SECTION V. Continuation of the Transactions of Ferdinand de Soto in Florida151
   We have already mentioned that Soto, having determined to spend the winter 1539 at Apalache, sent a detachment back to Harrihiagua on the bay of the Holy Ghost, to bring away Captain Calderon and the men who had been left there. This detachment consisted of thirty horse under the command of Juan de Anasco. On coming to the ford of the river Ocali, Anasco was obliged to pass it by means of rafts, as the river was flooded; and though they used the utmost diligence, the Indians were up in arms on both sides of the river to oppose him, so that the Spaniards had to fight both to the front and rear while their baggage, horses, and selves were wafted over. Having got safely over, they found it necessary to go to the town, as one of their comrades was quite benumbed in passing the river. Believing the Spaniards more numerous than they really were, the Indians only defended their town till their wives and children were got away to a place of safety, and then abandoned the place, of which Anasco took possession. The Spaniards made four large fires in the marketplace, on purpose to restore their benumbed comrade, to whom likewise they gave the only clean shirt they had among them. They likewise dried their clothes and saddles, which had been all wetted in passing the river, and furnished their wallets with provisions from the stores of the Indians. In the mean time, ten horses at once were allowed to feed, while all the rest stood ready bridled in case of attack. About midnight an alarm was given by the centinels of the approach of a numerous body of Indians; on which the whole party mounted, tying the benumbed man who was now somewhat recovered, fast upon his horse which was led by another soldier, and set off on their march with so much expedition that they were five leagues from the town by day-break next morning. In this manner they continued their journey with as little delay as possible, going on at a round trot wherever they found the country inhabited, and walking their horses in passing through the wilderness.
   On the seventh day after leaving Apalache, Pedro de Atienza was taken very ill, and died a few hours afterwards. Having travelled that day near twenty leagues they arrived at the great swamp152 in the evening, and remained all night on its border, making great fires to keep them warm as the weather was extremely cold. Next morning, on attempting to pass, the horses refused on account of the excessive cold; but about noon the sun yielding some heat, they got across; On the third day after, while continuing their march with the usual diligence, they observed the track of horses, and some appearance of their having used a pool of water by the way side. Their horses even took heart at these appearances, smelling the track of others, and Anasco and his men were much rejoiced, having been previously afraid that Calderon and his troops had either gone away to Cuba, or had been slain by the Indians. About sunset of this day, being the tenth after leaving Apalache, they came in sight of Harrihiagua, just as the horse patrole was leaving the town. The new comers set up a loud shout for joy at seeing their friends, and Calderon came immediately out to welcome them with equal satisfaction.
   When the cacique Mucozo learnt the arrival of Anasco, he went to visit him, and brought the horse belonging to the man who had died by the way, which had been left in a meadow with the saddle hanging to a tree, which likewise was brought in by an Indian on his back, not knowing how to fasten the girths. Mucozo inquired after the health of Soto in a friendly manner, and expressed his sorrow that the other caciques were not of the same friendly disposition with himself. Calderon and Anasco consulted together as to the best way of going back to Apalache. As the stores of provisions shoes and clothes which had been provided liberally by Soto for the expedition were very large and could not be removed to Apalache, it was agreed to leave all these under the charge of Mucozo. It was likewise resolved that Anasco should proceed by sea with two of the brigantines to the Bay of Aute, which he had discovered when detached by Soto to explore the country to the south of Apalache, while Calderon was to go by land. Accordingly, every thing being in readiness, seven days after the arrival of Anasco, Calderon set out by land for Apalache with seventy horse and fifty foot soldiers, all the rest going by sea along with Anasco.
   On the second day of his march, Calderon came to the town of Mucozo, and was hospitably entertained by that friendly chief. Nothing remarkable happened during this march till they came to the great swamp, except that one horse was killed by an arrow which penetrated through his breast to his bowels. These Indians are such powerful archers that they have been known to shoot through four folds of mail; for which reason the Spaniards laid aside their European armour, and used a kind which is stuffed with cotton, called escaupiles, to defend both themselves and their horses. Calderon travelled with very little opposition or difficulty all the way to the swamp of Apalache, where the Indians attacked him desperately and killed one of his horses. Next day he was again attacked, and disturbed all the ensuing night, the Indians constantly upbraiding the Spaniards as vagabonds and robbers, and threatening to quarter them. On the following day Calderon and his men reached Apalache, where ten or twelve of his people died of their wounds. Anasco arrived safe with the remainder of the Spaniards at the Bay of Aute153, whence he marched by land to Apalache. Having now collected his whole force at Apalache, Ferdinand de Soto sent Diego Maldonado with the brigantines to explore the coast to the westwards, ordering him to return in two months with a particular description of all the ports, creeks, and headlands he might fall in with. Maldonado executed these orders; and on his return reported that he had discovered a very excellent harbour, called Achusi, sixty leagues to the westwards of Aute154, whence he brought two Indian prisoners. Soto then sent Maldonado with the brigantines to the Havannah, carrying letters to his lady, and directed him to inform the colonists of Cuba that he had found an excellent harbour in Florida, and that the country was pleasant and fertile, by way of encouraging settlers to come over.
   It happened one day that seven Spanish horsemen riding out from the town of Apalache saw an Indian man and woman gathering old kidney-beans in the fields. Immediately on seeing the horsemen the man took up the woman in his arms and carried her into the wood, whence he returned with his bow and arrows to attack the horsemen, who would have saved his life on account of his bravery, calling out to him to yield; but he was so desperate that he wounded them all, and when his arrows were expended he gave one of them so violent a blow with his bow on the head-piece that it stunned him, on which provocation he killed the Indian with his lance. While Soto wintered in Apalache, he used every exertion to obtain intelligence respecting the country towards the west, in order to prepare for extending his discoveries in the spring; and among the Indians who were brought to him on this occasion, was one about seventeen years of age who had been a servant to some Indian travelling merchants.
   From this youth he was informed that, about thirteen of fourteen days journey farther on, there was a province called Cofachiqui155, which produced gold, silver and pearls. This intelligence was very pleasing to the Spaniards, and made them wish anxiously for the season in which to march forwards. During all the winter, which the Spaniards spent in Apalache, when any parties of them went out into the country, the Indians seldom failed to kill some of the men or horses with their arrows, yet always kept at a distance or among the woods, carefully avoiding to encounter them in the open fields.
   The season being at length come, in the spring of 1540, for taking the field, Soto set out on his march from Apalache towards the north, and on the third day encamped in a peninsula formed by a swamp, having wooden bridges of communication with the dry land. This being an elevated situation, several towns could be seen from the encampment, which was still in the district belonging to Apalache. The Spaniards rested here two days, during one of which seven men strolled out from the camp without orders, six of whom were slain by the Indians before they had got two hundred paces from the camp, and the seventh difficultly escaped with two wounds. Leaving the province of Apalache, the Spaniards now entered that called Atalpaha, the first town they came to being abandoned by the natives. Six of the principal people remained behind, who were brought before Soto, whom they boldly asked whether he was for peace or war with their nation. Soto answered by means of his interpreter that he had no inclination for war, as his only intention was to pass through their country, yet desired that his people might be supplied with provisions. To this they answered, if such were his intentions there was no occasion to have made them prisoners, and if he conducted himself in a friendly manner he might depend on better treatment than he had received at Apalache. They accordingly dispatched some of the common people to desire the natives to return to their houses to serve the Spaniards, whom they conducted to a better town, where the cacique came to ratify a peace, which was punctually observed during three days that Soto remained there.
   From that place they advanced for ten days to the northwards along the banks of a river, through a fertile country, in which all the inhabitants behaved in a friendly manner. After this they entered the province of Achalaqui, which was poor, barren, and thinly inhabited, having very few young men, and the old people being mostly short-sighted and many of them quite blind. Quickening the march through this bad country they came to the province of Cofachi, where, besides other presents, Soto gave the cacique some boars and sows for a breed, having brought above three hundred of these animals with him to Florida, where they increased very fast, as the Spaniards had no occasion to kill them, getting abundance of other provisions. During this expedition, Soto made it an invariable practice, before entering any province, to send a message to the cacique offering peace and demanding leave to pass through his dominions, that the natives might not be alarmed at the appearance of so many armed strangers; and besides it was always his wish to employ fair means in his intercourse with the Indians, rather than force. He accordingly sent a message to the cacique of Cofa with the usual requests of peace, provisions and a free passage, with which the cacique complied, coming himself to meet the Spaniards, for whom he appointed quarters and plenty of provisions. The land being plentiful, Soto and his army rested here five days. The next province belonged to a brother of Cofa, named Cofaqui, who came out to meet the Spaniards attended by a great number of his people, all finely adorned with plumes of feathers, and wearing mantles of rich sables and other valuable furs. After this friendly reception, the cacique went away to another town, leaving his own entirely for the accommodation of the Spaniards. This country abounded in maize or Indian corn, which is used by the Indians as wheat is in Europe. They had also abundance of dried fruits; but flesh was rare, being only what they procured by hunting, as they had no domesticated animals.
   Next day, Cofaqui returned to Soto, offering a supply of provisions and a strong escort of armed Indians, to enable the Spaniards to cross a desert or wilderness of seven days journey leading to the next province of Cofachiqui156. Immediately there appeared four thousand Indians to carry burdens, and the like number armed, to accompany the Spaniards.
   On seeing so great a number of men, Soto was on his guard like a good soldier and prudent commander, that he might not be taken by surprise. On this occasion the cacique made a speech to the commander of his forces, enjoining him, as he knew the ancient enmity subsisting between him and the people of Cofachiqui, that he should not let slip the present favourable opportunity of taking severe revenge upon their enemies, considering that he was now supported by these valiant strangers. The Indian commander, throwing off his mantle of furs, flourished a two-handed sword or war-club, the ensign of his command, and told his lord in pompous terms what he would do for his service. On this, the cacique took from his own shoulders a rich mantle of sables, thought by the Spaniards to be worth a thousand ducats, which he put upon the shoulders of his general, and placed a splendid plume of feathers on his head. The presentation of a mantle and plume of feathers is considered among the Indians as the highest honour which can be bestowed.
   There were two Indians among the Spaniards who were extremely familiar, named ordinarily Mark and Peter though not baptized. On the night before commencing the new march for Cofachiqui, Peter made a violent outcry as if in danger of being slain. All the forces turned out under arms on this alarm, and found Peter in great trepidation and distress. He alleged that the devil and a number of his imps had threatened to kill him if he acted as a guide to the Spaniards, and had dragged him about and beaten him so unmercifully that he had assuredly been killed if they had not come to his assistance; and, since the great devil fled from two Christians, he begged to be baptized that he might be a Christian like them and able to drive away the devil. This appeared to be no fiction, by the bruises and swelling which Peter exhibited; and accordingly Soto gave him in charge to the priests, who remained with him all night and baptized him; and next day he was mounted on horseback, being unable to walk on account of the drubbing he had got from the Devil!
   The two armies marched apart, pursuant to the wise precautions adopted by Soto. The Indians kept excellent order, having a regular van and rear guard, and making those who carried the provisions and baggage keep in the centre. Every night the two armies lay at some distance, each appointing their own guards. On the third day of the march from Cofaqui they entered upon the wilderness, through which they marched for six days, finding the country very agreeable. They had two rapid rivers to cross, at both of which the cavalry was made to form a kind of wall above the ford to break the force of the stream, by which means they all got safe over. On the seventh day both Spaniards and Indians were much at a loss, as the road they had hitherto followed was now at an end, so that they knew not which way to take through the rest of the wilderness. Soto asked the Indian general how it could possibly happen that among eight thousand men of his nation, more especially as they had always been at war with the people to whose country they were going, no one should know the road. The Indian chief answered that none of them had ever been there; for the war was never carried on by means of complete armies, as they merely killed or made prisoners of each other, when they chanced to meet at the fisheries on the rivers, or while hunting; and as the people of Cofachiqui were most powerful, his countrymen did not venture so far into the wilderness, by which reason they were unacquainted with the country. He farther assured Soto that he might rely on the probity and good faith both of the cacique and himself, who had no intention of fraud or perfidy; yet he might if he pleased take what hostages he thought proper for his security, and if that were not sufficient, he would submit to lose his own head, and that all his men should be put to death, wherever they were found to harbour any evil intentions.
   Satisfied with these assurances, Soto sent for Peter the Indian, who was likewise at a loss, as he had not been in these parts for five years. They marched on however the rest of that day, without knowing any thing of the road, yet found the woods easily passable. Towards evening they arrived at a great river which could not be forded157. This circumstance added greatly to their perplexity, as they now had only seven days provisions, which would not hold out till they could make rafts to pass this river. Next day Soto sent off four several detachments in different directions to explore the country, with orders to return in five days; and with each of these went a thousand Indians, to assist in finding the way of which they were in search. The Indians who carried the baggage, and who remained at the encampment, went out every morning armed, and returned at night with herbs, roots, birds, some small land animals, and a little fish, part of which they gave to the Spaniards; but this scanty supply was quite insufficient for their necessities. Soto now ordered some of the swine which accompanied the army to be slaughtered, and distributed eight ounces of their flesh daily to every one of his men. Even this was only protracting their misery, yet all shewed wonderful patience, as their commander gave them a good example.
   Three of the detachments that had been sent out on discovery returned on the sixth day unsuccessful. But the commander of the fourth, Juan de Anasco, who had gone up the banks of the river, sent back four horsemen to inform Soto that he had found a small town on the same side of the river, which had a good store of provisions, and had seen several towns still higher up, where there was a good deal of cultivated land. The messengers brought with them many ears of zara158, and some cows horns, without knowing whence these were procured, not having hitherto seen any cows in the country. The Indian general Patofa and his men, who accompanied Anasco, killed all the inhabitants of that town whom they could lay hands on, taking off their skulls159, and plundering the temple or place of burial, where the best of the effects were secured. This town was in the province of Cofachiqui; and as the Indians accompanying the Spaniards did much injury to the country, Soto now sent them home again to prevent any farther harm being done under his auspices; and by making presents to the Indian general and the other chiefs, and supplying them with provisions for their journey, they went away well satisfied. Soto now advanced with the Spaniards through a pleasant and plentiful country, but which was abandoned by the natives on account of the ravages and slaughters that had been committed by Patofa and his people.
   Three days afterwards, to avoid going on at random, Soto sent on Juan Anasco with thirty horse to explore the country. Anasco set out a little before night, and after proceeding about two leagues, he heard the barking of dogs and the noise of some children, and saw some lights; but on going towards the place for the purpose of trying to seize one or two Indians from whom to gain intelligence, he found that the town was on the other side of the river. He halted therefore at a place which seemed to be used as a landing for canoes; and having fed and rested the horses, he returned to give Soto an account of what he had observed. Soto went accordingly next day with an hundred horse and an equal number of foot to view the town; and as the Indians fled on seeing the Spaniards, the two Christian Indians, Peter and Mark called to them across the river that no harm was intended. Upon this six Indians ventured across the river in a canoe, and came to wait on Soto, who was seated in a chair, which was always carried with him to receive the natives in state, as the customs of these people required. On approaching Soto, the six Indians made their obeisances; first to the sun, then to the moon, and lastly to the Spanish commander, whom they asked whether he was for peace or war with their nation. He answered by means of his interpreter, that he was desirous of peace, and required nothing from them but provisions for his people. They replied that they willingly accepted of peace, but were sorry to say that they were very scarce of provisions in consequence of a pestilence which had lately raged among them; but they would inform their sovereign of his demands, who happened to be a young unmarried woman. When they had delivered their message to the princess, two large canoes covered with awnings were seen to set out from the town on the other side of the river, into one of which seven or eight women embarked, and six men in the other. Among the women was the princess who ruled over the tribe; and immediately on coming to Soto, she sat down on a stool before him, which her people brought for her use, and after some complimentary discourse, she expressed her sorrow for the scarcity which then existed in her country, but that having two storehouses filled with provisions for relieving the necessities of her subjects, she would give him one of these, and hoped he would leave her in possession of the other. She said likewise that she had two thousand measures of maize at another town, which she would give him, and would quit her own house and half the town to accommodate him and his people, and if that did not suffice, that the whole of the town should be cleared for his use. Soto thanked her in a courteous manner for her friendly offers, declaring that he would be perfectly satisfied with whatever she was pleased to give. While he was speaking, she took off a string of pearls which she wore round her neck, and gave it to Juan Ortiz the interpreter to present it in her name to Soto, as she could not deliver it with her own hands without transgressing the rules of decorum160. Soto stood up and received it with much respect, and presented her in return with a ruby which he wore on his finger. Thus peace was ratified with this princess, who now returned to the other side of the river, all the Spaniards admiring her beautiful appearance and good behaviour.
   After this all the Spanish force was transported across the river, on rafts and in canoes, four horses being drowned in the passage. The Spaniards were all commodiously quartered in the middle of the town, and the country round was found to be extraordinarily fertile. The mother of the princess of this tribe was a widow, and resided about twelve leagues from this town in great retirement; and on being sent for by her daughter to see the strangers, she not only refused, but sent a severe reproof to her daughter for admitting those persons of whom she knew nothing. Soto sent Juan Anasco with thirty horse, with a respectful message to the old lady inviting her to come to visit him. Anasco was accompanied on this occasion by an Indian of considerable rank, who seemed pensive and melancholy. After travelling some leagues, they stopped for rest and refreshment, and sat down under the shade of a tree to partake of a repast. Throwing off his mantle of sables, the Indian took the arrows one by one from his quiver, which were very curiously made of reeds, having heads of bones with three points161 all of them feathered on three sides, and both them and his bow beautifully painted with some kind of bituminous substance, as smooth and glossy as the finest varnish. The last arrow which he drew out was headed with flint, sharp-pointed, and double-edged like a dagger. Seeing that the Spaniards were all intent upon observing the curious arrows, he cut his own throat with the flint-headed arrow, and immediately fell down dead. The other Indians who accompanied Anasco said that in their opinion he had killed himself because he was carrying a message which he believed was disagreeable to the old lady. A short time after this, as Anasco was still proceeding, one of the Spaniards observed that they were going blindly in search of a woman who was said to have gone to hide herself from them in another place; and as Soto already had the daughter in his power, he had no occasion for the mother also, and as their number was small they were exposed to much danger, and had much better return to head-quarters. As this advice was universally approved of, they turned back.
