SECTION XI. Renewal of the War with the Araucanians, and succinct Narrative of the History of Chili, from 1655 to 1787
   I regret much the want of materials for this part of my work, as all the memoirs of which I have hitherto availed myself terminate at this period. In the year 1655, the war recommenced after a peace of between fourteen and fifteen years endurance, but contemporary writers have left us no account of the causes which interrupted the good understanding which had been so happily established by the Marquis de Baydes. All we know is that Clentaru, the hereditary toqui of the Lauquenmapu, was unanimously elevated to the supreme command in 1655, and signalized the commencement of his administration by totally defeating the Spanish army commanded by the serjeant-major of the kingdom, who fell in the action. This victory was followed by the capture of the fortresses of Arauco, Colcura, San Pedro, Talcamavida, and San Rosendo. In 1656, the toqui crossed the Biobio, completely defeated the governor Acugna in the plains of Yumbel, destroyed the forts of San Christoval and Estancia del Rey, and burned the city of Chillan. We can only add, that this war continued with great violence for ten years, during the governments of Don Pedro Portel de Cassanate, and Don Francisco de Meneses, as the successes of Clentaru are only incidentally mentioned in any of the writers belonging to this period.
   Don Francisco de Meneses, a Portuguese by birth, had the glory to terminate this new war in 1665 by a peace, which proved more permanent than that concluded by Baydes. After freeing himself from the Araucanians, he had the misfortune of being involved in a contest with the members of the royal audience, who opposed his marriage with the daughter of the Marquis de la Pica, as contrary to the royal regulations. This difference proceeded to such a length, that the Marquis de Navamorquende was sent out from Spain to Chili with full powers to arrange matters; who, after due inquiry, sent Meneses to Peru and assumed the government himself. After Navamorquende, the government of Chili was administered successively to the end of the seventeenth century, by Don Miguel de Silva, Don Jose de Carrera, and Don Thomas Marin de Proveda, by all of whom a good understanding appears to have been kept up with the Araucanians: But in 1686, war had nearly been again occasioned with that nation, in consequence of removing the inhabitants of the island of Mocho to the north shore of the Biobio, in order to prevent any intercourse with foreign ships.
   The commencement of the eighteenth century was remarkable in Chili by three events: The deposition of the governor Don Francisco Ibanez, the rebellion of the inhabitants of Chiloe, and the establishment of trade with the French. Ibanez was accused of having espoused the Austrian party in the succession war, and was banished to Peru; and after him, the government was successively administered until the year 1720, by Don Juan Henriquez, Don Andres Uztariz, and Don Martin Concha. The rebellion of the islanders of Chiloe was soon suppressed, and the inhabitants reduced to obedience, by the prudent management of Don Pedro Molina, the quarter-master-general of Chili, who was sent against them with a considerable body of troops, but who succeeded in restoring them to good order more by mild and conciliatory measures than by useless victories. In consequence of the succession war, by which a prince of the house of Bourbon was placed on the throne of Spain, the French acquired for a time the whole external commerce of Chili. From 1707 to 1717, the ports of that kingdom were filled with French ships, which carried from thence incredible sums in gold and silver; and many Frenchmen settled at this time in the country, who have left numerous descendants. During this period the learned Feuille resided three years in Chili, and made his well known botanical researches and many profound metereological observations.
