him a present of a pair of bracelets, which were afterwards sold to the governor of Narsinga for 80,000 ducats. Despairing of relief or retreat, the king of Martavan now determined to set his capital on fire, and sallying out at the head of the few men that remained, to die honourably fighting against his enemies. But that night, one of his principal officers deserted to the enemy, and gave notice of his intention. Thus betrayed, he surrendered on promise of having his own life, and those of his wife and children spared, and being allowed to end his days in retirement. These terms were readily granted, as the conqueror meant to perform no part of his engagement.
   From the gate of the city to the tent of the Birman king, at the distance of a league, a double lane of musketeers of sundry nations was formed, the Portuguese under Cayero being stationed nearest the gate, through which the captives were to march in procession. In the first place, came the queen of Martavan in a chair, her two sons and two daughters being carried in two other chairs. These were surrounded by forty beautiful young ladies, led by an equal number of old ladies, and attended by a great number of Talegrepos, who are a kind of monks or religious men, habited like Capuchins, who prayed with and comforted the captives. Then followed the king of Martavan, seated on a small she elephant, clothed in black velvet, having his head, beard, and eyebrows shaved, and a rope about his neck. On seeing the Portuguese, he refused to proceed till they were removed, after which he went on. Being come into the presence of the king of the Birmans, he cast himself at his feet; and being unable to speak owing to grief, the Raolim of Mounay, Talaypor, or chief priest of Martavan, who was esteemed a saint, made a harangue in his behalf, which had been sufficient to have moved compassion from any other than the obdurate tyrant to whom it was addressed, who immediately ordered the miserable king, with his wife, children, and attendant ladies, into confinement. For the two following days, a number of men were employed to remove the public treasure of Martavan, amounting to 100 millions in gold; and on the third day, the army was allowed indiscriminate plunder, which lasted for four days, and was estimated at 12 millions. Then the city was burnt, and above 60,000 persons were supposed to have perished by fire and sword, an equal number being reduced to slavery. On this occasion, 2000 temples and 40,000 houses were destroyed.
   On the morning after the destruction of the city, 21 gibbets were erected on a neighbouring hill called Beydao, which were surrounded by a strong guard of cavalry, and on which the queen, with her children and attendants, to the number in all of 140 persons, were all hung up by the feet. The king of Martavan, with 50 men of the highest quality, were flung into the sea with stones about their necks. At this barbarous spectacle, the army of the Birmans mutinied, and for some time the king was in imminent danger. Leaving a sufficient number of people to rebuild the ruined city, the Birman king returned to Pegu with the rest of his army, accompanied by Juan Cayero, and his 700 Portuguese. Four Portuguese remained at Martavan, among whom was Juan Falcam; who, instead of assisting Fernan Mendez Pinta, sent by Pedro de Faria, the commander of Malacca, to confirm the peace which subsisted with the late king of Martavan, accused him to the governor of the town as an enemy to the king of the Birmans. On this false accusation, the governor seized the vessel commanded by Pinto, in which were goods to the value of 100,000 ducats, killed the master and some others, and sent the rest prisoners to Pegu. This false dealing was not new in Falcam, who had deserted from the late unfortunate king of Martavan, after having received many benefits from him.
   Instead of being allowed to enjoy the fruits of his victories in peace, the king of the Birmans was obliged to engage in a new war with the king of Siam, who endeavoured to recover the kingdom of Tangu, which had been wrested from him. For this purpose, in March 1546, he embarked with 900,000 men in 12,000 vessels, on the river Ansedaa, out of which he passed in the month of April into the river Pichau Malacoa, and invested the city of Prom. The king of this territory was recently dead, leaving his successor, only thirteen years of age, who was married to a daughter of the king of Ava, from whom he looked for the assistance of 60,000 men. For this reason, the king of Siam pressed the siege, that he might gain the city before the arrival of the expected succours. After six days, the queen of Prom, who administered the government, offered to become tributary if he would grant a peace; but the king insisted that she should put herself into his hands with all her treasure. She refused these degrading terms, knowing his perfidious character, and resolved to defend the city to the last extremity. The king of Siam accordingly gave several assaults, in all of which he was repulsed, and in a short time, lost above 80,000 of his men, partly by the sword, and partly by a pestilential disease, which raged in his army, 500 Portuguese who were in his service perishing among the rest.