   Three days afterwards Soto sent twenty Spaniards up the river in two canoes at the request of the daughter to seek her mother, under the conduct of an Indian who offered to conduct them to her place of concealment. While on this expedition, the Spaniards recollected that Peter and Mark had reported there was both gold and silver in that province; but upon search they found much copper of a golden colour, and great plates of ore162 which was very light and mouldered away like earth, which probably had deceived the young Indians. A wonderful quantity of pearls were found, and the old lady gave them leave to go into a sacred house where the chiefs or nobles of the tribe were buried, to take what pearls were there, and to another temple, or sepulchre rather, near the town, in which the bodies of her own ancestors were reposited, where they found pearls in still greater abundance. In these repositories of the dead they found a number of wooden chests in which the bodies were laid; and beside them in baskets made of reeds there were great quantities of large and seed pearls, as also garments both for men and women, made of skins and fine furs. So great was the abundance of pearls found on this occasion, that the kings officers weighed five hundred pounds weight. As Soto was unwilling to encumber his troops with so much additional weight, he proposed that no more than fifty pounds should be then taken, to send to the Havannah to learn their value; but as they were already weighed, the officers begged that they might be all carried away, to which he consented, and gave his captains two handfuls of pearls as large as pease to make strings of beads or rosaries.
   Leaving Cofachiqui, the army came to another town called Tolomeco, in a temple or charnel-house more properly of which place, opposite the residence of the chief, they found strings of large pearls hanging on the walls, and others in chests, with many fine garments like those formerly mentioned; and in rooms over this charnel-house were great numbers of pikes with copper heads resembling gold, and clubs, staves, and axes of the same metal, and bows, arrows, targets, and breast-plates. Soto would not take away any of these, being resolved to continue his march. Accordingly, taking leave of the princess of Cofachiqui, he divided the army into two parts for the better convenience of provisions, retaining the immediate command of one, and confiding the other to the charge of Baltasar de Gallegos. In this order they moved on to the province of Chalaqui; and next day were exposed to such a storm of wind, lightning, and hail, that many of them must have perished, but for the shelter afforded by the trees, as the hail-stones were as large as pigeons eggs. On the sixth day of this new march, they came to the valley of Xaula, a pleasant country to the N.N.E. The sailors who accompanied the army believed the river which flowed past Cofachiqui to be the same which is known on the coast under the name of Santa Ellena; and computing their marches at four leagues a-day, it appeared that the forces had come two hundred leagues from Apalache to Xaula163; which, with an hundred and fifty leagues from the Bay of the Holy Ghost to Apalache, made four hundred and ten leagues in all164.
   The Spanish forces rested a fortnight in the vale of Xaula, which was subject to the princess of Cofachiqui, though a separate province, being induced to this delay by finding abundance of all things, and on purpose to recruit their horses. Leaving this place, they marched one day through an agreeable country, and then five days over an unpeopled mountain165, though not disagreeable, as it had many fine groves, waters, and pasture-grounds, the way over being about twenty leagues. Four Indian chiefs who accompanied them by order of the princess of Cofachiqui, sent to require the cacique of Guanale to receive the Spaniards with kindness, or otherwise to declare war against him. While on the march, a foot-soldier named Juan Terron pulled a little bag from his wallet full of large well-coloured pearls not pierced, which he offered to a horseman, who advised him to keep them as the general meant soon to send to the Havannah, where he might purchase a horse for them to ease him from marching on foot. On this refusal, Terron threw his pearls on the ground, alleging they were troublesome to carry, and they were picked up by his comrades. He sorely repented of this afterwards, as he was informed they would have been worth 6000 ducats in Spain. The Spaniards stopped four days at Guanale, and in five days march from thence they reached Ychiaha, a town situated on an island in the river about five leagues in length. As the general always made inquiry every where concerning the country farther on, the cacique of Ychiaha told him there were mines of yellow metal about thirty leagues from thence, and presented him with a long string of large pearls, which would have been of extraordinary value if they had not been bored. As Soto seemed to prize them, the cacique said there were many such in the burial place of his ancestors which he was welcome to take if he pleased. In return Soto presented the cacique with some pieces of velvet and satin, with which he was much gratified. Two soldiers were sent on, accompanied by a party of Indians, to view the reported mines of yellow metal, who reported that they were only copper, that the country was fruitful, and that they had been well treated by the inhabitants. Some of the men likewise were ordered to drag the river for the pearl oysters, where they soon brought up large quantities, which were laid on a fire to make them open their shells, and the pearls were taken out somewhat damaged by the heat. A soldier who boiled some of these oysters, while eating one of them, almost broke his teeth on a pearl as big as a hazle-nut, which he presented to Soto for his lady, as it was bright and well shaped; but the general refused it, desiring him to keep it to purchase horses, and in return for his good will paid the kings fifth out of his own money, its value being estimated at 400 ducats. Soto was exceedingly generous and obliging to his soldiers, making no distinction between himself and them, in clothes, eating, lodging, or enduring hardships, and enjoyed their entire confidence and affection.
   From Ychiaha, the Spaniards proceeded onwards to Acoste, where the cacique received them with ill-will, and an open breach had like to have taken place; but Soto prevented this by conciliatory management, and still preserved the peace, which had not been infringed since leaving Apalache. Next day the Indians of Acoste became better humoured, and having contented them, Soto crossed the river into the large province of Coza, through which he marched for an hundred leagues, finding it every where populous and fertile, and the Spaniards were every where received in a friendly manner, well treated, and commodiously lodged. At the town of Coza, the cacique came out to meet Soto attended by a thousand Indians wearing plumes of feathers and rich mantles of furs. The town consisted of about five hundred houses along the side of the river, and here the Spaniards were most hospitably entertained. While dining one day with Soto, the cacique requested he would spend the winter in his country and establish a colony there; and indeed it was better land than any that the Spaniards had hitherto passed through. Soto thanked him for his friendly offer; but said that it was necessary for him in the first place to explore the country farther on, that he might be able to judge what articles were necessary for trade, and that he might give orders for seeds and all other requisites, after which he would return and accept his offer. He staid twelve days at this place, more to oblige the cacique than on any other account; and then set out towards the sea, which he had long designed, making a semicircular turn that he might march back by a different route to explore the country, meaning to make his way to the port of Anchusi.
   In five days march he reached Talisse, a town fortified with entrenchments of timber and earth, on the frontiers of the territories of the cacique of Tascaluza, who was in enmity with the cacique of Coza, who went so far with the Spaniards on purpose to intimidate Tascaluza. At this place Soto was received by a son of Tascaluza, only eighteen years of age, and so tall that none of the Spaniards reached higher than his breast. This young man offered his fathers compliments of friendship to the Spaniards, and conducted Soto to Tascaluza, who received him sitting after their manner on a kind of chair, with a great number of men standing round him; and though the different commanders came up successively to salute him, no one stirred till Soto came forwards, when the cacique stood up and advanced twenty paces to meet him. Tascaluza was like a giant, much taller than his son, well-shaped, and of a good aspect. The Spaniards were well received, abundantly supplied, and commodiously quartered. They set out again on their march on the third day; and as the cacique Tascaluza chose to accompany them, one of the baggage horses belonging to Soto was selected for him to ride upon. When mounted, his feet reached within, a span of the ground. He was not fat, as his waist was hardly a yard in compass, and he did not seem to exceed forty years of age. In the course of this days march, after coming to a fortified town, the Spaniards had to cross the river, which they did with considerable difficulty, being badly supplied with rafts or floats. On taking up their quarters for the night, two Spaniards were amissing; and when the Indians were asked about them, they answered in a haughty manner, they were not given to our keeping, so that it was strongly suspected they were murdered. Upon this cause of jealousy, and being likewise privately informed that the cacique had assembled a great number of men at a place called Mavila, under pretence of serving the Spaniards, Soto sent three confidential officers to view that place, which was about a league and a half from quarters. They reported that they had seen no person by the way, but that Mavila was a much better fortified place than, any they had hitherto seen in Florida.
   As the Spaniards were bound for Mavila, and under circumstances very considerable suspicion as to the good intentions of Tascaluza and his subjects, they marched with the utmost circumspection. Soto led the van in person, consisting of an hundred horse and an hundred and fifty foot. He was accompanied by Tascaluza, and as he marched with diligence, he arrived at Mavila at eight in the morning, the main body not coming up for a considerable time after. The town of Mavila was seated in a plain, enclosed by a double row of piles with timbers laid athwart, and the interstices rammed full of straw and earth, so that it looked like a wall smoothed by a masons trowel. At every eighty paces distance, there was a tower or platform where eight men could stand to fight, having many loop holes. It likewise had two gates. Though it only consisted of eighty houses, these were so large that each could have contained a thousand men. In the middle of the town was a large square or market-place, into which when Soto and the cacique were come and had dismounted, Tascaluza, pointed out to the interpreter a house in which the general might take up his quarters and another for his kitchen, saying that huts and barracks were provided for the rest of the Spaniards on the outside of the town. To this Soto made answer, that, when the major-general came up, he would distribute the troops to proper quarters.
   Tascaluza now retired into a house where all his chiefs were assembled, on purpose to consult how best to kill all the Spaniards, which he had been long plotting to accomplish. It was proposed in this council to attack them in their present divided state, before the rest of the Spaniards could get forwards to the town; but another opinion prevailed, which was to allow them all to assemble, as the Indian chiefs had a large force concealed in the houses of the town, and thought themselves perfectly able to encounter with the Spaniards. When the meat was dressed at the quarters of Soto, Juan Ortiz the interpreter was sent with a message to Tascaluza desiring his presence; but he was refused admission to deliver his message, and on pressing to get in, an Indian came to the door exclaiming angrily, "What would these unmannerly vagabonds have with my lord? Down with the villains, there is no enduring their insolence!" He immediately bent his bow, and levelled at some Spaniards who were in the street; but Baltasar de Gallegos, who happened to be close by, gave him a cut on the shoulder which cleft him to the middle. An Indian youth now let fly six or seven arrows at Gallegos, which did him no harm as he was in armour, after which the Indian gave him three or four strokes on the helmet with his bow, but Gallegos killed him with two thrusts of his sword. The moment these Indians were slain an alarm was given, and above seven thousand warriors, who had been concealed in the large houses of the town, rushed out into the streets and drove all the Spaniards out of the town.
   The Spaniards who managed best on this alarm, ran immediately to mount their horses, which had been left tied on the outside of the town; while others cut the halters or reins that the Indians might not shoot them. Others remained tied, and were slain by the Indians. Such of the Spaniards as had been able to mount their horses, with others who now arrived, charged the Indians who were engaged with the infantry, making room for them to draw up in regular order. Having re-established their ranks, a troop of horse and a company of foot made so furious a charge on the Indians that they drove them into the town, and attempted to get in at the gate after them; but they were received by such a volley of arrows and stones as compelled them to retire two hundred paces, yet without turning their backs, in which consisted their safety. As the Indians followed them, they made a fresh charge, and drove the Indians back to the town, yet dared not to venture too near the wall; and the fight continued in this manner for some time, alternately gaining and losing ground, several of the Spaniards being killed and wounded. Finding they had the worst of it in the open field, the Indians kept close behind the walls of the town. On this Soto alighted from his horse, causing others to do the same, and advanced up to the gate at the head of a party armed with targets, under cover of which two hundred men with axes hewed down the gate and rushed in, not without much hazard and some loss. Others of the Spaniards contrived to mount the wall, helping each other, and hastened to succour those who had gained the gate. Seeing the Spaniards had forced their way into the town, which they deemed impregnable, the Indians fought desperately in the streets, and from the roofs of the houses, for which reason these were set on fire by the Spaniards. After entering the town, Soto remounted his horse, and charged a body of Indians in the market-place, killing many with his spear; but, raising himself in the stirrup to make a home thrust, an arrow penetrated through his armour and wounded him in the hip, so that he could not regain his seat: yet, not to discourage his men, he continued to fight during the remainder of the action, though obliged to stand the whole time in the stirrups. Another arrow pierced quite through the spear of Nunno de Tovar, near his hand, but did not break the shaft of the lance, which continued to serve after the arrow was cut off.
   The fire which had been put to the houses burned fiercely, as the houses were all of wood and covered with thatch, by which great numbers of the Indians perished. About four in the afternoon, being sensible of their own weakness and that they were likely to be worsted, the Indian women began to join in the battle, armed with the spears, swords, and partizans which the Spaniards had lost, some even with bows and arrows, which they managed as dexterously as their husbands, and some armed only with stones exposed themselves courageously in the heat of the action. The foremost of the Spanish main body, which had fallen greatly behind the van little thinking of what was to happen, on hearing the noise of trumpets, drums, and shouts, gave the alarm to the rest, and hastening forwards came up about the close of the engagement. At this time many of the Indians got over the wall into the fields, and endeavoured to make head against the newly arrived Spaniards, but were soon slain. On the arrival of the Spanish main body, about twelve fresh horsemen made a furious charge on a large body of Indian men and women who still continued the battle in the market-place, and soon routed them with great slaughter. This ended the fight about sunset, after it had lasted nine hours, being on St Lukes day in the year 1541166.
   During the night and next day, Soto ordered the best possible care to be taken of the wounded, some of whom died for want of proper necessaries, no bandages, lint, oil, or medicines being to be had, as all these things had been plundered along with the other baggage at the commencement of the battle by the Indians, and having been carried into the town were all there burnt along with the houses. Forty-eight Spaniards were slain in this battle; thirteen others died shortly of their wounds, and twenty-two some time afterwards, so that the entire loss was eighty-three men, besides forty-five horses, which were much missed, as the cavalry constituted the main strength of the army. It was reckoned that eleven thousand Indians perished, four thousand of whom were found dead without the town, and young Tascaluza among them. The dead bodies within the town were computed at three thousand, as the streets were all full of them; and it was believed that upwards of four thousand were consumed by fire in the houses, for above a thousand perished in one house, as the fire began at the door and they were all stifled. When the Spaniards afterwards scoured the country round, many were found to have died of their wounds in various parts, and some of them four leagues from the town. The body of the cacique Tascaluza could not be found, whence it was concluded that he had perished in the flames, a victim to his eager desire to destroy the Spaniards, which he had anxiously premeditated from the first notice he had received of their arrival in the neighbourhood of his territories. It was reported by some women who were made prisoners, that on the Indians of Talisse complaining of having been ordered by their cacique to carry the baggage of the Spaniards, Tascaluza had exhorted them to have a little patience, as he would soon deliver up these strangers to them as slaves. These women said that they were strangers who had accompanied their husbands at the invitation of Tascaluza, who had promised to give them scarlet and silk dresses, and fine jewels to wear at their dances, and to divide the Spaniards and their horses among them. They said likewise that all the women of the surrounding country, married and single, had collected on this occasion; as it had been given out that an extraordinary festival was to be held in honour of the Sun, after the destruction of the Spaniards. Besides the destruction of their baggage on this occasion, the Spaniards lost all the wine, chalices, and holy vestments for celebrating the mass, so that in future they could only have ordinary prayers and sermons, without any consecration or communion, till after their return among Christians.
   The Spaniards remained a fortnight at Mavila, making frequent excursions into the country, where they found plenty of provisions. From twenty Indians whom they took prisoners, they were informed that there were no warriors left to oppose them in all the surrounding country, as all the bravest men of the nation and its allies had been slain in the battle. At this time they received the intelligence that Maldonado and Gomez Arias were making discoveries along the coast; and Soto was much inclined to have established a colony at the port of Achiusi or Anchusi167, to carry on trade with another establishment twenty leagues up the country, but this was opposed by some of his officers, who thought the Spanish force too small for subduing so warlike a people, considering the experience they had of their fierceness in the battle of Mavila. They objected likewise that they saw no reason for exposing themselves to such hazards, without hope of reward, as they had found no mines in all the vast extent of country they had travelled over. This opposition was exceedingly perplexing to Soto, as he had expended the whole of his substance on the expedition, and was afraid his men would desert him if he came near the coast, when he was not in a condition to raise new forces. For these reasons he resolved to penetrate into the interior of the country; and, being disgusted at seeing all his projects disappointed, he never succeeded afterwards in any of his undertakings.
   When the sick and wounded were so far recovered as to be able to travel, Soto set out from Mavila, and marched through a fine country for three days, after which they entered the province of Chioza, where the natives refused to receive him in a peaceable manner. They abandoned their town, and took post to defend the passage of a very deep river in which were many craggy places. At this pass above eight thousand Indians collected, some of whom crossed in canoes to attack and harass the Spaniards: But Soto caused some trenches to be made, in which he concealed several bodies of musqueteers, targeteers, and crossbow-men, who fell upon the rear of the Indians, who forbore to repeat these attempts after having been twice discomfited in this manner. As it was found impossible to cross over in the face of so large a force of Indians in the ordinary manner, two very large piraguas were privately built in the woods, which were got ready in twelve days, and were then drawn out of the wood on rollers by the Spaniards with the assistance of their horses and mules. These were launched into the river without being perceived by the Indians; and forty musqueteers and crossbow-men were embarked in each with a few horses, and these pushed across the river with the utmost diligence. They were descried however, by five hundred Indians who were scouring the country, who with loud cries gave the alarm to the rest, and all hastened to defend the pass. Most of the Spaniards were wounded while on the water, as the Indians continually shot their arrows against them unopposed. One of the piraguas got straight across to the landing, but the other was forced some way down by the current, and had to be towed up. Two horsemen landed from the first piragua, who drove the Indians above two hundred paces back, and made four several charges before any reinforcement could land; but at length were joined by other four horsemen, and made several desperate charges on the Indians, so as to allow of the infantry getting on shore; but as these were almost all wounded, they were obliged to take shelter in an Indian town hard by. Soto came over in the second trip of the piraguas, accompanied by sixty men; and the Indians, on seeing the Spanish force increase, retired to a fortified town in the neighbourhood, whence they frequently sallied out to skirmish with the Spaniards; but as the cavalry killed many of them with their spears, they evacuated that place during the night