   For some time the Araucanians had been much dissatisfied with several articles in the peace, under colour of which the Spaniards availed themselves of forming establishments in their country. They also were exceedingly impatient of the insolent behaviour of certain persons, called captains of the friends, who had been introduced under the pretence of protecting the missionaries, and now arrogated a considerable degree of authority over the natives which they submitted to with extreme reluctance. Stimulated by resentment for these grievances, the Araucanians resolved in 1722 to have recourse to arms, and in this view they proceeded to the election of a toqui or military dictator. On this occasion they chose a person named Vilumilla, a man of low rank, but who had acquired a high character with his countrymen for judgment, courage, and extensive views, entertaining no less an object than the entire expulsion of the Spaniards from Chili. To succeed in this arduous undertaking, he deemed it necessary to obtain the support and assistance of all the native Chilese, from the confines of Peru to the Biobio, and vast as was the extent of his plan, he conceived it might be easily executed. Having slain three or four Spaniards in a skirmish, among whom was one of the captains of friends, as they were called, he dispatched messengers with the symbolical arrows, each of whom carried a finger of the slain Spaniards, to the various Chilese tribes in the Spanish provinces, inviting them to take up arms on the exhibition of a signal, to be given by kindling fires on the tops of the highest mountains all over the country. Accordingly, on the 9th of March 1723, the day previously fixed upon for the commencement of hostilities, fires were lighted up on the mountains of Copaipo, Coquimbo, Quillota, Rancagua, Maule, and Itata. But either owing to the smallness of their number, their apprehension of the issue of the war, or their long habitude of submission, the native Chilese in the Spanish provinces remained quiet, and this vast project of the toqui was entirely disconcerted.
   Having declared war against the Spaniards, Vilumilla set out immediately at the head of an army to attack the Spanish settlements: Yet before commencing hostilities, he requested the missionaries to quit the country, that they might not be injured by his detached parties. Vilumilla signalized the commencement of this new war by taking the fort of Tucapel by storm. Being apprehensive of a similar fate, the garrison of Arauco abandoned that place. After destroying these two forts, Villumilla directed his march for Puren, of which he expected to gain possession without resistance. But the commander made so vigorous a defence that he was under the necessity of besieging it in form. In a short time the garrison was reduced to extreme distress, both from scarcity of provisions and want of water, the aqueduct which brought water to the fort being destroyed by the enemy. During a sally made by the commander to obtain supplies, he and all his followers were slain. In this critical situation, Don Gabriel Cano, who had succeeded Concha in the government, arrived with an army of five thousand men. As Vilumilla expected an immediate attack, he chose a strong position for his army which he drew up in order of battle behind the deep bed of a torrent: But, though repeatedly challenged to battle by the enemy, Cano thought it more prudent to abandon the place, and accordingly withdrew the remainder of the garrison. The war was afterwards reduced to skirmishes of small importance, and was soon terminated by a peace concluded at Negrete, a place situated at the confluence of the Biobio and the Laxa, by which the provisions of the treaty of Quillan were renewed, and the odious title of captains of the friends abolished.
   After a mild and harmonious government of fifteen years, Don Gabriel Cano died at St Jago, and was succeeded by his nephew Don Manuel de Salamanca, who was appointed by the viceroy of Peru, and who conducted the government in conformity with the excellent maxims of his uncle. Don Joseph Manso, who was sent from Spain as his successor, brought orders to collect the Spanish inhabitants who were dispersed over the country into cities. For this purpose, in 1742, the new governor founded the cities of Copaipo, Aconcagua, Melipilla, Rancagua, San Fernando, Curico, Talca, Tutaben, and Angeles. In reward for this service, he was promoted to the high dignity of viceroy of Peru. His successors continued to form new establishments, and in 1753, Santa Rosa, Guasco-alto, Casablanca, Bellaisla, Florida, Coulemu, and Quirigua were founded by Don Domingo Rosas; but these have never flourished like the former. This governor likewise sent a colony to occupy the larger island of Juan Fernandez, or Isola de Tierra, which had remained uninhabited till that time, to the great injury of commerce, as the pirates found there a secure retreat whence they could easily annoy the trade of Peru and Chili. In 1759, Don Manuel Amat, who was afterwards Viceroy of Peru, founded the cities of Santa Barbara, Talcamavida, and Gualqui on the Araucanian frontier.