   Being unable to take the place by assault, the king of Siam caused a great mount to be raised, which overlooked the city, and was planted with a great number of cannon, by which the defenders were prodigiously annoyed. Upon this, 5000 men sallied from the city, and destroyed the mount, killing 16,000 of the enemy, and carrying off 80 pieces of cannon. In this affair the king of Siam was wounded; and being greatly enraged against a body of 2000 Portuguese, who were in his pay, and had the guard of the mount, he caused them all to be massacred. About the end of August, Xemin Maletay, one of the four principal officers, who commanded in Prom, treacherously betrayed the city to the king of Siam, who ordered it to be utterly destroyed with fire and sword. Two thousand children were cut in pieces, and given as food to the elephants. The queen was publicly whipped, and given up to the lust of the soldiers till she died. The young king was tied to her dead body, and cast into the river; and above 300 principal nobles were impaled. The king of Ava, who was marching to the assistance of his sister, understood the unfortunate events of Prom, but came to battle with the traitor Zemin, who had betrayed her, who was at the head of a numerous army. In this battle all the soldiers of Ava were slain except 800, after making a prodigious slaughter among the enemy; after which the king of Siam came up with a part of his army, and slew the remaining 800 men of Ava, with the loss of 12,000 of his own men, and then beheaded the traitor Zemin. He then went up the river Queytor, with 60,000 men in 1000 boats, and coming to the port of Ava, about the middle of October, he burnt above 2000 vessels, and several villages, with the loss of 8000 of his men, among whom were 62 Portuguese. Understanding that the city of Ava was defended by 20,000 men, 30,000 of which people had slain 150,000 of his army at Maletay, and that the king of Pegu was coming to their relief, he returned in all haste to Prom, where he fortified himself, and sent an ambassador to the emperor of Calaminam, with rich presents, and the offer of an extensive territory, on condition of sending him effectual succours.
   The empire of Calaminam is said to be 300 leagues in length and as much in breadth, having been formerly divided into 27 kingdoms, all using the same language, beautified with many cities and towns, and very fertile, containing abundance of all the productions of Asia. The name of the metropolis is Timphan, which is seated on the river Pitni, on which there are innumerable boats. It is surrounded by two strong and beautiful walls, contains 400,000 inhabitants, with many stately palaces and fine gardens, having 2500 temples belonging to 24 different sects. Some of these use bloody sacrifices. The women are very beautiful, yet chaste, two qualities that seldom go together. In their law-suits, O happy country! they employ no attornies, solicitors, or proctors, and every dispute is decided at one hearing. This kingdom maintains 1,700,000 soldiers, 400,000 of which are horse, and has 6000 elephants. On account of their prodigious number, the emperor assumes the title of Lord of the Elephants, his revenue exceeding 20 millions. There are some remnants of Christianity among these people, as they believe in the blessed Trinity, and make the sign of the cross when they sneeze.
   Such was the great empire of Calaminam to which the king of the Birmans25, sent his ambassador. On his return, the king sent 150,000 men in 1300 boats against the city of Sabadii, 130 leagues distant to the north-east. The general of this army, named Chaunigrem, lost many of his men in several assaults, after which he raised two mounts whence he did much harm to the city: But the besieged sallying out, killed at one time 8000 and at another 5000 of his men. Leaving this siege for a time and the affairs of the king of the Birmans, we purpose to relate what was done at Siam, in order to treat of them both together.
   The king of Chiammay, after destroying 30,000 men that had guarded the frontiers, besieged the city of Guitivam belonging to the king of Siam, who immediately drew together an army of 500,000 men, in which was a body of 120 Portuguese in which he placed great reliance. This vast multitude was conveyed along the river in 3000 boats, while 4000 elephants and 200 pieces of cannon were sent by land. He found the enemy had 300,000 men and 2000 boats. The king of Siam gave the command of his vast army to three generals, two of whom were Turks, and the third was Dominic Seixas a Portuguese. At first the Siamese were worsted, but recovering their order they gained a complete victory, in which 130,000 of the enemy were slain, 40,000 of whom were excellent cavalry, with the loss of 50,000 Siamese, all of whom were the worst troops in their army. After this victory the king of Siam marched against the queen of Guibem, who had allowed the enemy to pass through her country; and entering the city of Fumbacar spared neither age nor sex. Being besieged in her capital of Guirar, the queen agreed to pay an yearly tribute of 60,000 ducats, and gave her son as an hostage. After this the king of Siam advanced to the city of Taysiram, to which place he thought the king of Chiammay had fled, destroying every thing in his course with fire and sword, only sparing the women; but winter coming on he returned to Siam.