   The Spaniards now broke up their piraguas, keeping the iron work for future service, and advanced farther into the country. In four days they reached a town called Chicoza168, well situated in a fertile country among brooks and surrounded by abundance of fruit trees. Resolving to spend the winter in this place, Soto caused it to be fortified, huts to be built for the accommodation of his troops, and all the provisions that could be procured to be collected. At this place they remained in peace for about two months, the horsemen making frequent excursions into the surrounding country in quest of provisions. Such Indians as happened to be made prisoners on these occasions were immediately set at liberty, receiving various trinkets for themselves and presents for their chiefs, with messages desiring them to repair to the Spanish quarters to enter into terms of peace and amity. The chiefs sent presents of fruit in return, and promised soon to visit the Spanish general. Soon afterwards they began every night to alarm the Spaniards; and one night three considerable bodies of them drew near the town about midnight, and when about an hundred paces from the entrenchments they set up loud shouts and made a prodigious noise with their warlike instruments; after which, with burning wreaths of a certain plant tied round their arrows, they set the town on fire, all the houses being thatched. Undismayed at this calamity, the Spaniards repaired to their alarm posts, and Soto issuing out in his escaupil or cotton armour, mounted his horse and went to attack the Indians, being the first to kill one of the assailants with his spear; as upon all occasions of danger he gave a wonderful example of cool and intrepid courage. Some sick Spaniards and several horses were burnt on this occasion; but Captain Andres de Vasconcelos with four horsemen fell with such fury on the enemy that he forced them to retire. Soto, being eager to slay an Indian who particularly distinguished himself in this action, leaned forwards so much that he and the saddle fell off; but being bravely rescued by his men, he mounted again and returned to the fight. At length after two hours hard fighting, the Indians were constrained to fly, and were pursued as far as they could be seen by the light from the burning houses, after which Soto sounded a retreat. In this fatal night, the Spaniards lost forty men and fifty horses, twenty of them being burnt. All the swine likewise perished in the fire, except a few that broke out of an enclosed yard. During this engagement prodigious shots of arrows were made by the Indians, one of which pierced through both shoulder-blades of a horse, and came out four fingers breadth on the opposite side.
   Soto now thought proper to remove the army to a town named Chicacolla, about a league from that which had been burnt; and, having fortified these new quarters, the Spaniards were obliged to make new saddles, spears, targets and clothes, to supply the places of those which had been burnt. The clothes were made of goats skins169. At this place the Spaniards spent the rest of the winter, during which they suffered extreme hardships for want of clothes, as the weather was excessively cold. Being sensible that they had done much harm to the Spaniards in the late night attack, the Indians returned again to make a similar attempt; but their bow-strings being wetted by violent rain, they withdrew, as was learnt from an Indian prisoner. They returned however every night to alarm the Spaniards, of whom they always wounded some; and though the cavalry scoured the country every day four leagues round, they could meet none of the natives, so that it was wonderful how they should come nightly from so great a distance.
   The Spaniards contrived to shift in a very miserable manner at Chicacolla till about the latter end of March 1542170, when they resumed their march. At the end of about four leagues, the advanced guard returned with a report that they had seen an Indian fort which appeared to be defended by about four thousand warriors. After viewing it, Soto told his soldiers that it was indispensably requisite to dislodge these people, who would otherwise annoy them with night attacks, and that it was likewise necessary to do this that they might preserve the reputation they had already gained in so many provinces of the country. This fort, called Alibamo171, was of a square form, each side being four hundred paces in length, and the gates were so low that the horsemen could not ride in, similar in all respects to what has been already said respecting Mavila.172 The general therefore gave orders to three companies of infantry to assail the gates, those who were best armed being placed in front. When they were all ready to begin the assault, a thousand Indians sallied out from the town, all adorned with plumes of feathers, and having their bodies and faces painted of several colours. At the first flight of arrows, five of the Spaniards were shot, three of whom died of their wounds. To prevent the discharge of more arrows, the Spaniards immediately closed and drove the Indians in at the gates, which they entered along with them, making dreadful havock with their swords, as may easily be imagined, the Indians being all naked. To escape from the infantry, the Indians threw themselves from the walls, by which means they fell into the hands of the horsemen, who slew many of them with their spears. Others of the Indians endeavoured to escape by swimming a river behind the fort; but a squadron of horse passed the river, and killed many of them, so that on the whole two thousand Indians were supposed to have been slain in this battle. During this engagement, an Indian challenged Juan de Salinas to single combat, which he accepted, and when his comrade made offer to cover him with his target, he refused, saying that it was a shame for two Spaniards to engage one Indian. Salinas shot his bolt through the breast of the Indian, and in return the Indians arrow went through the neck of the Spaniard.
   At this time the Spaniards were reduced to great distress from want of salt, owing to which they were afflicted with lingering fevers, of which several died, and their bodies stunk so violently, that there was no coming near them. As a remedy for this evil, the Indians taught them to make a lye of the ashes of a certain herb, into which they dipped their food by way of sauce. At this time likewise the Spaniards were put to much trouble for interpreters, on account of the great diversity of languages, so that they were obliged to employ thirteen or fourteen others besides Juan Ortiz, among the various tribes they met with in traversing the country; but so acute were the natives, that such of their women as happened to live with the Spaniards were able to understand them in two months. After three days march from Alibamo, the Spaniards came to another town named Chisca, on a river to which they gave the name of El Grande173 or the Great River, as it was the largest they had yet seen. Coming upon this place by surprise, most of the inhabitants were made prisoners; but some of them made their escape to the residence of the cacique, which stood on a high and difficult ascent, to which the only access was by means of stairs. Though old and sick, the cacique was coming down to attack the Spaniards, whom he threatened to put all to death, but he was stopped by his women and servants. As there was no proper access for the horsemen to assail the residence of the cacique, and besides as Soto was always more inclined to carry his purposes by gentle means than by the exertion of force, he very courteously offered to enter into peace and amity with this cacique and his people. In less than three hours, more than four thousand Indians assembled at the residence of the cacique, among whom there was great difference of opinion as to the choice of peace or war with the Spaniards, many of them inclining to war as accordant with the natural ferocity of their dispositions. The opinion however of the wiser prevailed, who deemed it better to make peace, by which they might recover their wives and children, and retrieve their property without bloodshed, and might save their corn, which was then ripe, from being destroyed. Peace was accordingly concluded, on condition that the Spaniards should not insist upon going up to the residence of the cacique; the prisoners were set at liberty, all the plunder of the town restored, and the Spaniards were supplied with provisions.
   Having rested sixteen days in Chisca, on purpose to give time for the sick and wounded to recover, during which time they gained the friendship of the cacique, the Spaniards resumed their journey, and went four days along the river in search of some place in which it could be crossed, as the banks were everywhere high and almost perpendicular, and closely wooded. Although above six thousand Indians, with great numbers of canoes, were seen posted on the opposite side of the river, it was deemed necessary to get across in search of provisions, for which purpose two large piraguas were ordered to be built. In the mean time four Indians came to the camp, and having made their adorations to the sun and moon, they addressed Soto in the name of their cacique, bidding him welcome to his territories, and offering his friendship. The general returned a courteous answer, and was well supplied with provisions for his forces during his stay, but could never prevail on the cacique to visit him, who always excused himself under pretence of sickness; but it was afterwards found that this peace was concluded by the Indians on purpose to save their harvest, which was then ready to be carried home. In fifteen days the two piraguas were finished for crossing the river, although some damage was done by the Indians from the opposite side by means of their canoes; but the Spaniards drove them always away, as they kept a constant guard concealed behind trenches. These piraguas were so large as to contain an hundred and fifty foot and thirty cavalry, all of whom embarked in sight of the Indians, and plied up and down the river with sails and oars; and the Indians were so astonished and intimidated by the sight of such huge floating machines, that they abandoned the opposite bank of the river and dispersed.
   After passing the river, the Spaniards came to a town of about four hundred houses, constructed upon some high bluffs or ridges near another river174, and surrounded by spacious fields of Indian corn, and abundance of fruit-trees of several kinds. The Spaniards were courteously received at this place by order of the cacique, named Casquin175, who resided at a different town higher up the river, and sent to compliment the Spanish commander. After resting six days, they proceeded up the banks of the river, through a plentiful and populous country, till they came to the town where Casquin resided, who received and entertained them with great attention and kindness.
   Three days after their arrival, the cacique waited upon Soto, and, after making his obeisance to the sun and moon, he said "he was persuaded the Spaniards worshipped a better God than the Indians, since he had given them victory with so small a number over such multitudes of Indians: Wherefore he requested that Soto would pray to his God to send rain, of which they were in great want." The general answered, that though he and all his men were sinners, they would humbly pray to God to shew mercy. Having accordingly ordered a cross to be erected on a hill, he and all the forces, except a guard left to protect the quarters, went in solemn procession to adore the cross, accompanied by the cacique and some Indians, the Christian priests singing the litanies, and all the soldiers joining in the responses. Being come to the cross, many prayers were recited on their knees, after which they returned to their quarters chanting appropriate psalms. Above twenty thousand natives stood gazing at this religious procession, some on the same side of the river, and others on the opposite bank, all of whom occasionally set up loud shouts, as if begging of God to hear them. It pleased God to answer their humble prayers, as towards midnight there fell sufficient rain to satisfy the wants of the Indians, and the Christians returned solemn thanks for the mercy which God had been pleased to grant at their intercessions.
   Nine days afterwards, the Spaniards again set out on their march, accompanied by Casquin and a great number of Indians carrying water and other necessaries. The cacique was also accompanied by five thousand of his warriors, as he was at war with the cacique of the next adjoining tribe, and took the opportunity of the Spaniards to assist in the war. During this march they spent three days in getting across a great swamp, when they came in sight of Capaha176, being the frontier town of the next tribe. This place was fortified on three sides by a wet ditch forty fathoms wide and ten fathoms deep, into which water was conveyed from the great river by a canal three leagues in length. The fourth side, which had no ditch, was secured by high and thick palisades. As the cacique of Capaha was unprovided for resistance, he went away on seeing the approach of his enemies along the canal in a canoe, and sheltered himself in a fortified island in the great river. Many of his subjects accompanied him, and those who remained were butchered by the followers of Casquin, who took the whole scalps177 of all they killed to carry home as trophies. They plundered the town, and took many prisoners, among whom were two beautiful women, wives of the cacique. They likewise demolished the burial-place belonging to Capaha, throwing about the bones of his ancestors, and recovered the scalps of their own countrymen which were hung up there as memorials of victory. All this evil was done before the arrival of Soto and the Spaniards, who had not been informed by Casquin of the enmity between him and Capaha. He would even have destroyed the town, if he had not feared giving offence to Soto.
   On the coming up of the Spaniards, Soto sent a message to the fugitive cacique by means of some prisoners, offering peace; but Capaha would not hear of any friendly intercourse, and loudly declared his resolution to take ample vengeance of his enemies. Learning that the Spanish commander was making preparations for an attack on Capaha, Casquin requested him to wait for sixty canoes which he had ordered up the river, by means of which the army could be transported to attack the fortified island. In the mean time the troops of Casquin marched through the country of their enemies, which they laid waste on all sides, and in their course set free some of their own countrymen who were there in captivity, and had been lamed by cutting the sinews of one of their legs to prevent them from running away. On going in the canoes to attack the island, a great part of its coast was inaccessible, being overgrown with thick briars and brambles, which formed an impenetrable barrier, and the only accessible part was fortified by several rows of strong palisades. Soto ordered two hundred of his Spanish soldiers to endeavour to land along with the Indians belonging to Casquin. On this occasion one Spaniard was drowned by too great eagerness to get first to land; but the rest managed so well that they soon gamed the first palisade, on which the women and children belonging to the defenders set up a terrible cry of consternation. A desperate opposition was made at the second palisade, in which consisted the last refuge of the defenders. The subjects of Capaha reviled those of Casquin, calling them cowardly dogs, who had never ventured before to attack that place, and threatened them with ample vengeance when the valiant strangers had left the country. The subjects of Casquin were so intimidated by these threats and the brave opposition they experienced, that in spite of every thing their cacique could say they took to flight, carrying off forty of the canoes, and would have done the same with the other twenty, had not two Spaniards that were left in charge of each defended them with their swords. Being thus deserted by their allies, and having no horses to act against the Indians, the Spaniards began to retire; and when the Indians proposed to pursue them, Capaha restrained them, thinking this a favourable opportunity to embrace the peace he had before rejected, and the Spaniards accordingly retired unmolested.
   Next day, without taking any notice whatever of Casquin, Capaha sent four messengers to Soto, apologizing for having before refused peace, which he now sued for, and requested leave to wait upon him. Soto was well pleased with this, and returned a suitable answer. Accordingly, Capaha came next day to the town, attended by an hundred Indians finely adorned with plumes of feathers; and before waiting on the general went to the sepulchre of his forefathers, where he gathered together the bones with anxious care, kissed them with much reverence, and replaced them in their chests or coffins. On coming into the presence of Soto, he paid his compliments with a good grace, and though only about twenty-six years of age gave an intelligent account or the affairs of his country. Turning to his enemy Casquin, he addressed him as follows: "I suppose you are now well pleased at having seen what you never expected, for which you may thank the power of these valiant strangers: But when they are gone, you and I shall understand each other. In the mean time I pray the sun and moon to send us good seasons." Being informed of what Capaha had said, the general without giving time to Casquiu to reply, assured Capaha that he and his Spaniards had not come into the country to inflame the enmity of the tribes, but to reconcile them. After more friendly discourse of this nature, Capaha consented to be friends with Casquin, and the two chiefs sat down to dinner with Soto. After the repast, the two women who belonged to Capaha and had been taken prisoners were brought in and restored to him, at which he seemed well pleased, yet presented them to Soto, who declined accepting them; but Capaha desired him to give them to any one he pleased, as they should not stay with him, and they were accordingly admitted among the followers of the Spanish army.
   At this time the Spaniards suffered excessively for want of salt, when they were informed by some Indians that there was plenty to be had, and likewise of the metal they called gold only about four leagues from thence. Soto accordingly sent Ferdinand de Silvera and Pedro Moreno under the guidance of these Indians to the place, ordering them likewise to examine diligently into all the circumstances of the country they passed through. They returned after eleven days with six loads of rock salt, as clear as crystal, and one load of fine copper; and reported that the country they had passed through was rather barren and thinly inhabited. On receiving this report, the general resolved to return in the first place to Casquin, and thence to proceed towards the west, having marched northward all the way from Mavila, in order to remove to a distance from the sea. After resting five days at Casquin, they marched other five days down the river, where at a town in the province of Quiguate the inhabitants fled without any hostilities, but they returned in two days and the cacique made an apology for his absence. In the interval, the inhabitants of that place wounded two of the Spaniards, which the general thought proper to overlook under the present circumstances. Departing from Quiguate after a sojourn of seven days, they arrived in five days more at the province of Colima, marching still down the river, and were received in a friendly manner. At this place they found another river having blue sand, which was salt to the taste. The Spaniards being much in want of salt, steeped some of this sand in water, which they strained and boiled, and procured excellent salt to their great joy; yet some ate of it so voraciously that ten of them died. Departing from this province of Colima, which the Spaniards named De Sal, or the Salt Country, they marched four days through an uninhabited wilderness, after which they came to a province called Tula178. On approaching the first town, the whole population both male and female came out to oppose them, and a battle ensued in which the Indians were defeated, and the Spaniards rushed into the town along with the fugitives; and as the inhabitants obstinately refused to submit or surrender they were all massacred. After this, on Reynoso Cabeza de Vaca179 going into one of the houses, he was suddenly beset by five women who had hidden themselves in a corner, who would have stifled him if he had not been rescued by two soldiers who came in upon hearing his cries for assistance, and who were forced to kill the women before they could extricate him from their hands. From this place Soto sent out parties of his cavalry to view the country. When any Indians were made prisoners in these excursions, they used to throw themselves on the ground, exclaiming "either kill me or leave me," refusing obstinately to accompany the Spaniards, or to give any account of the country. At this place the Spaniards found several well dressed cows hides, though they could never learn from whence they came180, and likewise other good skins of various kinds. Four days after the arrival of the Spaniards at this place, they were attacked one morning early by surprise by a large party of Indians, in three several places at once, all calling out Tula! Tula! continually, which was considered as a watch-word to know each other in the obscurity and confusion of the attack. The Spaniards seized their arms in all haste, invoking the blessed virgin and their patron apostle St Jago for aid, as they were in the utmost peril. In this battle the Indians fought with great clubs, a weapon which had not been seen before in Florida. The Indians continued the assault with such obstinacy till after sunrise, and the Spaniards had been so completely surprised, that they were forced to lay aside all punctilios of military discipline, each using his utmost individual efforts for safety, and the officers even submitting to fight occasionally under the command of their inferiors. At length the Indians were repulsed, and retired unpursued by the Spaniards, of whom four were killed and a good many wounded.
   While the Spaniards after the battle were surveying the dead, and looking at the dreadful wounds made by their swords and spears, an Indian started up from among the dead, on which Juan de Caranza ran to attack him. But the Indian gave him such a stroke with a Spanish battle-axe he had laid hold of, as to cleave his target and wound him in the arm. On this Diego de Godoy came up to assail him, but was soon disabled. Francisco de Salazar came on next, and made several thrusts at the Indian who skulked behind a tree, but at length gave Salazar so violent a blow on the neck that he dropped from his horse. The fourth Spaniard who came against this single Indian was Gonzalo Silvestre, who conducted himself with more caution. Having avoided a blow aimed at him by the Indian, he gave him in return a back stroke with his sword on the forehead, which glanced down his breast, and cut off his left hand at the wrist. The Indian rushed on aiming a blow at the face of Silvestre, who warded it off with his target, underneath which he with another back stroke cut him almost in two at the waist. The general and many others went up to see this Indian who had made himself so remarkable by his valour, and to admire the wonderful cut he had received from Gonzalo Silvestre; who was well known at the court of Madrid in 1570, by his valour and dexterity.
   After remaining twenty days in Tula, the Spaniards departed from thence, accompanied only by one Indian woman and a boy belonging to that place, the former having attached herself to Juan Serrano de Leon, and the other to Christopher de Mosquera. In two days march, they came to the territory of Vitangue, through which they marched for four days, and then took up their quarters in a well built town, which they found abandoned. The situation of this place was advantageous, as it was inclosed with good palisades and there was plenty of provisions both for the men and horses; and as the winter advanced with hasty strides, Soto resolved to remain here till the ensuing spring, although the Indians were continually troublesome, and rejected every proposal for peace.