   Tranquillity was again disturbed about the year 1770, under the government of Don Antonio Gil Gonzago, who absurdly endeavoured to compel the Araucanians to live in cities. Many councils were held to devise the most suitable means for carrying this chimerical scheme into execution, which was much ridiculed by those who were best acquainted with the dispositions of the Araucanians, while others sided with the governor in supposing it practicable. The Araucanians were informed of these intentions of the governor by their spies; and being apprehensive of danger to their liberties from the proposed innovation, their chiefs met secretly to deliberate upon the best measures for eluding the designs of the governor without having recourse to arms. On this occasion the following resolutions were entered into by the Butacoyog, or national assembly of the ulmens. 1st, To delay the business as long as possible, by equivocal replies and delusive promises. 2d, When pressed to commence building, to require tools and other necessary aids from the Spaniards. 3d, To have recourse to war, when they found themselves no longer able to elude the demands of the governor; but that only the provinces that were compelled to build should declare war, while the others remained neutral on purpose to mediate a peace. 4th, When the mediation of these should be refused, the whole confederacy to join in the war. 5th, To allow the missionaries to depart in safety, as they had nothing to accuse them of but being Spaniards. 6th, To elect a supreme toqui, who should have the charge of executing these resolutions, and was to have every thing in readiness for taking the field when necessary.-Accordingly Antivilu, apo-ulmen of Maquegua, was unanimously elected toqui; but as his province was one of those which were to remain neutral, he declined to accept the office, and Curignancu, brother to the ulmen of Encol was elected in his stead.
   At the first conference, the governor proposed his plan to the Araucanians under every aspect that he thought might render it acceptable and agreeable. In pursuance of their previous agreement, the Araucanians objected, equivocated, and at length appeared to consent, but ended by requesting the necessary assistance for beginning the work. Accordingly, having pointed out the situations which he thought most eligible for the new cities, the governor sent them a great quantity of wrought iron, together with provisions for the labourers, and cattle for transporting the timber. As the work made no progress, the quarter-master Cabrito repaired to the frontiers with several companies of soldiers, to stimulate the tardy operations, and placed for this purpose superintendents in different quarters. The serjeant-major Rivera, was entrusted with the building of Nininco, and Captain Bargoa with that of another city on the banks of the Biobio, while Cabrito directed all the operations from his head-quarters at Angol.
   Finding all their acts of equivocation and delay ineffectual, the Araucanians flew to arms, and having united to the number of five hundred men under the toqui Curignancu, they proceeded to besiege Cabrito in his camp. Burgoa, who had been made prisoner and very roughly treated, was set at liberty in consequence of being represented as inimical to the quarter-master. Rivera crossed the Biobio in sight of the enemy who were seeking to slay him, but he got away in safety under the protection of a missionary, and afterwards returned with four hundred men to relieve Cabrito. Another missionary requested the Araucanian officer who escorted him, to forgive a Spaniard by whom he had been grievously offended: The Araucanian answered that he had nothing to fear while in company with the missionary; and that it was now no time to think of revenging private injuries. Such was the attention paid to the sanctity of the missionaries, that not a single Spaniard was slain who had the good fortune of getting under their protection.
   In order to attack the Araucanians in several places at once, the governor formed an alliance with the Pehuenches, who inhabit the western slopes of the Andes between the latitudes of 33° 30' and 36° S. and between the heads of the rivers Maypo and Chillan. They accordingly sent an army through the defiles of the mountains to invade Araucania: But Curignancu, being informed of their approach, fell upon them by surprise while descending from the Andes and completely routed them, taking their general Coligura and his son, both of whom he put to death. Though this event might have been supposed calculated to occasion eternal enmity between the Pehuenches and Araucanians, it yet so effectually reconciled them, that the Pehuenches have been ever since faithful allies to the Araucanians, and implacable enemies to the Spaniards. Even in this war, Curignancu availed himself of the assistance of these mountaineers to harass the Spanish possessions in the neighbourhood of St Jago. Since that time, the Pehuenches frequently attack the Spanish caravans between Buenos Ayres and Chili, and almost every year furnishes some melancholy events of that kind.