   On his return to his court of Odiaa or Odiaz, he was poisoned by his queen, then big with child by one of her servants; but before he died he caused his eldest son, then young, to be declared king. He left 30,000 ducats to the Portuguese then in his service, and gave orders that they should pay no duties in any of his ports for three years. The adulterous queen, being near the time of her delivery, poisoned her lawful son, married her servant, and caused him to be proclaimed king. But in a short time they were both slain at a feast by the King of Cambodia and Oya Pansilaco.
   There being no lawful heir to the kingdom of Siam, Pretiel a religious Talagrepo, bastard brother to him who was poisoned, was raised to the throne by common consent in the beginning of the year 1549. Seeing the affairs of Siam in confusion, the king of the Birmans, who was likewise king of Pegu, resolved to conquer that kingdom. For this purpose he raised an army of 800,000 men, of which 40,000 were horse, and 60,000 armed with muskets, 1000 being Portuguese. He had 20,000 elephants, 1000 cannon drawn by oxen and abadias26, and 1000 ammunition waggons drawn by buffaloes. The Portuguese troops in his service, were commanded by Diego Suarez de Mello, commonly called the Gallego, who went out to India in 1538. In 1542 this man became a pirate in the neighbourhood of Mozambique. In 1547 he was at the relief of Malacca: And now in 1549, being in the service of the king of the Birmans, was worth four millions in jewels and other valuables, had a pension of 200,000 ducats yearly, was stiled the king's brother, and was supreme governor of the kingdom and general in chief of the army. With this prodigious army the king of the Birmans, after one repulse, took the fort of Tapuram by assault, which was defended by 2000 Siamese, all of whom he put to the sword in revenge for the loss of 3000 of his own men in the two assaults. In the prosecution of his march, the city of Juvopisam surrendered, after which he set down before the city of Odiaa the capital of Siam. Diego Suarez the commander in chief gave a general assault on the city, in which he was repulsed with the loss of 10,000 men: Another attempt was made by means of elephants, but with no better success. The king offered 500,000 ducats to any one who would betray one of the gates to him; which coming to the knowledge of Oya Pansiloco, who commanded in the city, he opened a gate and sent word to the king to bring the money as he waited to receive it. After spending five months in the siege, during which he lost 150,000 men, news came that Xemindoo had rebelled at Pegu where he had slain 15,000 men that opposed him. When this was known in the camp, 120,000 Peguers deserted, in hatred to the king of the Birmans who oppressed them, and in revenge of the insolence of Diego Suarez their general in chief.
   Xemindoo was of the ancient blood royal of Pegu, and being a priest was esteemed as a great saint. On one occasion he preached so eloquently against the tyranny and oppression which the Peguers suffered under the Birmans, that he was taken from the pulpit and proclaimed king of Pegu. On this he slew 8000 Birmans that guarded the palace, and seizing the royal treasure, he got possession of all the strong-holds in a short time, and the whole kingdom submitted to his authority. The armies of the rival kings met within two leagues of the city of Pegu; that of the Birmans amounting to 350,000 men, while Xemindoo had 600,000; yet Xemindoo was defeated with the loss of 300,000 men, while the Birmans lost 60,000. The victorious king of the Birmans immediately entered Pegu, where he slew a vast multitude of the inhabitants, and recovered his treasure. Meanwhile the city of Martavan declared for Xemindoo, and massacred the garrison of 2000 Birmans. Zemin did the same in the city of Zatam where he commanded. The king marched towards him, but he contrived to have him murdered by the way; on which Zemin was proclaimed king by his followers, and soon raised an army of 30,000 men. Chaumigrem, brother to the dead king, plundered the palace and city, and then fled to Tangu where he was born. In four months Zemin became so odious to his new subjects by his tyranny, that many of them fled to Xemindoo, who was soon at the head of 60,000 men.