SECTION VI. Conclusion of the Expedition to Florida by Ferdinand de Soto181
   Soto and his men accordingly took up their quarters in the town of Vitangue at the latter end of the year 1541182. As during their abode at this place, the Spaniards often went out to kill deer, rabbits, and roe-bucks, all of which were plentiful and good in the surrounding country, they were frequently on these occasions way-laid by the Indians, who discharged their arrows at them from ambushments and then made their escape. A great deal of snow fell during the winter, but as the Spaniards had abundance of fire-wood and provisions, among which was excellent fruit, they lived in tolerable comfort and in plenty. The cacique of the province, desirous of becoming acquainted with the strength and numbers of the Spaniards, that he might know how best to attack them, sent several messages to the general under pretence of offering to visit him. At first the Spaniards admitted these people into their quarters even under night; but at length Soto began to suspect some sinister purpose, by the frequency of these messages, and gave orders that no more of them should be admitted at night, reproving those who did not chastise and turn back these unseasonable visitors. In consequence of these orders, one of the centinels killed an Indian who impudently endeavoured to force his way into the town next night, for which he was much commended by the general.
   Towards the end of winter, several parties were sent out in different directions to endeavour to procure Indians for carrying the baggage, who brought in very few. Upon this Soto set out himself on a similar expedition, with 100 horse and 150 foot. After a march of twenty leagues into the province of Naguaten, which was very populous, he attacked a town by surprise one morning at day-break, and returned with many prisoners. In April 1542, the Spaniards broke up from their winter quarters at Vitangue, and in seven days through a fruitful country arrived without opposition at the chief town of Naguaten, where they found abundance of provisions, and remained seventeen days. On the sixth day after their arrival, a message was brought from the cacique, to excuse himself for not having visited the general and offering his services. Soto received this messenger with much civility, and sent back a courteous answer. Next day four chiefs came attended by 500 servants with a large quantity of provisions, saying they had been sent by their lord to attend upon the general, but the cacique never made his appearance.
   On departing from Naguaten, and after the Spaniards had marched two leagues, they missed a gentleman of Seville, named Diego de Guzman, who had always hitherto behaved himself well, but was much addicted to gaming. On inquiry it was found that Guzman had lost every thing he had at play the day before, among which was a good black horse and a beautiful young Indian woman to whom he was much attached. He had punctually delivered up every thing he had lost, except the woman, whom he promised to yield up in five days. It was concluded therefore that the reason of his disappearance was from shame of having abandoned himself to gaming, and owing to his love for the woman. On this occasion, the general required of the four chiefs belonging to Naguaten to restore Guzman, or that he would detain them as prisoners. They accordingly sent to inquire after him, and it was found that he had gone along with the woman to the cacique, whose daughter she was, that the Indians used him well, and that he refused to return. Upon this, one of the four chiefs asked permission of the general to go and inquire the reason of Guzman refusing to come back, and requested a letter to the deserter to that effect, saying that it was not reasonable he and his comrades should be reduced to slavery for the fault of another person who renounced his country and deserted from his commander. Soto accordingly ordered Baltasar de Gallegos, who was the friend and townsman of Guzman, to write him a letter reproving his behaviour and advising him to return; promising in the name of the general that his horse and arms should be returned, or others given in their room. The Indian who carried this letter was ordered to threaten the cacique with having his country laid waste if he did not restore Guzman. The messenger returned in three days, bringing back the letter, having Guzmans name wrote upon it with a piece of burnt stick, and an answer peremptorily refusing to return. Along with this letter, the cacique sent a message, declaring that he had done nothing to oblige Guzman to stay, and did not think himself obliged to force him back, but would on the contrary be well pleased if many others of the Spaniards would stay with him, all of whom should be well used: And if the general thought proper on this account to kill the four chiefs who were in his power and to ruin the country, he certainly might do so, but it would in his opinion be extremely unjust. Perceiving that it was impossible to induce Guzman to return, and that the cacique was in the right, Soto dismissed the four chiefs with some presents, and continued his progress.
   After five days march through the province of Naguaten, the Spaniards entered upon a new territory called Guacane, inhabited by a fierce and warlike tribe, who obstinately refused to be at peace with them. In all the houses of this tribe, wooden-crosses were found; supposed to have been occasioned by what Cabeza de Vaca and his companions had taught in their progress through some other provinces of Florida, from whence these crosses had been conveyed to this province and several others183. Soto, having now lost half of his men and horses, was very desirous to establish some colony, that the fatigues and dangers which had been endured by him and his men might turn out to some useful purpose. With this view he was now anxious to return to the great river, repenting that he had not built a town at Achusi, as he once designed. He had now a strong inclination to found a colony in some convenient situation near the great river; where he could build two brigantines to send down to the sea, to give notice of the large and fertile provinces he had discovered, considering that if he should happen to die, all the fruits of his labours would be lost. Having marched eight days through the hostile province of Guacane, he proceeded by long marches in search of the great river through seven extensive provinces, some of which were fertile. In some of these the Spaniards were received in a friendly manner, as they used every possible means to avoid war, because their numbers were so much diminished, and they feared the summer might pass away before they could reach the great river. Having entered the province of Anilco, they marched thirty leagues through it to a town of four hundred houses, having a large square in which the residence of the cacique stood on an artificial mount on the bank of the river, which was as large as the Guadalquiver at Seville. On their approach to this place, the cacique drew out 1500 warriors to combat the Spaniards; yet as soon as they drew near, all the Indians fled without shooting a single arrow, and crossed the river in canoes and on floats, carrying off their women and children, only a small number being taken by the Spaniards. Soto sent several messages to the cacique requesting peace, but he constantly refused to be seen or to send any answer.
   Leaving Anilco, and crossing the river on which it stood without opposition, the Spaniards marched through an extensive unpeopled wilderness overgrown with wood, and came into the province of Guachacoya. The first town they came to was the capital of the province, and was situated on several hillocks at the side of the great river, on one of which hillocks stood the residence of the cacique. Being taken by surprise, as he had received no intelligence of the approach of the Spaniards in consequence of being at war with Anilco, the cacique of Guachacoya saw no likelihood of being able to defend his town, and made therefore a precipitate retreat across the river with his people in canoes and floats, carrying off as many of their effects as they could.
   The wars which were carried on among the tribes inhabiting the various districts or provinces of Florida, were not intended to deprive each other of their dominions, neither did they ordinarily engage in pitched battles with their whole forces; but consisted chiefly in skirmishes and mutual surprises, carried on by small parties at the fishing-places, in the hunting grounds, among the corn-fields, and on the paths through the wilderness. Sometimes they burnt the towns of their enemies, but always retired into their own country after any exploit; so that their warlike enterprises seemed rather for exercise in the use of arms, and to shew their valour, than for any solid or public purpose. In some places they ransomed or exchanged prisoners. In others they made them lame of a leg in order to retain them in their service, more from pride and vain glory than for any substantial use or benefit184.
   Three days after the arrival of the Spaniards at Guachacoya, the cacique became acquainted with the unfriendly reception they had received at Anilco. Though a barbarian, he could perceive the advantage which might be derived from that circumstance to obtain revenge upon his enemies, by an alliance with the warlike strangers. He sent therefore four of his inferior chiefs to wait upon the Spanish general attended by a considerable number of Indians loaded with fish and fruit, and desiring permission to wait upon him at the end of four days. Soto accordingly received the messengers with great courtesy, and sent back a friendly answer; yet the wary cacique sent fresh messengers every day to see in what disposition the Spanish general was. At length, being satisfied that Soto was disposed to receive him well, he made his appearance attended by ten chiefs splendidly dressed after their manner, in fine plumes of feathers, and rich furs, but all armed. Soto received them in a friendly manner, and had a long discourse, with the cacique in one of the spacious rooms belonging to his residence, by the intervention of interpreters. At one time the cacique happened to sneeze, on which all the Indians who were present bowed their heads and extended their arms, in token of salute; some saying, the sun preserve you, others the sun be with you, and others may the sun make you great, with other complimentary expressions of similar import. Among other discourse at this interview, the cacique proposed to Soto to return into the province of Anilco to take revenge on the cacique for his enmity, and offered to supply 80 canoes to carry the Spaniards down the great river and up that of Anilco, the distance being only twenty leagues, when the rest of the army marching by land might form a junction in the centre of the enemies country. As Soto was inclined to take a full view of the country, meaning to form a settlement between these two provinces, where he might build his brigantines, he agreed to this proposal, and accordingly orders were given out to prepare for the march. Juan de Guzman was ordered to embark with his company on board the canoes, which were likewise to carry 4000 Indians, and who were expected to join the forces which marched by land at the end of three days. Soto and the rest of the Spanish forces marched by land, being accompanied by Guachacoya with 2000 warriors, besides a large number carrying the provisions.
   They all met at the time appointed, and as the Anilcans were unable to oppose the groat force which came against them, the Guachacoyans entered the town killing all they met, without regard to age or sex; committed all imaginable barbarities, broke open the sepulchres scattering and trampling on the bones, and took away the scalps of their countrymen and other trophies which the Anilcans had hung up in commemoration of their victories. On seeing the barbarity of his allies, Soto sounded a retreat and ordered the Spaniards to turn the Indians out of the town, wishing anxiously to put a stop to any farther mischief, and to prevent it from being set on fire. But all his efforts were ineffectual, as the Guachacoyans thrust burning brands into the thatch of the houses, which soon took fire, and the town was utterly destroyed. The Spaniards and their allies now returned to Guachacoya, where Soto gave orders for cutting down and hewing timber with which to build the brigantines, and to prepare iron work for their construction; designing when the vessels were finished to cross the river into a province named Quiqualtangui, which was very fertile and populous, the cacique of which had a town of five hundred houses, but who could never be induced to listen to proposals of peace from the Spaniards: On the contrary, he had sworn by the sun and moon, that he would give battle to these vagabond robbers, and would hang up their quarters on trees. The general endeavoured to appease him with presents and fair words, being always generous towards the leaders of the barbarians, endeavouring to bear with and soften their savage manners, and to conciliate their friendship. By this wise conduct he had hitherto been able to subsist his troops for so long a time among so many fierce and savage nations.
   While engaged in these things, Soto was seized with a violent fever, which increased upon him so that he soon perceived it would prove mortal. He made therefore his will, and endeavoured to prepare for death like a good Christian. That nothing might be left unprovided for, he appointed in presence of all his officers and principal followers Luis Moscoso de Alvarado to succeed him in the command till the king might order otherwise; and after commending the virtue and bravery of Alvarado, he entreated and commanded all to yield him implicit obedience, even taking their oaths to that purpose, and represented to them how necessary it was for them all to be united and obedient, for their own preservation among these barbarous nations. He then took an affectionate leave of all his officers and soldiers, and departed this life on the seventh day of his illness, after performing all the duties of a zealous Christian. Ferdinand de Soto was of a comely appearance and pleasant countenance, and of affable and generous dispositions. He was an excellent soldier, and managed his weapons with much dexterity both on foot and on horseback; skilful and experienced in all military affairs; always brave and cool in action, and the foremost in every enterprise of danger: severe in punishing when necessary, yet easy to forgive, and always inclined to please his soldiers when that might be done without lessening his authority. At his death he was only forty-two years of age, and had expended his whole fortune, exceeding 100,000 ducats on this romantic and fruitless expedition. His death was universally lamented among his followers, as he had acquired their universal love and esteem by his excellent qualities and conduct. It was thought necessary to bury him under night, that his death might not be known to the Indians, nor the place of his interment, lest they should insult his remains; but in spite of all their precautions the secret was revealed; for which reason they hollowed out a log of oak into which they put his body, and sunk it in the middle of the great river, at a place where it was a quarter of a league across and nineteen feet deep.
   When the funeral of the general was over, Luis de Alvarado assembled his officers to hold a council upon the present state of their affairs. After thanking them for admitting him as their commander, and making a statement of their numbers, arms, and ammunition, he desired they would determine upon what was best to be done, considering the fierceness and inveterate enmity of the barbarous nations by whom they were surrounded: Whether to prosecute what had been previously resolved upon by their late lamented general, or to devise some other measure for extricating themselves from the country, declaring that he was ready to proceed according to their opinion and advice. In their answer, the officers thanked him for the compliment he paid them, but referred the determination respecting their future proceedings to himself, and again submitted to obey him as their commander. The death of Soto had made a great change in the minds of the Spanish forces, who now determined to abandon the country they had taken so much pains to discover. Accordingly, they set out on the 5th of July 1542, and marched above 100 leagues to the westwards, through a barren and desert country185. On leaving Guachacoya they were joined by an Indian youth of about sixteen years of age, whom they did not observe till the fourth day of their march. Suspecting him of being a spy, Alvarado asked him who he was and what was his object in following them. He said that he had fled from Guachacoya, because the chief whom he served was at the point of death, and he had been appointed to be buried alive along with his master, as it was the custom of the country to inter women and servants along with great personages, to minister to them in the next world.
   At the end of the 100 leagues of wilderness, the Spaniards came to a province called Auche, where they were well received, and where they rested for two days. Still determined upon proceeding to the westwards, they were informed that they had a desert wilderness of four days journey to cross, and received a supply of provisions sufficient for the journey, with a guide to conduct them through the wilderness. But after having marched for eight days in that direction, still in the unhospitable and unpeopled wilds, and having been three days without Indian corn, they discovered that they had been imposed upon and were likely to perish of famine. Alvarado now ordered a dog to be let loose upon the faithless guide; who acknowledged that he had received orders from the cacique of Auche to lead them into the heart of the desert that they might there perish, because he did not think himself able to contend with them in arms. He craved pardon therefore of the general for having obeyed the orders of his chief, and engaged to lead the army in three days more, still proceeding to the westwards, to an inhabited country where they would find provisions. But the Spaniards were so incensed against him for leading them into the present alarming situation, that they would not listen to his apology or promises, and permitted the dogs to devour him. Thus left in the utmost want of provisions, and utterly ignorant of the country, the Spaniards held on their way towards the west for other three days, during which they had to subsist upon any wild plants they could find; and at length came to an inhabited though barren country. They here procured the means of subsistence, particularly beef, and saw many fresh cows hides, though the Indians never shewed them any cows186. While the Spaniards were proceeding on their march through this province, which they denominated De los Vaqueros187, or the tribe of cow-herds, they observed an Indian approach from the skirts of a wood, and believing he might have brought some message from the cacique, they permitted him to draw near. But as soon as he was within reach, he levelled an arrow at five or six soldiers who stood together, who fortunately escaped the danger by stepping to a side; but the arrow flew among some Indian women who were dressing provisions for their masters, pierced one of them quite through, and wounded another in the breast, so that both died. On the alarm being given, Baltasar Gallegos, who happened to be at hand, overtook the Indian before he could get back to the wood, and slew him.
   Having travelled above thirty leagues westwards through this province of the cow-herds, they discovered a ridge of vast mountains still farther to the west, which from their own scouts and the information of the Indians, they learnt were barren, desert, and unpeopled. They were also informed, that if they bent their course to the right hand, they would come into a desert country; but that to the left, though a longer way, they would travel through inhabited and plentiful countries188. Considering what they had endured in their late march through the desert intervening between Auche and the country of Los Vaqueros, they had determined upon giving up their first plan of proceeding by land to Mexico, thinking it better to return to the great river, and so proceed to the sea pursuant to the plan originally proposed by their late general. They accordingly took long marches to the southwards, taking care not to offend the barbarians, yet they were teased by frequent attacks while leaving the country of the cow-herds. On one of these occasions a soldier was wounded by an arrow, which penetrated through his greaves and thigh, and passing through the saddle lap, ran two fingers breadth into the horses side, the arrow being made of reed with no other head than the reed itself hardened in the fire and sloped to a point. The wounded soldier was lifted from his horse, the arrow being previously cut off between his thigh and the saddle, and he was left to cure himself, as he had formerly performed many wonderful cures on his comrades with only oil and wool, assisted by prayers. But since the battle of Mavila, in which all the oil was lost, he had never attempted to cure either others or himself, though twice wounded before, believing that the cure could not be performed without oil and dirty wool. In this distress, he swore that he would not submit to the surgeons, and would rather die than allow them to dress his wound. Having no oil, he substituted hogs lard, and procured some wool from an Indian mantle, as the Spaniards had now no shirts or any other linen among them, and to the astonishment of every one he was so sound in four days that he was able to mount his horse on the fifth day. He now begged pardon of the soldiers for having allowed so many of his comrades to perish, by refusing to cure them, as he had believed the efficacy of his mode of cure depended on the oil, but as he now found that it consisted in the holy words he had pronounced over the dressings, he desired they might again recur to him when wounded, and he would exert himself as formerly. This soldier, named Sanjurgo Gallego, was very chaste, a good Christian, ever ready to serve all men, and had many other virtues189.
   After leaving the territories of the cow-herds, the Spaniards marched for twenty days through the lands of other tribes. Being of opinion that they had declined too much from, the direction of Guachacoya, to which place they now proposed returning, the Spaniards now directed their course eastwards, still inclining somewhat towards the north, so that in this way they crossed the direction they had formerly gone in their march from Auche to the country of the cow-herds, yet without perceiving it. When at length they reached the great river, it was the middle of September, having travelled three months from leaving Guachacoya; and though they had fought no pitched battle during all that time, they were never free from alarm night or day, so that they had lost forty soldiers during this last useless and circuitous march. The Indians on every opportunity shot all who happened to stray from the main body, and would often crawl on all fours at night into their quarters, shoot their arrows, and make their escape, unseen by the centinels. To add to their distresses, the winter now began to set in, with much rain, snow and excessive cold weather. On coming to where they proposed quartering for the night, though wet, cold, weary and hungry, they were obliged to send parties in advance to secure them, generally, by force, and after all were mostly under the necessity of procuring provisions by means of their swords. Besides all this, they were often forced to construct rafts or floats on which to pass rivers, which sometimes occupied them five or six days. The horsemen were frequently obliged to pass the night on horseback, and the infantry to stand up to their knees in mire and water, with hardly any clothes to cover them, and such as they had always wet. Owing to these accumulated hardships, many of the Spaniards and their Indian attendants fell sick, and the distemper proceeded to the horses, so that sometimes four or five men and horses died in a day, and sometimes seven, whom they scarcely had leisure to bury for haste in pursuing their march.
   In this miserable condition they came to the great river about the latter end of November190. In their march on the west side of the great river, from leaving the territory of Guachacoya to their arrival at their new winter quarters, they had marched by estimation 350 leagues, and lost 100 men and 80 horses by the way, without counting their Indian servants, who were of vast use. This was the only fruit of their long and painful march westwards in quest of New Spain, and of refusing to follow the plan which had been devised by their late general for descending the great river to the sea. At this period they were much gratified by finding two contiguous towns on the great river of 200 houses each, which were enclosed by a wet ditch drawn from the river. They were now reduced to 320 foot and 70 horse, or 390 in all, who now remained of 900 men and 330 horses which had landed in the bay of Espiritu Santo at the end of May 1539, four years and a half before. Yet inured to hardships and accustomed to conquer, they immediately attacked and gained possession of these towns, from which the inhabitants fled, having heard of the irresistible valour of the Spaniards from other tribes. They had the good fortune to find plenty of provisions in these towns, and to remain undisturbed by the Indians, so that they soon recovered from their fatigues; yet several died in consequence of their past sufferings, and among the rest Juan Ortiz, their chief interpreter and an excellent soldier.
   Having determined to take up their quarters at this place, they fortified one of the towns to serve as quarters for the winter. This province, called Aminoya, lay seventeen leagues farther up the river than Guachacoya, to which they had endeavoured to direct their course on returning from the province of Los Vaqueros. Being somewhat recovered towards the end of January 1543, they set to work to cut down and prepare timber for building their brigantines. At this place, an old Indian, who had been unable to make his escape along with the rest, objected to their staying in their present quarters for the winter, saying that the river was in use to overflow every fourteen years, and that this was the expected season of its doing so. They refused however to profit by this information, of which they had sufficient reason to repent in the sequel. The return of the Spaniards to the great river was soon known in all the neighbouring districts. Upon which the cacique of Anilco, to prevent them from favouring the Guachacoyans as formerly, sent an embassy to Alvarado, offering his friendship and making mighty promises. The ambassador sent upon this occasion by Anilco was his Apu or lieutenant-general, who brought great abundance of fruit and other things to the Spaniards, and 200 Indian, servants to attend upon them and supply their wants. Having delivered his message, the Apu sent back the answer to the cacique, and remained with the Spaniards. The cacique of Guachacoya came likewise to wait upon the Spanish general, with a great present, to confirm the former friendship, and though he saw the lieutenant of his enemy among the Spaniards, he took no notice of the circumstance. On consultation about the brigantines, it was found that it would require seven of them to accommodate all the people; and the timber being all hewed and ready, the work was begun in earnest, and occupied their utmost diligence all the months of February, March and April 1543, during all which time they were amply supplied with all necessaries by Anilco, who even furnished them with blankets and mantles to defend themselves from the cold. These articles of clothing were manufactured by the Indians from an herb resembling mallows, which has fibres like those of flax; and the dresses which are made of this substance are afterwards dyed according to their fancies. On the present occasion, the Spaniards reserved the new blankets and mantles furnished by Anilco for sails to their brigantines, and broke up those which were old and useless to serve as oakum for caulking their vessels. Of the same materials the Spaniards made all kinds of cordage for their brigantines, from the smallest ropes up to cables; and in every thing the cacique Anilco, to whom they had formerly done so much injury, assisted the Spaniards to the utmost of his power, while Guachacoya was exceedingly dissatisfied at seeing the intimacy between them.
   On the other side of the river there lay a large and fertile province called Quiqualtanqui, the cacique of which was a haughty warlike youth, who believed that although the Spaniards were now building vessels to convey them out of the country, they might yet return in greater numbers to enslave the natives. For this reason he determined to destroy them, and assembled forces from all parts of the country, both those of his, own tribe and from all the tribes around. Having concluded an extensive confederacy and begun his preparations for war, he sent a friendly message to Alvarado to lull him into security, advising all his confederates to do the same. The general gave them all favourable answers, yet kept himself carefully on his guard. Quiqualtanqui invited Anilco to join in the confederacy, instead of which he gave notice of it to the Spaniards. It was not known how Guachacoya stood affected on this occasion, but he was suspected of having hostile intentions, as he made no communication of the conspiracy. The confederates continued to send frequent messages and presents to the Spaniards to discover what they were doing; and though repeatedly warned not to come to their quarters under night they took no notice of it. One night that Gonzalo Silvestre happened to stand centinel in the second watch, the moon shining very bright, he observed two armed Indians in their plumes of feathers, passing over the ditch on a tree that lay across instead of a bridge. These men came to a postern which they entered without asking leave, on which Silvestre gave one of them a cut on the forehead, on which he immediately fled. The other Indian, without waiting for his wounded companion, got into the canoe on the river and gave the alarm to his party. The wounded man, missing the tree across the ditch, swam over and cried out for assistance when he came to the river, on which some of his friends came and carried him off. At sunrise, Quiqualtanqui sent four messengers demanding that Alvarado should punish the centinel for having been guilty of a breach of the peace, more especially, as the wounded man was a chief. Four other messengers arrived at mid-day on a similar errand, saying that the wounded chief was at the point of death; and four more came in the afternoon affirming that he was dead, and insisted that the centinel should be publicly punished, since the action he had committed was an affront to all the Indians of the confederacy. Alvarado boldly answered, that they had been previously and repeatedly warned never to come to the Spanish quarters under night, being always welcome and honourably treated through the day. He added that though sincerely sorry for what had happened, he could not possibly punish the centinel who had only done his duty according to military discipline, neither would his soldiers allow of any such thing being done. The confederates thought fit to connive at this transaction, satisfied that Alvarado was a man of invincible courage and wise conduct; yet resolved upon executing their design against the Spaniards as soon as possible.
   Being eager to get away from the country, the Spaniards laboured indefatigably in fitting out the vessels, even the best gentlemen among them using the utmost diligence; while those who were not handy in the several occupations about the brigantines employed themselves in hunting and fishing to procure provisions for the rest. Among other fish taken on the present occasion, one was taken by means of a hook of such enormous dimensions, that the head alone weighed forty pounds. The confederate Indians under Quiqualtanqui continued their warlike preparations, being much encouraged by knowing that Ferdinand de Soto was dead, that the number of the Spaniards was very much diminished, and that very few horses were left. So confident were they of success, that two of their spies desired some of the Indian women who served the Spaniards to be patient, for they would soon be freed from their bondage to these vagabond robbers, as they were all to be slain. But the women disclosed this to their masters. When the night happened to be very still, the noise of many people could be heard from the opposite side of the river; and the Spaniards could distinctly see numerous fires at regular distances, as of the quarters of a large army. But it pleased God to confound the evil designs of these Indians, by an inundation of the river, which began on the 10th of March 1543, and increased with prodigious rapidity, so that on the 18th which was Palm Sunday, when the Spaniards were in procession, for they observed all the religious solemnities, the water broke in at the gates of the town, and there was no going along the streets for long after but in canoes. This inundation was forty days of rising to its greatest height, which was on the 20th of April, at which time it extended above twenty leagues on each side of the river, so that nothing could be seen in all the country around but the tops of the trees, and the people had to go every where in canoes.
   During the time of this terrible inundation, Alvarado sent twenty Spaniards to Anilco to request a supply of rosin, blankets, and cordage for completing the equipment of the vessels, and these men were sent in four canoes lashed two and two together, to prevent them from being overset by the trees which were under water. On coming to the town of Anilco, they found it destroyed, though twenty leagues from the Spanish quarters, and the inundation had extended five leagues farther. Gonzado Silvestre who commanded these Spaniards was greatly in favour of the cacique Anilco, because he had restored to him a youth who had accompanied the Spaniards on their march to the westwards, who perfectly understood the Spanish language, and was so much attached to the Spaniards as to be very averse from returning to his father. On this occasion Anilco supplied Silvestre with every thing of which he was in want.
   It pleased God that the water began to subside towards the latter end of April; yet so slowly that on the 10th of May there was no going about the streets of the town on account of the deep mire with which they were filled. This was the more distressing to the Spaniards as they were barefooted, all their shoes having been burnt at Mavila, and the shoes they had since been able to make, being of untanned leather, were like so much tripe as soon as wet. At the latter end of May, the great river returned to its usual channel, and the confederated Indians again drew their forces together to execute their original design against the Spaniards, of which they received intelligence from Anilco; who likewise informed Alvarado of the signals which had been concerted by the confederates for the better prosecution of their enterprise, and even offered to assist the Spaniards with 8000 well armed warriors, and that if they chose to retire into his country the confederates would not dare to attack them. Alvarado returned thanks for these friendly offers, but declined accepting them; because as he intended to go down the river and to quit the country, he did not deem it proper either to take refuge in the territory of Anilco or to accept the assistance of his warriors, as either of those might draw upon him the confederated hostility of his neighbours: But he promised, if it should please God ever to put it in his power, Anilco should not have cause to repent the service he had been of to the king of Spain, or the kindness he had shewn to the Spaniards. In conclusion, he recommended to Anilco to discontinue any farther intercourse with him, lest he might give umbrage to the confederated caciques. Many of the Spaniards were so puffed up by the friendly offers of Anilco, that they endeavoured to persuade Alvarado to accept the proferred aid, and prosecute an offensive war, thinking it easy to subdue these people. But Alvarado was quite sensible of his present weakness, and determined to leave the country as soon as possible; besides which he did not deem it prudent to confide too much on the fidelity of Anilco.
   Four days afterwards, exactly conformable to the information received from Anilco, a numerous embassy arrived from the confederated caciques, intended to spy out the posture of the Spaniards, to enable them to concert measures for the intended attack. Having rigidly examined these pretended messengers, it was debated among the leaders of the Spaniards what ought to be done with these fraudulent envoys. Some were for giving them fair words, as had been the practice hitherto; but it was finally resolved to punish them in an exemplary manner, that the caciques might know their treachery was discovered, which might perhaps prevent the execution of their designs. Accordingly though the messengers on this occasion were very numerous, thirty only were selected who had their hands cut off, and were sent back in this guise to their employers, with a message signifying that the Spaniards had all along been aware of their villainy. This severe example proved successful, insomuch that the confederacy was immediately dissolved, and the forces retired to their respective countries. Yet as the Spaniards had only built seven great boats, they thought they might possibly be more successful by water, and they agreed to collect a great number of canoes to attack them while going down the river.
   As the Spaniards believed that their only safety depended upon going down the river as soon as possible, they hastened the completion of their vessels; and as they had not enough of iron for the construction of whole decks, they satisfied themselves with quarter-decks and fore-castles to secure the provisions, laying planks only a midships. Every thing relative to the brigantines being completed, they gathered all the Indian corn, pulse, and dried fruit they could procure; made bacon of all the swine that were left alive, except eighteen they carried with them alive, and two boars and two sows which they gave to each of the two caciques who were their friends. With the lard of the slaughtered swine, they tempered rosin instead of pitch and tar for paying their vessels. They likewise provided a number of canoes; part of which were lashed two and two together to carry thirty horses which still remained alive, and answered well for the purpose; the rest were distributed among the brigantines, each having one at her stern to serve as a boat. On midsummer day 1543 the brigantines were launched into the great river, and on St Peters day, the 29th of that month, every thing being in readiness, the brigantines and canoes having defences made of boards and skins to fend off the arrows, they took leave of the friendly caciques, Anilco and Guachacoya, and set sail down the great river.
   Two captains were appointed to each brigantine, that when one had occasion to land the other might remain on board in charge of the vessel. About 350 Spaniards embarked, all that remained of 900 who had originally landed in Florida. Near thirty Indian men and women were on board each vessel, all of their own free will, as they declared they would rather die with their masters than remain behind. Accordingly on St Peters day before mentioned, about sunset, after Alvarado had given regular instructions to all his officers and encouraged his men, they began their voyage, holding on their course down the river both with sails and oars, all that night and the next day and night. But on the following day they were opposed by a fleet of near 1000 canoes belonging to the confederated caciques, some of which were so large as to have twenty-five paddies on each side, and carrying many armed men besides the rowers. These large canoes were called the admirals, as being supposed to have the principal commanders on board. One was painted red, another blue, and others of several colours; the men on board having their bodies painted of the same colours as the canoes, as were their bows. All this splendid shew, with the variegated plumes of feathers on the heads of the warriors, made a grand display. While they rowed after the Spaniards, they kept time to their songs, which were said by the interpreters to signify, "That the vagabond strangers should all be slain on the water, and become food for the fishes."
   After taking a close view of the Spanish brigantines, the Indians divided their fleet of canoes into three equal squadrons, plying up close to the bank on the starboard side; and when up with the brigantines, the van forming a long and narrow line a-head, crossed the river obliquely passing close by the brigantines, into which they all successively threw in a shower of arrows, by which several Spaniards were wounded notwithstanding their targets and baricades. The other squadrons did the same in regular order, and as the brigantines continued on their course, the squadrons of canoes continued successively to repeat similar charges, both day and night, expecting in this manner to destroy all the Spaniards by degrees. The Spaniards held on their way for ten successive days and nights, continually assailed in this manner by the Indians, and doing some execution in their turn by means of their crossbows, all their musquets having been turned into iron work for the brigantines, having become useless as all their powder was expended. At the end of these ten days, the Indian fleet drew back from the Spaniards to the distance of about half a league. The Spaniards, still advancing came in sight of a small town, and supposed from the Indians leaving them that they were now near the sea, having run by estimation 200 leagues, as they used both sails and oars, and went straight down the river without stopping in any place. Being desirous of procuring provisions, Alvarado ordered 100 men to land, with eight horses; and as the Indians immediately abandoned their town, they procured plenty of provisions of all sorts. In this town likewise they found leather made of goats skins, some white, and some of various colours, and other skins of different kinds well dressed, and many mantles. They found here a long slip of the finest sables, eight ells in length and an ell broad, adorned at regular distances with strings of pearls and small tufts of seed pearl, regularly placed. Gonzalo Silvestre who commanded on this enterprise, got this rarity to his share, which was supposed to be some ensign of war, or some ornament for their dances