   The mortification of seeing his grand project completely overthrown preyed on the mind of Gonzago, already afflicted by a severe chronic illness, which was so much aggravated by this disappointment as to cut him off in the second year of the war; and Don Francisco Xavier de Morales was appointed his successor by the viceroy of Peru. As formerly concerted, the neutral provinces of Araucania now declared in favour of those who had first begun hostilities, and the war was prosecuted with vigour by the whole confederacy. Curignancu and his brave vice-toqui Leviantu, kept the Spanish troops in constant motion and alarm, though reinforced by several divisions from Spain. Having no materials for giving an account of the events of this war, it can only be mentioned that a bloody battle was fought in the beginning of the, year 1773, by which period the expences of the war had exceeded 1,700,000 dollars. In the same year an accommodation was agreed upon, and Curignancu was invested by the Butacayog with full powers to settle the articles of peace. He required as a preliminary, that the conferences should be held in the city of St Jago, which was conceded by the Spanish governor though contrary to the usual custom. During the negociations in that city, he made another demand still more extraordinary, "That his nation should be allowed to keep a resident agent in the capital of Chili." This was warmly opposed by the Spanish officers; but the governor thought proper to grant this likewise, as an excellent expedient for readily adjusting any differences that might arise between the two nations. The other articles of the peace were adjusted with all manner of facility, as the treaties of Quillan and Negrete were revived by mutual consent.
   On the death of Gonzago being known in Spain, Don Augustino Jauregui was sent out to assume the government of Chili, who has since filled the important office of viceroy of Peru with universal approbation. He was succeeded by Don Ambrosio Benarides, who rendered the country happy by his wise and beneficent administration. "On the 21st of November 1787, Don Ambrosio Higgins a native of Ireland, formerly brigadier-general of the cavalry in Chili, was appointed president, governor, and captain-general of the kingdom, a gentleman of an enlightened mind and excellent disposition, who has gained the love and esteem of all the inhabitants. In 1792 he continued to discharge the duties of his high station with all the vigilance and fidelity which belong to his estimable character, and which are required in so important, a situation. On his first accession to the government, he visited all the northern provinces, for the purpose of dispensing justice, encouraging agriculture, opening the mines, and improving the commerce and fisheries of the kingdom. He has also established schools, repaired the roads throughout the country, and has built several new cities101."

SECTION XII. State of Chili towards the end of the Eighteenth Century102
   From the short deduction of the occurrences in Chili since its discovery, which has been attempted in the foregoing pages, it will be seen that the acquisition and maintenance of that interesting and important colony has cost more expenditure of blood and treasure to Spain than all the rest of her American possessions. The Araucanians, though only occupying a small extent of territory, and with far inferior arms, have not only been able to resist the military power of Spain, till then reckoned invincible, but have endangered the loss of her best established possessions. Though most of the Spanish officers employed in the early period of the Araucanian war had been bred in the low countries, that excellent school of military knowledge, and her soldiers were armed with those destructive weapons before which the most extensive empires of America had so early fallen, and were considered as the best disciplined and bravest troops in the world; yet has this brave people been able to resist their utmost efforts, and still maintain their independence unimpaired. This will appear wonderful, especially when we consider the decided superiority which European military discipline and skill have given to its troops in all parts of the world. The rapidity of the Spanish conquests in America excited universal astonishment; and a small number of Portuguese gained with almost incredible facility an extensive territory in the east, even although the natives were extremely numerous and accustomed to the use of fire-arms. Yet, in spite of every effort of force and skill, the Araucanians have valiantly defended their country, evincing that a free people, however inconsiderable in point of numbers, can perform wonders.
   Since losing their possessions in Arancania, the Spaniards have prudently confined their views to the preservation and improvement of that part of Chili which lies between the southern confines of Peru and the river Biobio, extending between the latitudes of 24° and 36° 30' S. As formerly mentioned this kingdom is divided into thirteen provinces. Of late years two other provinces have been formed by the disjunction of Maule, and the provinces of Cauquenes and Cunco are nominally added to the former number, but without any addition of territory. Besides these, they possess the fortress and port of Valdivia in the country of the Cunches, the archipelago of Chiloe, and the island of Juan Fernandez. This colony or kingdom of Chili is governed by an officer, who combines the titles and functions of civil governor, president of the court of audience, and captain-general, and usually holds the rank of lieutenant-general in the Spanish army. He resides in the city of St Jago, and is solely dependent upon the king, except that in time of war he is subject in some points to receive orders from the viceroy of Peru. In quality of captain-general, he is commander-in-chief of the army, having under his immediate orders the three principal military officers of the kingdom, the quarter-master-general, the serjeant-major, and the commissary-general, besides the four commandants of Chiloe, Valdivia, Valparaiso, and Juan Fernandez. As president and governor, he has the supreme administration of justice, and presides in the superior tribunals established in the capital, whose jurisdiction extends over all the provinces and dependencies of Chili. The chief of these is the royal audience, whose decisions are final in all causes both civil and criminal, and which is divided into two chambers, one for civil and the other for criminal causes. Both are composed of several respectable oydors or judges, a regent, fiscal, royal procurator, and protector of the Indians, all of which officers have high salaries from the crown. In civil causes where the sum at issue exceeds the value of 10,000 dollars, an appeal lies from their sentence to the supreme council of the Indies. The other supreme courts are those of Finance, of the Cruzada, of Vacant lands, and the Consulate or tribunal of commerce.