   Some short time before this, as Diego Suarez was passing the house of a rich merchant on the day of his daughter's intended marriage, being struck by the great beauty of the bride, he attempted to carry her off by force, killing the bridegroom and others who came to her rescue, and the bride strangled herself to avoid the dishonour. As the father expected no justice while that king reigned, he shut himself up till Zemin got possession of the throne, on which he so published his wrongs about the city, that 50,000 of the people joined with him in demanding justice. Fearing evil consequences, Zemin caused Suarez to be apprehended and delivered up to the people, by whom he was stoned to death. His house was plundered, and as much less treasure was found than he was supposed to be worth, he was believed to have buried the rest.
   Zemin soon followed Suarez, for his subjects being unable to endure his cruelty and avarice, fled in great numbers to Xemindoo, who was now master of some considerable towns. Xemindoo having gathered an army of 200,000 men and 5000 elephants, marched to the city of Pegu, near which he was encountered by Zemin at the head of 800,000 men. The battle was long doubtful, but at last Gonzalo Neto, who served under Xemindoo with 80 Portuguese, killed Zemin with a musket ball, on which his army fled, and Xemindoo got possession of the capital. This happened on the 3d of February 1550. Gonzalo was rewarded with a gift of 10,000 crowns, and 5000 were divided among his companions.
   Chaumigrem, who had fled the year before to Tangu, hearing that Xemindoo had disbanded most of his forces, marched against him and obtained a complete victory, by which the kingdom of Pegu was again reduced under the authority of the Birmans. Xemindoo was taken some time afterwards and put to death. Chaumigrem being now king of the Birmans and of Pegu, went to war against Siam, with an army of 1,700,000 men, and 17,000 elephants, having a considerable body of Portuguese in his service. All this army came to ruin, and the kingdom of Pegu was soon afterwards reduced to subjection by the king of Aracan, as formerly related.
   The kingdom of Siam, though much harassed by these invasions, still held out, and, in 1627, was possessed by the black king, so called because he really was of a black colour, though all the inhabitants of that country are fair complexioned27. In 1621, this black king of Siam sent ambassadors to Goa, desiring that some Franciscans might be sent to preach the gospel in his dominions. Accordingly, father Andrew, of the convent of the Holy Ghost, went to Odiaa28, where he was received honourably, and got leave to erect a church, which was done at the king's expence. He likewise offered great riches to the venerable father, who constantly refused his offers, to the great admiration and astonishment of the king. This black king of Siam was of small stature, of an evil presence, and an extraordinarily compound character, of great wickedness, mixed with great generosity. Although cruel men are for the most part cowards, he was at the same time exceedingly cruel, and very valiant; and though tyrants are generally covetous, he was extremely liberal; being barbarous in some parts of his conduct, and generous and benevolent in others. Not satisfied with putting thieves and robbers to ordinary deaths, he was in use to have them torn in pieces in his presence by tigers and crocodiles for his amusement. Understanding that one of his vassal kings intended to rebel, he had him shut up in a cage, and fed him with morsels of his own flesh torn from his body, after which he had him fried in a pan. On one occasion he slew seven ladies belonging to the court, only because they walked too quick; and on another occasion he cut off the legs of three others, because they staid too long when sent by him for some money to give to certain Portuguese. He even extended his severity to animals; having cut off the paw of a favourite monkey for putting it into a box containing some curiosities. A valuable horse was ordered to be beheaded, in presence of his other horses, because he did not stop when he checked him. A tiger that did not immediately seize a criminal thrown to him, was ordered to be beheaded as a coward. Yet had this cruel and capricious tyrant many estimable virtues. He kept his word inviolable; was rigorous in the execution of justice; liberal in his gifts; and often merciful to those who offended him. Having at one time sent a Portuguese to Malacca with money to purchase some commodities; this man, after buying them lost them all at play, and yet had the boldness to return to the king, who even received him kindly, saying that he valued the confidence reposed in his generosity more than the goods he ought to have brought. He shewed much respect to the Christian priests and missionaries, and gave great encouragement to the propagation of the gospel in his dominions. His valour was without the smallest stain.