   As many Indians appeared collecting in the fields, and the canoes were returning to attack the brigantines, Alvarado ordered the trumpets to sound a retreat to recall Silvestre and his men on board. On this occasion the Spaniards were obliged to abandon their horses, which the Indians immediately shot to death with their arrows. When the party was all returned to the brigantines, the Spaniards resumed their voyage down the river, followed by the canoes, which did not now retain their former order, but followed in several separate squadrons. On the thirteenth day of their voyage down the great river, one of the brigantines happening to fall about an hundred paces behind the rest, the Indians immediately attacked and even boarded it, and would in all probability have made themselves master of it, had not the other brigantines come up to its rescue. However the Indians carried off the canoe from the stern, in which were five sows that had been reserved for a breed.
   On the sixteenth day of the voyage, one Estevanez, a desperate yet clownish fellow, who was vain of the reputation he had acquired by his intrepidity, took away the canoe from the stern of the brigantine in which he was embarked, and persuaded five other soldiers to accompany him, saying that he was going to perform an exploit to gain fame, and to obtain leave of the captain of the vessel, he pretended that he was going to speak with the general. When he had got clear of the brigantine, he immediately made towards the enemy, crying out fall on them! they run! When Alvarado saw this mad action he endeavoured to recall Estevanez by sound of trumpet, and sent about forty men after him in several canoes under the command of Juan de Guzman, to bring back Estevanez whom Alvarado intended to hang for his breach of discipline. At the same time the brigantines furled their sails and rowed up against the stream to support the canoes. The Indian canoes, which covered the water for an extent of a quarter of a league, retreated a little way on purpose to separate the Spanish canoes from the brigantines; on which, quite frantic at seeing them give way, Estevanez pushed on, followed by the other canoes which were sent to bring him back. The Indian canoes then drew up in form of a crescent, and when the Spanish canoes were well advanced among them, those Indian canoes which formed the horn or point on the right, attacked them so furiously athwart ships that they sunk them all, by which means all the Spaniards were drowned, and if any happened to appear above water, they were either shot with arrows, or had their brains dashed out by the paddles. Thus forty-eight Spaniards perished, only four escaping of all that were in the canoes. The Indians held on their pursuit of the brigantines all that day making continual rejoicings for their victory. On the seventeenth day at sun-rise, when the Indians had paid their adorations to the sun with hideous cries, and a prodigious noise of drums, horns, and trumpets, they ceased the pursuit of the Spaniards and retired, having continued the chase about four hundred leagues.
   The river was now estimated by the Spaniards to be fifteen leagues across, from which they concluded they were near the sea, yet did not venture to quit the main stream for fear of hidden danger. Thus holding on their course, on the nineteenth day of their voyage they came to the sea, computing that they had run little short of 500 leagues191, from the place where they built their brigantines. Being ignorant whereabout they were, they cast anchor at an island, where they rested three days to recover from their long fatigues and continual watching, and to refit their brigantines. They here computed how far they had been up the country, and as already mentioned estimated the distance from where the brigantines were built to the sea at near 500 leagues: And as the river was there nineteen feet deep and a quarter of a league over, they conjectured that the source of the river might be still 300 leagues farther up the country, or 800 leagues in its whole course. When the Spaniards had been three days in this island, they observed seven canoes to issue from a place overgrown with tall reeds, and come towards them. When within hearing, a gigantic man, as black as a negro, stood up in the headmost canoe and addressed them in the following harangue: "Wherefore do you vagabond robbers stroll about this coast, disturbing its inhabitants? Get you gone speedily by one of the mouths of the great river, and let me not find you here after this night, or I will kill you all and burn your ships!" After this he withdrew among the reeds, and Alvarado sent Gonzalo Silvestre with 100 men in the remaining canoes to examine the inlet among the reeds. Of these men seventeen were armed with cross-bows and three had long bows taken from the Indians, as the want of musquets had induced the Spaniards to use the arms of their enemies, at which they were become skilful. On getting into the creek or inlet among the reeds, Silvestre found sixty small canoes drawn up in readiness to receive him, which he immediately attacked, and overset three of them at the first shock, wounding many of the Indians; and as all the rest of the canoes immediately fled, Silvestre and his party returned to the brigantines.
   Leaving the island, and going out into the open sea, the Spaniards now bore away to the westwards to endeavour to find their way to New Spain, always keeping the coast of Florida192 on their starboard-side or right hand. They knew not whereabout they were, and had neither chart nor compass to guide their course, neither had they any instrument to find the latitude; but they satisfied themselves in the hope of reaching New Spain by following the coast. During all the first day and night, they continued to sail among the fresh water of the great river. After this they held on their course for fifteen days without any thing remarkable taking place; only that they were under the necessity of landing every day to procure water, as they had no vessels in which to carry any store on board. At the end of that period they got among a parcel of small islands, which were frequented by such multitudes of sea fowl that the entire surface was covered by their nests, so that there was scarcely room to tread. These furnished an ample supply of provisions, though their flesh had somewhat of a fishy taste. Next day they landed on a pleasant shore covered with trees, to procure water; and while looking about in search of shell fish, some pieces of bitumen were found resembling pitch, and upon farther search they were fortunate enough to find the source whence it flowed. On finding this convenience, they thought proper to repair or careen their brigantines, which had become leaky, which they did by means of this bitumen melted along with a proper quantity of hogs lard. This work occupied them for eight days, during which time they only saw eight Indians, to whom they gave some trinkets they had yet remaining, without asking any questions respecting the country where they now were, as all their hopes and wishes centered in arriving in New Spain.
   They proceeded on their voyage keeping as close as possible to the shore, for fear of being driven out to sea by the north wind, and likewise for the convenience of fishing, as they had nothing else now to eat, for which reason they always made some stay wherever they found good fishing-grounds. They continued always in this manner, coasting the land which lay to starboard, the wisest among them being quite ignorant whereabout they were, yet always satisfied that by holding this course they must at length get to New Spain if not swallowed up by the waves. At the end of fifty-three days after leaving the great river, the north wind of which they had been so long in dread began to blow with great fury193. On this occasion five of the vessels which kept close under the land sought shelter in a creek; but the other two, being somewhat farther out at sea, were in great danger of perishing. They were all stark naked, having only clouts hung before them, and were almost drowned with wet and benumbed with cold, as part of them had continually to bale out the water from their vessels while the rest handed the sails. At length the gale somewhat moderating, they were able to shape a course to the westwards, and having been twenty-six hours in great distress without food or sleep, they discovered land about sunset. One young man who had been twice before upon the coast said that he now knew the land, though he could not say in what country it was: But he said that part which seemed black was a high bluff impracticable shore, while that which had a white appearance was a clean soft sandy beach, and advised them to endeavour to make for that part before night, as if the wind should drive them on the black coast there would be no probability of saving their lives. The officers of the brigantine in which this young man was endeavoured by signs to make known what was intended to the other vessel, and then made direct for the white coast followed by the other, and before sunset ran both vessels aground on the sandy beach, after which they lightened both vessels by carrying every thing on shore, and propped them up to keep them from oversetting. Having thus landed, two men undertook to go in quest of the other brigantines.
   Next day three parties were sent out in different directions to discover the country. The two parties which went along the coast to the right and left soon returned with some broken pieces of earthen ware, of the kinds which are made at Talavera and Malaga in Spain, which gave them much satisfaction to think that they must now be in the neighbourhood of their countrymen. Gonzalo Silvestre, who went up the country with the third party, at the end of a quarter of a league saw some Indians fishing on a lake194, and two others gathering fruit from the trees. The Spaniards endeavoured to lay hold of these two Indians, but one of them escaped by swimming over the lake. Silvestre found likewise in a cottage two small baskets of fruit, a turkey, a cock and two Spanish hens, and some conserve of maguey. Still holding fast the Indian, Silvestre went back to his comrades at the sea-side, and to all the inquiries they made of the Indian as to where they were, his only answer was Brezos! Brezos! which, as they afterwards learnt, was meant to signify that he belonged to a Spaniard named Christoval de Brezos. On rejoining his companions, Silvestre found them rejoicing at the sight of the broken earthen dishes; but they were still more gratified at seeing the Spanish poultry, and the Indian being now reassured on finding he was in the hands of Spaniards, told them they were in the province of Panuco, and that the other brigantines had gone up the river Tampico to that city, which was ten leagues off. He said likewise that he belonged to one Christoval de Brezos; and that a cacique resided only at the distance of a league and a half who could read and write. Accordingly they gave the Indian some toys and sent him to the cacique; and in four hours afterwards the cacique came to them attended by eight Indians, loaded with fowls, fish, fruit, and Indian corn, and brought them paper, pens, and ink, that they might write an account of their arrival and situation to the governor of Panuco.
   The two men who had gone in search of the five brigantines, found them in the river Tampico, so that the whole company met at the end of eight days, all barefooted and almost entirely naked, having only some scanty coverings of the skins of deer, bears, and other animals. The governor of Panuco treated them with much attention, and sent advice of their situation to the viceroy of Mexico, who ordered them to be sent without delay to that city, and sent them four horse-loads of shirts, shoes, and other necessaries, besides medicines and sweetmeats. After recovering from their fatigues, the men were ready to destroy their officers for not having settled in Florida, where there was such plenty of pearls and rich furs. On their march to Mexico, which was made in several detachments to avoid mischief, the people everywhere ran to see them pass as so many monsters. At Mexico they were clothed and kindly treated by the rich inhabitants; and as discord soon broke out again among them, for having abandoned so fine a country as Florida, the viceroy appeased them by promising to undertake the enterprise speedily in person along with them, when they should all have good pay, and that he would provide for them in the mean time. When clothed, some of the adventurers returned into Spain, others remained in Mexico, and others went into Peru, while some entered into monasteries; and thus all these brave soldiers were dispersed.
   Those persons who had been sent by the late general, Ferdinand de Soto, when he first advanced into the interior of Florida, to bring him supplies from the Havannah, faithfully obeyed his orders, as they sailed from thence four several years, and plied all along the coast to find him, but could never hear any tidings of him or any of his men, till, in the year 1543, arriving at Vera Cruz in October, they learnt that the remains of the expedition had been conducted to Mexico.-This relation has been faithfully taken from that which was transmitted to the king, immediately after the close of that unfortunate enterprise.
   END OF THE FIFTH VOLUME.

Notes

1

   The place mentioned in the text is probably what is now named Guarochiri, which is in the direction of the march, and nearly at the distance indicated.-E.

2

   This judicial examination, so formally announced, is left quite inconclusive by Zarate.-E.

3

   The expression in the text below, is probably an error in the French translator in rendering barlovento which signifies to leeward. Accordingly, to the north of Lima, and about the indicated distance, there is a sea-port or coast town named Huaura, certainly the place meant by Zarate. Hua and Gua are often inchanged by the Spaniards in the names of places in America, probably from the g having a guttural sound, or strong aspiration.-E.

4

   Garcilasso names this person Ventura Veltran.-E.

5

   In Garcilasso de la Vega, obviously copying this part of the story from Zarate, Garcias is said to have concealed his barks behind a rock.-E.

6

   This person is always named Cuero, by Garcilasso; who likewise informs us that he was brother-in-law to the viceroy.-E.

7

   The author of the History of the Discovery and Conquest of Peru, which forms the subject of the present article; who accordingly, might justly say of these events, quorum pars magna fui. His associate on this occasion was the person who had charge of the family of the late marquis Don Francisco Pizarro, and had married the widow of Francisco Martin de Alcantara, as we learn from Garcilasso.-E.

8

   No such province is now to be found in the best maps of Peru; but seventy or eighty miles to the north of Jauja, there is a district called the valley of Pari, with a town of the same name on the Chinchay Cocha, or lake of Chinchay, which may then have been called Pari-cocha, or Pari on the lake. From this circumstance, it appears the messengers had been obliged to make a great circuit towards the north, on purpose to get a passage across the main western ridge of the Andes.-E.

9

   By Garcilasso, Zarate is represented as holding all the three offices, Treasurer, accountant, and controller.-E.

10

   According to Garcilasso, the entry of Gonzalo Pizarro into Lima was in October 1544, forty days after the deposition and imprisonment of the viceroy. In the History of America, II. 373, this event is dated on the 28th October.-E.

11

   Zarate seems to forget the existence of Cepeda, one of the judges; but he seems to have entirely devoted himself to the party of the usurper, while Ortiz affected at least to retain a sense of loyalty.-E.

12

   The weight of this is 820 ounces, which at L. 4 an ounce comes to L. 1280, and was then worth as much as L. 7680 is in efficient value.-E

13

   We learn from Garcilasso, that Vara de Castro was in the end honourably acquitted, and that in the year 1461, when Garcilasso was at Madrid, De Castro was senior member of the council of the Indies. His son, Don Antonio, was made knight of St. Jago, and had a grant of lands and Indians in Peru to the extent of 20,000 pieces of eight yearly.-E.

14

   The distance in the text is probably a mistake for fourteen leagues, as about that distance to the S.E. of San Miguel there is a river named Chola, which may have given name to the district or valley in which it runs.-E.

15

   Named Morrope in modern maps. The desert in the text is of great extent, reaching from the river Leche to the Piura, a distance of above eighty English miles.

16

   Notwithstanding the distance mentioned in the text, Ayabaca is only about 60 miles, or fifteen Spanish leagues in a straight line N.N.E. from San Miguel.-E.

17

   Eight hundred marks of gold, or 6400 ounces, at L.4 an ounce; are worth L.25,600: and at six for one, the value put upon bullion in those days by the Historian of America, are now worth at least L.153,600, perhaps a quarter of a million. As there were other repartimientos of more value than those of the treasurer, besides others not so valuable, it is not beyond bounds to suppose that Gonzalo may have acquired as much treasure at Quito as was equal to a million of our present money: A prodigious sum, considering that his army did not exceed 800 men; being equal to L.1250 for each soldier.-E.

18

   By Garcilasso de la Vega, this son of Gonzalo Pizarro is named Rodrigo Mexia; but Zarate could hardly be mistaken in giving that name to one of his conductors.-E..

19

   According to Garcilasso, the army of Gonzalo on this occasion amounted to 700 men, 200 of whom were armed with firelocks, 350 with pikes, and 150 were cavalry. In the History of America, II. 375, the force under the viceroy is only stated at 400; but both in Zarate and Garcilasso the royalists are mentioned as 800 strong.-E.

20

   This authentic circumstance by no means agrees with the assertion in the History of America, II. 376, that the head of the viceroy was affixed on the public gibbet in Quito. From the text of Zarate, this battle appears to have been fought on the 16th January 1546. In the History of America, it is dated on the 18th; but the difference is quite immaterial.-E.

21

   Of this brother of the Pizarro family, no other notice occurs in Zarate.-E.

22

   The Callao is a district at the north end of the great lake of Titicaca. Paria and Hayohayo are two towns on the east side of the Rio Desaguadero, which flows from the south into the lake of Titicaca.-E.

23

   Arequipa is not less than twenty-five miles from the nearest coast, at which place there is a bay or port named La Guata.-E.

24

   This paragraph, marked by inverted commas, is inserted from Garcilasso de la Vega in the text, as too long for a note.-E.

25

   This produce is most extraordinarily large, being equal to four parts of pure silver from ten of ore, or 640 ounces of silver from the quintal or 1600 ounces of ore. At the present time, the silver mines in Mexico, which are the most productive of any that have ever been known, are remarkable for the poverty of the mineral they contain. A quintal or 1600 ounces of ore affording only at an average 3 or 4 ounces of pure silver. The profit therefore of these must depend upon the abundance of ore, and the facility with which it is procured and smelted.-E.

26

   The gross amount of this production of silver, on the data in the text, is 11,648,000 ounces yearly; worth, at 5s. 6d. per ounce, L. 3,203,200 sterling; and, estimating silver in those days, at six times its present efficacy, worth L. 19,219,200 of modern value. In the present day before the revolutionary troubles, Humboldt estimates the entire production of gold and silver from Spanish and Portuguese America at L. 9,787,500; only about three times the quantity said to have been at first extracted from Potosi alone, and only about half the effective value.-E.

27

   It has however become very much exhausted, and has been in a great measure abandoned. The mines of Lauricocha, in a different part of Peru, are now in greater estimation. But those of Guanaxuato and Zacatecas in Mexico, notwithstanding the poverty of their ore, have been long the most productive of the American mines.-E.

28

   No such province or district is now found in the maps of Peru; but it appears to have been on the confines between the northern part of Peru Proper and the southern extremity of Quito, where Valladolid now stands.-E.

29

   History of America, II. 378.

30

   In translating this letter the substance has been materially compressed; omitting much loose and declamatory argumentation, with several instances of the irresistible power of the emperor, to convince Pizarro of the absolute necessity of submission. Among other arguments, Gasca quotes with approbation an instance of a Spaniard who had assassinated his brother in the midst of the German Lutherans for deserting the religion of his country; and threatens him with the vengeance of his brother Ferdinand if he should persist in rebellion against his sovereign.-E.

31

   From the sequel, it would appear that Juan de la Torre escaped entirely on this occasion; at least a person of exactly the same name appears afterwards as an officer in the service of Gonzalo.-E

32

   No consequences seem to have followed from this demand, which does not appear to have been acceded or even listened to.-E.

33

   It is not easy to understand how Mendoza, who had joined Centeno some time before, happens to be omitted in this enumeration-E.

34

   Rather the Pachacamac, near which the town or city of Abancay is situated, and where probably the president proposed to pass that river.-E.

35

   Abancay on the Pachacamac is not above 14 Spanish leagues from Cuzco in a straight line. The other bridges mentioned in the text must have been thrown over the Apurimac Proper, somewhere near the town or village of Limatambo.-E.

36

   This was probably by Limatambo, as on the great road the Incas had palaces for lodging in with their attendants, called tambos.-E.

37

   This may probably be an error of the press in the original for fifteen leagues. Fifty leagues even from Abancay would have carried the army almost to Arequipa, to turn the head of the Apurimac, and among the highest mountains of Peru.-E.

38

   Yet the Historian of American, II. 392., says that "Gasca, happy in his bloodless victory, did not stain it with cruelty; Pizarro, Carvajal, and a small number of the most distinguished or notorious offenders being punished capitally." The executions seem however to have been sufficiently numerous, considering that the whole rebel army before the battle was only nine hundred strong, many of whom went over to the victor, and all the rest disbanded without fighting.-E.

39

   L.157,000, if French livres are to be understood, and worth near a million sterling at the present value of money compared with that period,-E.

40

   Zarate is extremely erroneous in his account of the sources of the Rio Plata. All the streams which rise from the Peruvian mountains in the situation indicated, and for seven or eight degrees farther south, and which run to the eastwards, contribute towards the mighty Maranon or River of the Amazons.-E.

41

   This is an egregious mistake; the Rio Jauja rises from the lake of Chinchay Cocha in the province of Tarma, and runs south to join the Apurimac. The river Guanuco rises in the elevated plain of Bombon, and runs north to form the Gualagua, which joins the Lauricocha or Tanguragua.-E.

42

   In the Royal Commentaries of Garcilasso de la Vega, p. 876, he is said to have been first appointed to the bishopric of Placentia, and to have been afterwards translated to that of Ciguenza in 1561 by Philip II which he enjoyed till his death in 1577.

43

   Hist of America, II. p. 393.

44

   In the language of Chili at least, Auca signifies free, or a freeman; it is possible however that in an absolute government, the same term may signify a rebel, yet it is a singular stretch of interpretation to make it likewise signify a tyrant.-E.

45

   This paragraph, within inverted commas, is given as a short specimen of the taste of Garcilasso, and the respectable talents of his translator, Sir Paul Rycant, in 1688. It gives an account of one of these singular meteors or fire balls, improperly termed a comet in the text, which some modern philosophers are pleased to derive from the moon, and to suppose that they are composed of ignited masses of iron alloyed with nickel. It were an affront to our readers to comment on the ridiculous pretended prognostication so gravely believed by Garcilasso Inca.-E.

46

   The river Cangallo is probably here meant, which runs through the province of Vilcas to the city of Guamanga.-E.

47

   Although Garcilasso omits the date of the year, it probably was in 1554, as the rebellion of Giron commenced in the November immediately preceding.-E.

48

   Pucara is in the province of Lampa, near the north-western extremity of the great lake Titicaca.-E.

49

   The river Quiliabamba, otherwise called Urabamba and Vilcamayo is to the north of Cuzco, and to the north of that river one of the chains of the Andes is named the chain of Cuzco or of the rebel Indians. This is probably the mountainous region mentioned in the text.-E.

50

   Thus expressed by the translator of Molina, and probably some fresh water shell-fish.-E.

51

   Besides these, modern maps insert the following, beginning in the north. Betlen, Rioja la Nueva, Mutinan, San Juan de Jaeban, Guanachoca, all to the north of Mendoza.-E.

52

   According to Falkner the missionary, auca is a name of reproach given them by the Spaniards, signifying rebels or wild men; aucani is to rebel or make a riot, and auca-cahual signifies a wild horse.-This may be the case in the language of the subjected Peruvians and northern Chilese, while in that of the independent Araucanians it may signify free; just as republican is an honourable term in the United States, while it is a name of reproach under a monarchical government.-E.