   The proper name of the kingdom we call Siam, is Sornace29. It extends along the coast for 700 leagues, and its width inland is 260. Most part of the country consists of fertile plains, watered by many rivers, producing provisions of all sorts in vast abundance. The hills are covered with a variety of trees, among which there are abundance of ebony, brasilwood, and Angelin. It contains many mines of sulphur, saltpetre, tin, iron, silver, gold, sapphires, and rubies; and produces much sweet-smelling wood, benzoin, wax, cinnamon, pepper, ginger, cardamunis, sugar, honey, silk, and cotton. The royal revenue is about thirteen millions. The kingdom contains 13,000 cities and towns, besides innumerable villages. All the towns are walled; but the people for the most part are weak timorous and unwarlike. The coast is upon both seas; that which is on the sea of India, or bay of Bengal, containing the sea ports of Junzalam30, and Tanasserim; while on the coast of the China sea, are Mompolocata, Cey, Lugor, Chinbu, and Perdio.

SECTION XVI. A short Account of the Portuguese possessions between the Cape of Good Hope and China31
   In the middle of the seventeenth century, the Portuguese empire in the east, comprehended under the general name of India, from beyond the Cape of Good Hope in Africa, to Cape Liampo in China, extended for 4000 leagues along the sea-coast, not including the shores of the Rea Sea and the Persian gulf, which would add 1200 leagues more. Within these limits are half of Africa, and all of eastern Asia, with innumerable islands adjoining these two vast divisions of the world. This vast extent may be conveniently divided into seven parts.
   The first division, between the famous Cape of Good Hope, and the mouth of the Red Sea, contains along the coast many kingdoms of the Kafrs; as the vast dominions of the Monomotapa, who is lord of all the gold mines of Africa, with those of Sofala, Mozambique, Quiloa, Pemba, Melinda, Pate, Brava, Magadoxa, and others. In this division the Portuguese have the forts of Sofala and Mombaza, with the city and fort of Mozambique.
   The second division, from the mouth of the Red Sea to that of the Persian gulf, contains the coast of Arabia, in which they have the impregnable fortress of Muskat.
   The third division, between Busrah, or Bazorah, at the bottom of the Persian gulf, and India proper, contains the kingdoms of Ormuz, Guadel, and Sinde, with part of Persia, and Cambaya, on which they have the fort of Bandel, and the island of Diu.
   The fourth division, from the gulph of Cambaya, to Cape Comorin, contains what is properly called India, including part of Cambaya, with the Decan, Canara, and Malabar, subject to several princes. On this coast the Portuguese have, Damam, Assarim, Danu, St Gens, Agazaim, Maim, Manora, Trapor, Bazaim, Tana, Caranja, the city of Chaul, with the opposite fort of Morro; the most noble city of GOA, the large, strong, and populous metropolis of the Portuguese possessions in the east. This is the see of an archbishop, who is primate of all the east, and is the residence of their viceroys; and there are the courts of inquisition, exchequer, and chancery, with a customhouse, arsenal, and well-stored magazines. The city of Goa, which stands in an island, is girt with a strong wall, and defended by six mighty castles called Dauguim, San Blas, Bassoleco, Santiago de Agazaim, Panguim, and Nuestra Sennora del Cabo. On the other side of the bar is the castle of Bardes, and opposite to Dauguim is the fort of Norva, with a considerable town. On one side of the island of Goa is that of Salsete, in which is the fort of Rachol. Then going along the coast are the forts of Onor, Barcelor, Mongalor, Cananor Cranganor, Cochin, which is a bishopric; and near Cape Comorin, the town and fort of Coulan.
   The fifth division, between Cape Comorin and the river Ganges, contains the coasts of Coromandel and Orixa, on which they have the fort of Negapatam, the fort and city of Meliapour, which is a bishopric, formerly named after St Thomas, and the fort of Masulipatan.
   The sixth division, between the Ganges and Cape Cincapura, contains the vast kingdoms of Bengal, Pegu, Tanasserim, and others of less note; where the Portuguese have the city of Malacca, the seat of a bishop, and their last possession on the continent.
   The seventh division, from Cape Cincapura to Cape Liampo in China, contains the kingdoms of Pam, Lugor, Siam, Cambodia, Tsiompa, Cochin China, and the vast empire of China. In this vast extent the Portuguese have only the island and city of Macao, yet trade all along these coasts.
   In the island of Ceylon, the Portuguese possess the city and fort of Columbo, with those of Manaar, Gale, and others. Beyond Malacca, a fort in the island of Timor. The number of our ports in all this great track is above fifty, with twenty cities and towns, and many dependent villages.
   Much might be said of Ceylon, but we can only make room for a short account of that famous island32. About 500 years before the time of our Saviour, the heathen king of Tenacarii, who ruled over a great part of the east, banished his son and heir Vigia Rajah, for the wickedness and depravity of his conduct. The young man put to sea with 700 dissipated persons like himself, and landed at the port of Preature, between Trincomalee, and Jafnapatam, in the island of Ceylon, which was not then inhabited, but abounded in delightful rivers, springs, woods, and fruit-trees, with many fine birds, and numerous animals. These new colonists were so delighted with the country, that they gave it the name of Lancao, which signifies the terrestrial paradise, and, indeed, it is still considered as the delight of all the east. The first town they built was Montota, opposite to Manaar, whence they traded with Cholca Rajah, the nearest king on the continent, who gave his daughter as wife to the prince, and supplied his companions with women. He likewise sent them labourers and artizans to forward the new plantation; and seeing his power increase, the banished prince assumed the title of emperor of the islands. By strangers these new come people were named Galas, signifying banished men on account of their having actually been banished by the king of Tenacarii. Vigia Rajah died without children, and left the crown to his brother, in whole lineage it continued for 900 years. The fertility of the island, and the fame of its excellent cinnamon, drew thither the Chinese, who intermarried with the Galas, from which mixture arose a new race, called to this day the Chingalas, or Chingalese, who are very powerful in the island, being subtle, false, and cunning, and excellently adapted for courtiers.
   On the extinction of the ancient royal family, the kingdom fell to Dambadine Pandar Pracura Mabago, who was treacherously taken prisoner by the Chinese, afterwards restored, and then murdered by Alagexere, who usurped the crown. The usurper dying ten years afterwards without issue, two sons of Dambadine were sent for who had fled from the tyrant. Maha Pracura Mabago, the eldest, was raised to the throne, who settled his court at Cota, and gave the dominion of the four Corlas to his brother. Maha Pracura was succeeded by a grandson, the son of a daughter who was married to the Rajah of Cholca. This line likewise failed, and Queta Permal, king of Jafnapatam, was raised to the throne, on which he assumed the name or title of Bocnegaboa, or king by force of arms, having overcome his brother, who was king of the four corlas. His son, Caypura Pandar, succeeded, but was defeated and slain by the king of the four Corlas, who mounted the throne, and took the name of Jauira Pracura Magabo. These two kings were of the royal lineage, and had received their dominions from king Maha Pracura. After Jauira, his son Drama Pracura Magabo succeeded, who reigned when Vasco de Gama discovered the route by sea to India. Afterwards, about the year 1500, the empire of Ceylon was divided by three brothers, into three separate kingdoms. Bocnegababo Pandar had Cota; Reigam Pandar had Reigam; and Madure Pandar had Cheitavaca.
   In the district of Dinavaca in the centre of the island, there is a prodigiously high mountain called the Peak of Adam, as some have conceived that our first parents lived there, and that the print of a foot, still to be seen on a rock on its summit, is his. The natives call this Amala Saripadi, or the mountain of the footstep. Some springs running down this mountain form a pool at the bottom, in which pilgrims wash themselves, believing that it purifies them from sin. The rock or stone on the top resembles a tomb-stone, and the print of the foot seems not artificial, but as if it had been made in the same manner as when a person treads upon wet clay, on which account it is esteemed miraculous. Pilgrims of all sorts resort thither from all the surrounding countries, even from Persia and China; and having purified themselves by washing in the pool below, they go to the top of the mountain, near which hangs a bell, which they strike, and consider its sound as a symbol of their having been purified; as if any other bell, on being struck, would not sound. According to the natives, Drama Rajah, the son of an ancient king of the island, having done penance on the mountain along with many disciples, and being about to go away, left the print of his foot on the rock as a memorial. It is therefore respected as the relic of a saint, and their common name for this person is Budam, which signifies the wise man. Some believe this saint to have been St Jesaphat, but it was more likely St Thomas, who has left many memorials in the east, and even in the west, both in Brasil and Paraguay.
   The natural woods of Ceylon are like the most curious orchards and gardens of Europe, producing citrons, lemons, and many other kinds of delicious fruit. It abounds in cinnamon, cardamums, sugar-canes, honey, and hemp. It produces iron, of which the best firelocks in the east are made. It abounds in precious stones, as rubies, sapphires, cats-eyes, topazes, chrysolites, amythests, and berils. It has many civet-cats, and produces, the noblest elephants in all the east. Its rivers and shores abound in a variety of excellent fish, and it has many excellent ports fit for the largest ships.