53

   From the singular excellence of the military institutions of the Araucanians, by which they have been enabled to preserve their liberties against the superior arms of the Spaniards, down even to the present day, we have been induced to extend these observations much beyond our usual limits on such occasions. Such as are inclined to inquire more minutely into the civil institutions of this wonderful people, will find them detailed in the work of the Abbe Molina, together with a minute account of the natural productions of Chili.-E.

54

   Perhaps these words may have been adopted into the Chilese language from the Spaniards, who speak a kind of dialect of Latin. The remainder of this section is an abridgement of an Essay on the Chilese language, appended to the second volume of Molina.-E.

55

   The translator seems here to have misunderstood the author, as these ordinal numbers ought surely to signify first and second.-E.

56

   On a former occasion their name is explained as signifying the people of delight, owing to the beauty, fertility, and charming climate of their country.-E.

57

   The following account of the plants cultivated by the Chilese for food, is extracted from the natural history of Chili by Molina; but the enumeration from the text of his civil history will be found to differ materially from that given from the natural history of the same author.-E.

58

   These beans are obviously what are called kidney-beans in this country.-E.

59

   Pillan, according to Dobrizhoffer, is likewise the word for thunder. In a similar manner, Tupa or Tupi, among all the Tupi tribes of Brazil, and the Guaranies of Paraguay, signifies both God and thunder.-E.

60

   Among the Moluches, the general name of the Supreme Being, according to Falkner, is Toqui-chen, or the supreme ruler of the people.-E.

61

   The beginning of that year according to Ovale.-E.

62

   By Orale this Peruvian prince is called Paullo Topo, and the high priest of the Peruvians, Villacumu, is said to have been likewise sent in company with Almagro.-E.

63

   Called Puramaucans by Garcilasso and Promocaes by Ovale, who names the Cauquenes and Peneos as their allies.-E.

64

   Though not distinctly so expressed, this must be considered as square toises, making each side of the square 64 toises, or 384 feet. In a former account of the city of St Jago, the public square is described as being 450 feet on each side.-E.

65

   In Ovalle, this general is named Anabillo, and is said to have been made prisoner in the battle.-E.

66

   The place where Imperial once stood is marked on our maps on the right or north shore of the conjoined streams of the Ouisa and Cauten, immediately above the junction of a small river which is probably the Damas of the text.-E.

67

   Ovalle carries the number of the Araucanian array on this occasion to the inconceivable amount of 67,000 combatants in the field, besides a large body of reserve.-E.

68

   Ovalle does not mention the amount of the army under Valdivia on this occasion, but extends the force of the Araucanians to twenty thousand men.-E.

69

   According to Ovalle, Caupolican was forced by his officers to pronounce condemnation against Valdivia, which was executed immediately, but different accounts were given of the manner in which this was performed: some saying that it was done in the way related in the text, while others allege that they poured melted gold down his throat; that they preserved his head as a monument of victory, to animate their youth to a valorous defence of their country, and that they converted the bones of his legs and arms into flutes and trumpets.-E.

70

   This paragraph, within inverted commas, is literally copied from Ovalle, as an instance of the puerile conceits indulged in by the true Catholic writers of the seventeenth century. The brave and faithful Bernal Diaz at the beginning of the sixteenth century saw no miracles during the conquest of Mexico, and the judicious Molina at the close of the eighteenth, modestly refrains from copying any such incredible absurdities into his history of Chili.-E.

71

   The passage within commas is a note in the original English publication of Molina; and from subsequent parts of the history, the event here related appears to have occurred about the commencement of the seventeenth century, or more than two hundred years ago.-E.

72

   In a note of the original translation, it is said that "the Indian allies of the Spaniards cut off the calves from the Araucanian prisoners, which they roasted and eat. And, by means of certain leaves applied to the wounds, prevented the effusion of a single drop of blood."-E.

73

   Called Millapoa, perhaps by mistake in Pinkerton's map of Chili, a place very near the southern shore of the Biobio, and marked arruinada probably meaning in ruins.-E.

74

   Probably the place distinguished in modern maps by the name of Tucapel-viejo, about 40 miles south from the Biobio.-E.

75

   The ruins of Osorno are in lat. 40° 30' S. and long. 73° 20' W. The lake, or Desaguodero de Osorno, extends 50 or 60 miles from east to west, by a breadth of 6 or 7 miles.-E.

76

   In modern maps, a town called Tolcamando is situated on the north of the Biobio, not far from Conception, and is probably the place indicated in the text.-E.

77

   No such name occurs in the modern maps of Chili, but a town called Millaqui is situated about 20 miles to the north of Angol.-E.

78

   These are the opinions of Molina, not of the editor, who takes no part in the discussion between the Huttonians and Wemerians; neither indeed are there any data in the text on which to ground any opinion, were he even disposed by inclination or geognostic knowledge to become a party on either side.-E.

79

   In the text, Molina gives here some account of the natives of Chiloe, which is postponed to the close of this chapter.-E.

80

   In a subsequent passage Molina names this officer Benal. -E.

81

   Since the loss of Imperial, Conception has been the residence of this bishop-E.

82

   Thus in the original, though probably his son-in-law, as Quiroga died soon after at an advanced age.-E.

83

   The city of Chillan, instead of being at the foot of the Andes, is in the plain country more than half way between that great chain and the sea.-E.

84

   A comparison more familiar to the British reader might be made to the philabeg or short petticoat worn by the Scots Highlanders-E.

85

   In this part of dress they likewise resemble the Scots Highlanders of old, who wore a kind of shoes made of raw hides with the hair on, called rough rullions. In both of course using the most obvious and easiest means of decency and protection. Before the introduction of European cattle into Chili, the natives must have employed the skins of the original animals of the country, probably of the guemul or huemul, the equus bisulcus of Molina and other naturalists, an animal having some resemblance to a horse but with cloven hoofs-E.

86

   In the map accompanying the English translation of Molina, the Penuenches and Chiquillanians are placed under the same parallel between lat. 33° SO' and 36° S. The former on the western and the latter on the eastern side of the Andes.-E.

87

   From the original army of the governor having only seven hundred men, I am apt to believe the number of horse in the text ought only to have been two hundred.-E.

88

   Lines, it would appear of circumvallation and contravallation, probably suggested by some of the Spaniards who had joined the Araucanians.-E.

89

   This officer in the Spanish service seems somewhat equivalent to our adjutant; and the sergeant-major of the array in Chili, may be considered as a kind of adjutant-general.-E.

90

   The port of Quintero, in about lat. 32° 45' S. is about 8 or 10 miles to the north of the river Quillota in Spanish Chili. The voyage of Sir Thomas Cavendish will appear in an after division of this work.-E.

91

   According to Garcilasso, Valdivia was taken on the 24th of November 1599. In a letter from St Jago in Chili, dated in March 1600, and inserted in the Royal Commentaries of Peru, P.I.B. vii. Ch. xxv. the Araucanian army on this occasion is said to have amounted to 5000 men, 3000 of whom were horse. Of the foot, 200 were armed with coats of mail, and 70 with fire-arms, as was said. They surprised the city at daybreak without the smallest alarm, there being only four men on guard, two of whom went the rounds, the Spaniards being lulled into security by some recent successes in two different incursions they had lately made into the country, which they had laid waste for eight leagues all around during twenty days.-E.

92

   In the letter quoted from Garcilasso in the preceding note, Del Campo is said to have raised the siege of Osorno and to have performed other actions of happy consequence.-E.

93

   St Mary's island is on the coast of Araucania, in lat. 37° S.-E.

94

   This fabulous story of the new Osorno is contained in a note to Molina by the English Editor.-E.

95

   This absurd story evidently belongs to the same class with the Seven cities formerly mentioned, and the El Dorado and Welsh colony, which will both occur in the sequel of this work. Though not exactly connected in point of time with this fabled city of Osorno, a similar fable respecting a supposed white nation in the interior of Chili, may be noticed in this place, the reflections on which, in the paragraphs subjoined, give a clear explanation of the origin of several of these tales.-E.

96

   Dobrizhoffer, III. 407.

97

   Falkner, Ch. iv. p. 112.

98

   The province of Boroa, formerly mentioned as the residence of a tribe much whiter in their colour than the other natives of South America, lies at the foot of the Andes between the heads of the rivers Hueco and Tolten, to the eastward of the ruins of Villarica.-E.

99

   The particulars of this ceremony are here inserted from a different part of the work of Molina, B.I. Ch. iv. containing an account of the manners and customs of the Araucanians.-E.

100

   It certainly was not more cruel or more dishonourable than the empalements and mutilations ordered by the Christian enemies of the Araucanians: But the latter were unbelievers, and were rebels against the authority of the Catholic king and the grant of the holy father of the Christian world.-E.

101

   This last passage within inverted commas, is an addition to the text of Molina by the original translator.-E.

102

   The information of Molina appears to have closed about 1787; but in some notes by the translator, interwoven here into the text, a few short notices to the year 1792 occur.-E.

103

   This character of the Creoles is inserted by the original translator, in a note, from the Abbe Raynal.-E.

104

   This refers to 1787, when Molina published his work.-E.

105

   Several years ago, before that terrible French eruption which now desolates Spain, the Spanish government communicated to all her colonies, however distant, the inestimable benefit of vaccination. It may be here mentioned that it has been long known among the illiterate cow-herds in the mountains of Peru, all either native Peruvians or Negroes, that a disease of the hands which they are liable to be infected with on handling diseased cow udders, the cow-pox, effectually arms all who have been subjected to it against the infection of the small-pox.-E.

106

   The laqui in use to the east of the Andes, at least so far as employed in war, has either a ball or stone at one or both ends.-E.

107

   These observations on the trade of Chili, distinguished by inverted commas, are inserted into the text from a long note in this part of the work of Molina-E.

108

   The mark being eight ounces may be valued at L.4; hence the yearly production of gold in Chili is equal to about L.166,400 sterling.-E.

109

   At eight ounces the mark, and 6s. per ounce, this amounts only to the yearly value of L.72,000 sterling.-E.

110

   At 4s. 6d. the dollar, equal to L.147,600 sterling.-E.

111

   Or L.54,900 sterling.-E.

112

   The quintal of 100 pounds, at 1s. 6d. a pound, gives an average value of L.67,500 sterling for the yearly produce of copper.-E.

113

   The entire value of the three enumerated articles amounts to L.270,000 sterling; but the other articles of export from Chili, formerly enumerated, are not here included.-E.

114

   This is appended to the English translation of Molina, and is said to be chiefly extracted from a work on that subject by Pedro Gonzalis de Agueros, published at Madrid in 1791.-E.

115

   Or from long. 75° to 74° 20'W. from Greenwich.-E.

116

   Called Cunches and Huilliches by Molina. Several circumstances in this account are interwoven from the text of Molina, Vol. II. Book iv. ch. ii. This circumstance will account for occasional repetitions, and perhaps some apparent contradictions, which may appear.-E.

117

   In many parts of Norway, the peasants have to win, or dry, their corn sheaves spitted on wooden spars set upon stakes in the open air; and a nobleman in the western Scots Highlands, has shades in which to dry his corn and hay, where the sheaves are hung upon pegs like herrings in a curing house. Yet bad as is the climate of Chiloe, Iceland and Kamtshatka can grow no corn at all.-E.

118

   Probably the gradations have not been attended to, because the nice discrimination of ranks has not been deemed worth while in so poor a country. Perhaps the mestees and their gradations are all elevated to the rank of Spaniards, or all depressed to that of vassal Chilotans.-E.

119

   This supplementary section or appendix is added to the second volume of Molina, apparently by the English translator, and is said to be chiefly extracted from the description of Patagonia by Falkner. As the subject is new and interesting, we have been induced to extend somewhat beyond the rigid letter of a collection of voyages and travels. The picture of man in varied circumstances of savage life, is one of the most important pieces of information to be derived from a collection such as that we have undertaken and where direct means of communicating that intelligence are unattainable, it is surely better to employ such as on be procured than none.-E.

120

   It will easily be seen in the immediate sequel, that Falkner very improperly uses Picunches as a generic term, as it signifies in a limited manner the northern people. Molina most properly denominates the whole aborigines of Chili on both sides of the Andes, Chilese, as speaking one language, the Chili-dugu; names the tribes of Arauco and those in the same republican confederacy Araucanians; and gives distinct names like Falkner to the allied tribes: the Puelches, Cunchese, Huilliches, Pehuenches, and others. Falkner appears to have chosen to denominate the whole from the tribe whose dialect he first became acquainted with; and some others seem to select the Moluches as the parent tribe.-E.

121

   This account differs essentially from the history we have just given from the writings of Molina, an intelligent native of Chili, which cannot be repeated in the short compass of a note.-E.

122

   Herrera, I. 327.

123

   Herrera, I. 339.

124

   Id. II. 33. We now enter upon the discovery of Florida, which will be found regularly referred to the fragments of its History, as scattered through the work of Herrera, at each respective transition.-E.

125

   Probably Sharks.-E.

126

   Herrera, III. 367.

127

   Id. IV. 27.

128

   Having no indications whatever of the place of landing, it is quite impossible to attempt tracing the steps of Narvaez in his short and disastrous expedition to Florida.-E.

129

   The name of Apalache is now given to a large bay on the western coast of East Florida, and towards its northern extremity, the bottom or northern extremity of which is in lat. 30° N. and long. 67° 13' W. where a small river named St Marks enters the sea. The river Apalachicola, likewise named R. des Cahuilas, or Catahoche, runs into the western part of the same bay by two mouths, the easternmost of which is about fifteen miles S.W. of St. Marts River, and western mouth about twenty miles farther to the W.S.W. The same name is applied to the south western extremity of the great range of mountains in the middle states of North America; dividing the Atlantic country from the western waters which run into the Ohio, called Blue Mountains, Alleghany Mountains, and Apalachean Mountains. These last divide North Carolina from the sources of the Tenassee and Cumberland rivers. A part likewise of Georgia, east from the Apalachicola river, along the northern boundary of East Florida, is still named the Apalachi country.-E.

130

   It is hardly necessary to say that there are no lions in America. The Spaniards must accordingly have given this name to the cougar, now called the panther by the North Americans, a very inferior species of the feline race.-E.

131

   This must be considered as in comparison with the climate of Cuba and Hispaniola, to which the Spaniards had been long accustomed, as the climate of Florida is certainly hot in reference to any part of Europe.-E.

132

   Their wandering had probably been in the country of the Creeks, in the western parts of Georgia, and the two rivers they crossed may have been the Catahehe and Mobile; but we have no indications from which to form any conjecture as to the part of the coast on which they built their ill-fated barks.-E.

133

   These intricacies may possibly have been between Mobile Bay, and the western bay of Spiritu Santo at the mouths of the Mississippi.-E.

134

   As we have no information in the text which could lead to suppose that Cabeza ever crossed the great river Missisippi, either before landing on the island of Mal-hado, or in his subsequent journey to New Spain, the isle of Bad-Luck may have been to the west of the Missisippi.-E.

135

   So called by the translator of Herrera, but perhaps these were a kind of priests or conjurers.-E.

136

   In some modern maps Tegesta is considered as the southern extremity of the province of East Florida.-E.

137

   Probably the translator has mistaken the original of this passage, and Cabeza may have searched for shell fish adhering to the roots of trees under water.-E.

138

   Herrera, V. 92.

139

   It is quite impossible to form any reasonable conjecture as to the situation of this creek, which could not be the bay of Espiritu Santo in East Florida; nor that of the same name nearly opposite in West Florida at the mouth of the Missisippi.-E.

140

   There is considerable difficulty to understand the translation here, as Mr Stevens does not seem to have understood his original. Orantes appears in the sequel to have been still alive; but we must take the translation as it is, not having the original to consult.-E.

141

   This surely is a mistake of the translator, as pine apples do not grow on trees, nor are their kernels the edible part. It may possibly have been pine nuts, or something of a similar kind.-E.

142

   Culiacan, or Hueicolhuacan, on a river of the same name which discharges itself into the Vermilion Sea or Gulf of California, is in lat. 24° 50' N. long. 106° 40' W. in the province of Cinaloa. Cabeza de Vaca and his companions had therefore followed an oblique course from the north-east in the south of Louisiana entirely across the continent, to the south-west, from about the latitude of 31° to 25° both north; a journey in all probability exceeding 1200 English miles in a straight line. The beginning of their journey seems to have been to the west of the Missisippi, as that great river is not mentioned; neither indeed do we find any indications of the Rio Bravo del Norte, which they must necessarily have crossed.-E.

143

   San Miguel is not to be found in the most recent map of New Spain by M. de Humboldt; that name may possibly have been given to the city of Mazatlan, in lat. 23° 15' N. on the coast of Cinaloa.-E.

144

   Two hundred Spanish leagues of 17-1/2 to the degree, or about 800 English miles. It has been already stated in a former note that the direct distance they had travelled could not be less than 1200 miles, probably 1600 allowing for deflections.-E.

145

   San Miguel and Compostella are both omitted in the most recent map of New Spain by Humboldt, though both are inserted in Governor Pownalls map of North America; in which San Miguel is placed about 27 miles S.E. from Culiacan, and Compostella 230 miles S.S.E. from San Miguel; all three near the western coast of New Spain, the former in the province of Culiacan, the latter in that of Guadalaxara-E.

146

   Herrera, V. 342, 390, 402.

147

   Herrera, V. 223-239.-This narrative, as will be seen by the series of quotations from Herrera, is broken down by that writer into detached fragments, in consequence of rigid attention to chronological order. In the present instance these are arranged into one unbroken journal, but with no other alteration in the text. It is one of the most curious of our early expeditions of discovery, bearing strong internal evidence of having been taken by Herrera from an original journal, and so far as we know has never been adopted into any former Collection.-E.

148

   It has been already mentioned that there are two bays of this name, one in East, and the other West Florida. There can be no doubt that the one here mentioned in the text is the former of these, in lat. 27° 48' N. long. 83° 20' W. It lies on the western coast of East Florida, and runs about 35 miles into the land, dividing at its head into two coves or bays named Hillsborough and Tampa.-E.

149

   This name considerably resembles the names of men and places in Hispaniola and Cuba, hence we may conjecture Harrihiagua to have been cacique over some of the emigrants said to have gone from Cuba to Florida, as mentioned in the first section of this chapter.-E.