   End of the Portuguese Asia.

CHAPTER V.
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS IN EGYPT, SYRIA, ARABIA, PERSIA, AND INDIA. BY LUDOVICO VERTHEMA, IN 150333



INTRODUCTION
   This ancient itinerary into the east, at the commencement of the sixteenth century, together with the subsequent chapter, containing the peregrinations of Cesar Frederick, about 80 years later, form an appropriate supplement to the Portuguese transactions in India, as furnishing a great number of observations respecting the countries, people, manners, customs, and commerce of the east at an early period. We learn from the Bibliotheque Universelle des Voyages. I. 264, that this itinerary was originally published in Italian at Venice, in 1520. The version followed on the present occasion was republished in old English, in 1811, in an appendix to a reprint of HAKLUYT'S EARLY VOYAGES, TRAVELS, AND DISCOVERIES; from which we learn that it was translated from Latine into Englishe, by Richarde Eden, and originally published in 1576. In both these English versions, the author is named Lewes Vertomannus; but we learn from the Biol. Univ. des Voy. that his real name was Ludovico Verthema, which we have accordingly adopted on the present occasion, in preference to the latinized denomination used by Eden. Although, in the present version, we have strictly adhered to the sense of that published by Eden 236 years ago, it has appeared more useful, and more consonant to the plan of our work, to render the antiquated language into modern English: Yet, as on similar occasions, we leave the Preface of the Author exactly in the language and orthography of Eden, the original translator.
   The itinerary is vaguely dated in the title as of the year 1503, but we learn from the text, that Verthema set out upon the pilgrimage of Mecca from Damascus in the beginning of April 1503, after having resided a considerable time at Damascus to acquire the language, probably Arabic; and he appears to have left India on his return to Europe, by way of the Cape of Good Hope and Lisbon, in the end of 1508. From some circumstances in the text, but which do not agree with the commencement, it would appear that Verthema had been taken prisoner by the Mamelukes, when fifteen years of age, and was admitted into that celebrated military band at Cairo, after making profession of the Mahometan religion. He went afterwards on pilgrimage to Mecca, from Damascus in Syria, then under the dominion of the Mameluke Soldan of Egypt, and contrived to escape or desert from Mecca. By some unexplained means, he appears to have become the servant or slave of a Persian merchant, though he calls himself his companion, and along with whom he made various extensive peregrinations in India. At length he contrived, when at Cananore, to desert again to the Portuguese, through whose means he was enabled to return to Europe.
   In this itinerary, as in all the ancient voyages and travels, the names of persons, places, and things, are generally given in an extremely vicious orthography, often almost utterly unintelligible, as taken down orally, according to the vernacular modes of the respective writers, without any intimate knowledge of the native language, or the employment of any fixed general standard. To avoid the multiplication of notes, we have endeavoured to supply this defect, by subjoining those names which are now almost universally adopted by Europeans, founded upon a more intimate acquaintance with the eastern languages. Thus the author, or his translator Eden, constantly uses Cayrus and Alcayr, for the modern capital of Egypt, now known either by the Arabic denomination Al Cahira, or the European designation Cairo, probably formed by the Venetians from the Arabic. The names used in this itinerary have probably been farther disguised and vitiated, by a prevalent fancy or fashion of giving latin terminations to all names of persons and places in latin translations. Thus, even the author of this itinerary has had his modern Roman name, Verthema, latinized into Vertomannus, and probably the Cairo, or Cayro of the Italian original, was corrupted by Eden into Cayrus, by way of giving it a latin sound. Yet, while we have endeavoured to give, often conjecturally, the better, or at least more intelligible and now customary names, it seemed proper to retain those of the original translation, which we believe may be found useful to our readers, as a kind of geographical glossary of middle-age terms.
   Of Verthema or Vertomannus, we only know, from the title of the translation of his work by Eden, that he was a gentleman of Rome; and we learn, at the close of his itinerary, that he was knighted by the Portuguese viceroy of India, and that his patent of knighthood was confirmed at Lisbon, by the king of Portugal. The full title of this journal or itinerary, as given by the original translator, is as follows; by which, and the preface of the author, both left unaltered, the language and orthography of England towards the end of the sixteenth century, or in 1576, when Eden published his translation, will be sufficiently illustrated. –Ed.