150

   Although in the text the general direction of the march of Soto is mentioned as to the N.E. there is every reason to believe it must have been to the west of north, into the country of what are now called the Creek Indians. The town of Apalache in which Soto spent the winter 1539-40 may have been on the river Catahoche otherwise called of Apalachicola, or on the Alibama, which runs into the Mobille. There still is a place known by the name of Apalache near the mouth of the Mobille river.-E.

151

   Herrera, V. 507.-541.

152

   A great swamp is laid down in lat. 81° N. on the frontiers between Georgia and East Florida, at the head of the rivers of St Mary and St Mark, the former of which flows east to the Atlantic, and the latter south-west into the Bay of Apalache.-E.

153

   No bay is now known of this name, but it may possibly have been that now known by the name of Mobille.-E.

154

   This distance from Mobille Bay would lead us considerably to the west of the Missisippi, perhaps to Ascension Bay, or perhaps to the entrance of Ouachas Lake.-E.

155

   Perhaps the country of the Chicasaws.-E.

156

   The word Cofa seems to have signified lord or chief among these Indians; as we have four successive chiefs in the text, named Cofa, Co-fachi, Cofa-qui, and Cofa-chiqui.-E.

157

   In the utter impossibility to trace the route of Soto, it may even appear absurd to suppose that this may have been the Tenasse or Hogohegee River, formerly called the Cherokee River; yet he assuredly marched in various directions through the interior country of North America, westwards of the present states of Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia, to the north of modern West Florida, now occupied by the Creeks, Cherokees, Catawbas, Chactaws, and Chickasaws.-E.

158

   This word, left unexplained by the translator of Herrera, perhaps means some species of millet cultivated by the Indians.-E.

159

   This ought in all probability to have been translated scalps.-E.

160

   The circumstance of great quantities of pearls being found in this part of the country tends in some measure to confirm the idea of Soto being now on the Tenasse River. In the most recent maps of this part of America, a part of this river near its great bend, where it sweeps round from a S.W. to a N.N.W. direction, is distinguished by the appellation of the Muscle Shoals, and it is well known that the fresh-water muscles are often very productive in pearls.-E.

161

   Perhaps this ought to have been triangular pointed heads.-E.

162

   These large plates of ore, were probably silver-coloured mica; and the golden-coloured copper in the text may have been bright yellow pyrites.-E.

163

   Two hundred Spanish leagues would amount to near 800 English miles. But as the march, was entirely in an uncertain and probably changing direction, this estimate does not assist in determining any thing of its extent Eight hundred miles would reach, even from Espiritu Santo Bay, to beyond the Ohio.-E.

164

   The numbers in the text are obviously corrupt, as the particulars do not agree with the sum; but it is impossible to correct or reconcile them, neither indeed is it of much consequence, as no establishment was made in Florida by Soto, and the names of the places he visited are now unknown and uninteresting. Four hundred and ten Spanish leagues, or 1640 English miles, would carry us into Upper Canada.-E.

165

   If correct in the idea of Soto having crossed the Tenassee, the mountainous district here indicated may have been the Cumberland mountains, between the Tenassee and Cumberland Rivers.-E.

166

   The date of 1541 seems here erroneous, Soto having landed in 1539, and spent only one winter in the country, the transactions in this part of the text ought only to refer to the year 1540.-E.

167

   It is quite impossible to conjecture even where this place may have been situated; perhaps it is the same bay or creek formerly called Auche, and may have been that now called Mobille Bay. The Mavila of the text may likewise have been on the river now called Mobille. We know that the b and v are often interchanged in the Spanish names of places and persons; as for example Baldivia and Valdivia are both applied to the original Spanish conqueror of Chili. In the present instance, Mavila may afterwards have been changed to Mabila, and then by the French to Mobille. All this however is mere conjecture.-E.

168

   This word seems to have almost the same sound with Chicasaw, and Soto may on his present return into the interior have crossed the river Yazous, which flows into the Missisippi in lat. 32° 30' N. a short way above the Natches.-E.

169

   More probably of deer skins found in the Indian towns, as goats certainly were not among the indigenous animals of North America.-E.

170

   Herrera persists in the error already noticed of advancing his chronology a year, as hitherto between May 1539 he has only accounted for two winters, and ought consequently to have been now only in the spring of 1541.-E.

171

   At present Toulouse, built on the scite of an Indian village called Alibama, stands on a river of the same name, which flows into the left or east side of the Mobille River in the back part of Georgia, and seems to have been surrounded by a tribe called the Alibamons. If this be the place indicated in the text, it is quite adverse to the idea of Chicoza being to the north-west of the Yazous.-E.

172

   These square forts of logs rammed full of earth may have given rise to the entrenchments which have lately occasioned some speculation in America, as having belonged to a people more advanced in civilization than the present race of savage hunters.-E.

173

   From what will appear in the sequel, there can scarcely be a doubt that this great river must have been the Missisippi. According to the Governor Pownall's map of North America, Soto fell in with this river in 1541, about the lat. of 34° 30' N. in the country of the Chicasaws and to the west of the Yazous, near where we have already supposed Chicoza to have been situated.-E.

174

   This other river may have been the St Francis, which flows into the west side of the Missisippi a little above where Soto is supposed to have crossed.-E

175

   The memory of this name perhaps is still preserved in a small river or creek, called Kaskin-opa, which runs into the east side of the Missisippi about 20 miles below the mouth of the Ohio. The situation indeed is materially different from that in which Soto is supposed to have found the cacique named Casquin in the text; but the roaming tribes of Indians frequently change their places of residence, as influenced by success or misfortune in war and hunting.-E.

176

   On the western bank of the Missisippi, and in the country of the Akansas, there are two Indian towns named Kappas or Quapa, which may possibly have some connection with the Capaha of the text.-E.

177

   On all occasions the text of Herrera, as translated by Stephens, names these savage trophies of massacre sculls, which we have ventured to call scalps, consistent with the now universal practice of the North American savages. Possibly the entire scull might be the original trophy, for which the scalp was afterwards substituted as more portable.-E.

178

   It is proper to observe that this place is named Fula on another occasion by Herrera.-E.

179

   This may have been a relative of Alvar Nunnez Cabeza de Vaca, whose adventures in escaping from the disastrous expedition of Panfilo de Narvaez to Florida have been related in the third section of this chapter.-E.

180

   It is however well known that buffaloes are found in various parts of North America.-E.

181

   Herrera, VI. 1-30.

182

   At this place the text returns to the true date of 1541, quite conformable with the whole tenor of the narrative, and fully confirming our observations respecting erroneous dates in the text on former occasions.-E.

183

   In Governor Pownalls map of North America, Soto is said to have reached a place called Caligoa in Louisiana on a branch of a Red river, in lat. 36° N. and about 230 miles west from the Missisippi.-E.

184

   It is perhaps singular that no mention is made of the cruel manner in which the North American Indians were in use to put their prisoners to death. Probably that practice was then confined to the tribes farther to the north and west.-E.

185

   Though not directly so expressed in the text; it may be inferred from circumstances in the after part of the narratives that the present object of Alvarado and the Spaniards, was to endeavour to find their way by land to the northern part of New Spain.-E.

186

   Unquestionably because they had none to produce. The beef and the hides were assuredly acquired by hunting the wild American buffaloe or bison.-E.

187

   In this rare instance our maps throw some light on the text. Nearly in the latitude of the mouth of the Ohio, but 700 or 800 miles west from the Missisippi, there is a nation named the Apaches Vaqueros, probably the same indicated in the text. The route thither from the Missisippi leads through several tribes of savage Indians, named Ozages, Paducas, and Kanzez.-E.

188

   There is some ambiguity in the text, from which it is difficult to ascertain whether the left and right hand of their general line of march is now to be respectively considered as south and north, or the contrary. But as coupled with their intended return towards the great river, now to the east, the left means probably the north, and the right the south.-E.

189

   Though not mentioned in the text, it is not improbable that Gallego had formerly placed considerable dependence on the use of holy oil, or chrysm. The whole secret of his surgery seems to have consisted in the application of bland oils, and leaving nature to operate, without the employment of the ancient barbarous methods of cure, by tents, escharotics, cautery, and heating inflammatory applications; which in modern times, abandoned by surgeons, have been adopted by farriers.-E.

190

   They were already said to have reached it in the middle of September. The discrepancy may either be an oversight of Herrera; or they took from the middle of September to the end of November, in descending the right bank of the great river to where they passed the winter, having come to it much higher up than they intended.-E.

191

   Five hundred Spanish leagues at 17-1/2 to a degree, or about four English miles, would amount to about 2000 miles of voyage down the Missisippi; but we have no sufficient warrant in the text to ascertain the league used by Herrera, neither is it probable that the Spaniards on this occasion could make any computation nearly accurate. The only reasonable conjecture on this subject is from the number of days employed in descending the river, which the text informs us was nineteen, three of which we may suppose were occupied in different stoppages. We know likewise from Imlays Description of Kentucky, p. 126, that the ordinary rate of descending the Missisippi is about 80 miles a day. On these data, the Spaniards made a voyage down that river of about 1280 English miles, from which we may conclude that they had wintered somewhere about the situation of New Madrid, in lat. 36° 30' N. or perhaps nearly opposite the junction of the Ohio with the great river.-E.

192

   It has been already noticed that the term Florida is used in the whole of this chapter in a very extended sense, being applied to all of North America to the north of the Gulf of Mexico. Immediately on leaving the great river or Missisippi, and sailing to the west, the coast is new known under the name of Louisiana.-E.

193

   By this time their course must have long been almost due south along the coast of the new kingdom of Leon, and province of Nuevo Santander.-E.

194

   Probably the lake of Tamiagua, a few miles south from the river Tampico, into which, as will be found in the sequel, the other five brigantines had got at the beginning of the storm. In this case, the two brigantines had run upon a spit which separates that lake or lagoon from the sea.-E.

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol.VI

Robert Kerr


A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, #6

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. VI
PART II.
BOOK II.
CHAPTER XI.
CHAPTER XII.
BOOK III.
CHAPTER I.
CHAPTER II.
CHAPTER III.
CHAPTER IV.

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. VI
by Robert Kerr

   A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.
   ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:
   FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE PRESENT TIME.
   BY ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & P.A.S. EDIN.
   ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.
   VOL. VI.

PART II.
(CONTINUED)

BOOK II.
(CONTINUED)

CHAPTER XI.
EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY TO AMERICA



INTRODUCTION
   Although we have already, in the Introduction to the Second Chapter of this Book, Vol. III. p. 346. given some notices of the voyages of John and Sebastian Cabot to America in the service of Henry VII. and VIII. it appears proper on the present occasion to insert a full report of every thing that is now known of these early navigations: As, although no immediate fruits were derived from these voyages, England by their means became second only to Spain in the discovery of America, and afterwards became second likewise in point of colonization in the New World. The establishments of the several English colonies will be resumed in a subsequent division of our arrangement.
   It has been already mentioned that Columbus, on leaving Portugal to offer his services to Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain for the discovery of the Indies by a western course through the Atlantic, sent his brother Bartholomew to make a similar offer to Henry VII. King of England, lest his proposals might not have been listened to by the court of Spain. Bartholomew, as has been formerly related, was taken by pirates; and on his arrival in England was forced to procure the means of living, and of enabling himself to appear before the king, by the construction and sale of sea-charts and maps, in which he had been instructed by his brother. Owing to this long delay, when he at length presented himself to King Henry, and had even procured the acceptance of his brothers proposals, so much time had been lost that Isabella queen of Castille had already entered into the views of his illustrious brother, who had sailed on his second voyage to the West Indies, while Bartholomew was on his journey through France to announce to him that Henry King of England had agreed to his proposals.
   The fame of the astonishing discovery made by Columbus in 1591, soon spread throughout Europe; and only four years afterwards, or in 1595, a patent was granted by Henry VII. to John Cabot, or Giovani Cabota, a Venetian citizen, then resident in England, and his three sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancius, and their heirs and deputies, to sail to all parts countries and seas of the east west and north, at their own cost and charges, with five ships; to seek out discover and find whatsoever islands, countries, regions, or provinces belonging to the heathen and infidels, were hitherto unknown to Christians, and to subdue, occupy, and possess all such towns, cities, castles, and islands as they might be able; setting up the royal banners and ensigns in the same, and to command over them as vassals and lieutenants of the crown of England, to which was reserved the rule, title, and jurisdiction of the same. In this grant Cabot and his sons, with their heirs and deputies, were bound to bring all the fruits, profits, gains, and commodities acquired in their voyages to the port of Bristol; and, having deducted from the proceeds all manner of necessary costs and charges by them expanded, to pay to the king in wares or money the fifth part of the free gain so made, in lieu of all customs of other dues; of importation on the same. By these letters patent; dated at Westminster on the 5th of March in the eleventh year of Henry VII. all the other subjects of England are prohibited from visiting or frequenting any of the continents, islands, villages, towns, castles, or places which might be discovered by John Cabot, his sons, heirs, or deputies, under forfeiture of their ships and goods1.
   No journal or relation remains of the voyages of Cabot and his sons in consequence of this grant, and we are reduced to a few scanty memorials concerning them; contained in the third volume of Hakluyt's Collection of the Early Voyages, Travels, and Discoveries of the English Nation. We quote from the new edition, with additions, published at London in 1810.
   Two years after the before-mentioned letters patent, or on the 18th of February 1497, a licence was granted by the same king of England, Henry VII. to John Cabot, to take six English ships in any haven or havens of England, being of 200 tons burden or under, with all necessary furniture; and to take also into the said ships all such masters, mariners, or other subjects of the king as might be willing to engage with him.
   It would appear that the patent of 1495 had never been acted upon; but in consequence of this new licence, John Cabot and his son Sebastian proceeded from the port of Bristol and discovered an island somewhere on the coast of America to which they gave the name of Prima Vista, probably the island of Newfoundland. The short account of this voyage of discovery left to us by Hakluyt, is said to have been inserted in Latin on a map constructed by Sebastian Cabot, concerning his discovery in America, then called the West Indies; which map, engraved by Clement Adams, was to be seen in the time of Hakluyt in the private gallery of Queen Elizabeth at Westminster, and in the possession of many of the principal merchants in London. This memorandum, translated into English, is as follows2.

SECTION I. Discovery of Newfoundland by John and Sebastian Cabot in 1497, in the service of Henry VII. of England
   "In the year 1497, John Cabot a Venetian and his son Sebastian, discovered on the 24th of June, about five in the morning, that land to which no person had before ventured to sail, which they named Prima Vista3, or, first-seen, because as I believe it was the first part seen by them from the sea. The island which is opposite4 he named St Johns Island, because discovered on the day of St John the Baptist. The inhabitants of this island use the skins and furs of wild beasts for garments, which they hold in as high estimation as we do our finest clothes. In war they use bows and arrows, spears, darts, clubs, and slings. The soil is sterile and yields no useful production; but it abounds in white bears and deer much larger than ours. Its coasts produce vast quantities of large fish, among which are great seals, salmons, soles above a yard in length, and prodigious quantities especially of cod, which are commonly called bacallaos5. The hawks, partridges, and eagles of this island are all black."
   Besides the foregoing memorandum on the ancient map, Hakluyt gives the following testimonies respecting the discovery of the northern part of America, by Cabot.

SECTION II. Discourse by Galeacius Butrigarius, Papal Legate in Spain, respecting the Discoveries in America, by Sebastian Cabot6
   Do you know how to sail for the Indies towards the northwest, as has been lately done by a Venetian citizen, a valiant man and so learned in all things pertaining to navigation and cosmography, that no one is permitted to sail as pilot to the West Indies who has not received his licence, he being pilot-major of Spain? This person, who resides in the city of Seville, is Sebastian Cabot, a native of Venice, who is most expert in these sciences, and makes excellent sea-charts with his own-hands. Having sought his acquaintance, he entertained us in a friendly manner, showing us many things, and among these a large map of the world containing sundry navigations, both those of the Spaniards and Portuguese. On this occasion he gave us the following information.
   His father went many years since from Venice to England, where he followed the profession of a merchant, taking this person his son along with him to London, then very young, yet having received some tincture of learning, and some knowledge of the sphere. His father died about the time when news was spread abroad that Don Christopher Columbus, the Genoese, had discovered the coasts of the Indies by sailing towards the west, which was much admired and talked of at the court of King Henry VII. then reigning in England, so that every one affirmed that it was more attributable to divine inspiration than human wisdom, to have thus sailed by the west unto the east, where spices grow, by a way never known before. By these discourses the young man, Sebastian Cabot, was strongly incited to perform some notable and similar action; and conceiving by the study of the sphere that it would be a shorter route for going to India, than that attempted by Columbus, to sail by the north-west, he caused the king to be informed thereof, who accordingly gave orders that he should be furnished with two ships, properly provided in all things for the voyage. He sailed with these from England in the beginning of summer 1496, if I rightly remember, shaping his course to the north-west, not expecting to find any other land intervening between and Cathay or Northern China. He was much disappointed by falling in with land running toward the north, the coast of which he sailed along to the lat. of 56° N. and found it still a continent. Finding the coast now, to turn towards the east, and despairing to find the passage to India and Cathay of which he was in search, he turned again and sailed down the coast towards the equinoctial line, always endeavouring to find a passage westwards for India, and came at length to that part of the continent which is now called Florida7. And his victuals running short, he bore away for England; where he found the country in confusion preparing for war with Scotland, so that no farther attention was paid to his proposed discoveries.
   He went afterwards into Spain, where he was taken into the service of Ferdinand and Isabella, who furnished him with ships at their expence, in which he went to discover the coast of Brazil, where he found a prodigiously large river, now called the Rio de la Plata, or Silver River, up which he sailed above 120 leagues, finding every where a good country, inhabited by prodigious numbers of people, who flocked from every quarter to view the ships with wonder and admiration. Into this great river a prodigious number of other rivers discharged their waters. After this he made many other voyages; and waxing old, rested at home discharging the office of chief pilot, and leaving the prosecution of discovery to many young and active pilots of good experience.