   The provinces of Chili are governed by officers who were formerly called corregidors, but are now known by the title of sub-delegates, which ought to be nominated by the crown, but are generally appointed by the governor, owing to the distance from Spain. These, as lieutenants of the governor, have jurisdiction both in civil and military affairs, and as their emoluments are entirely derived from fees, their amount is by no means regular. In each capital of a province, there is or ought to be a municipal magistracy denominated the Cabildo, composed of several regidors appointed for life, of a standard-bearer, a procurator, a forensic judge called the provincial alcalde, a high sheriff called, alguazil-mayor, and two alcaldes. These latter officers are nominated annually by the cabildo from the most respectable inhabitants, and have jurisdiction both in civil and criminal causes in the first instance.
   All the inhabitants able to carry arms are divided into regiments, which are bound to march to the sea-coast or the frontiers in case of war. In 1792, the militia amounted to 15,856 men, in the two bishoprics of St Jago and Conception; 10,218 in the former, and 5,638 in the latter. This force which was established in 1777, during the government of Don Augustino Jaregui, is only called out on great occasions, and is seldom obliged to perform the duty of centinels and patroles; but is obliged to hold itself always in readiness for war, and frequently to exercise in the use of arms. Besides this regular militia, there are a great number of city corps, who are commanded by officers named commissaries instead of Colonels. These are divided into several companies, according to the extent and population of their respective districts; and the companies have no fixed numbers, sometimes exceeding a hundred men, and at other times falling short of that number. This city militia supplies guards for the prisons and for the escort of prisoners, and performs the duties required by the police, without being exempted from military service when occasion requires; and from these companies recruits are drawn to supply vacancies in the regular militia. Every one capable of bearing arms is thus enrolled either in these companies or in the regular militia, except such as are indispensably necessary for cultivating the land and taking care of the cattle. Besides this militia, the crown maintains a regular force of veteran troops part at St Jago and part at Conception for the protection of the Araucanian frontier. In 1792, all the veteran troops in Chili amounted to 1976 men, divided into two companies of artillery, nine troops of horse, including a regiment of dragoons at St Jago, and the rest infantry. The cavalry is commanded by a brigadier-general, who is quarter-master-general of the kingdom, and intendant of Conception. The infantry and artillery are under the command of two lieutenant-colonels. Besides these royal troops, the city of St Jago keeps several troops of dragoons in constant pay for its particular protection.
   In regard to ecclesiastical polity, Chili is divided into two extensive bishoprics, those of St Jago and of Conception, the bishops of these dioceses being suffragans to the archbishop of Lima. The bishopric of St Jago extends from the confines of Peru to the river Maule, and includes the province of Cujo on the east side of the Andes. The bishopric of Conception comprises all the rest of Chili and the islands; but the greater part of this extent is inhabited by pagans, being the confederacy of Araucania and its auxiliaries. The two cathedrals have a competent number of canons or prebendaries, whose revenues as well as those of the bishops depend upon the tythes. The holy tribunal of the inquisition at Lima, has a commissary and several subaltern officers or familiars resident at St Jago. Upon his first coming into Chili, Valdivia brought with him several monks of the order of Mercy. About the year 1553, the Dominicans and Franciscans were established in the country, the Augustins in 1593, and the Hospitallers of St John of God in 1615. These orders all have a number of convents, and the three first form distinct jurisdictions under their respective provincials. The brothers of St John have the charge of the hospitals, under the direction of a commissary, dependent on the provincial of their order in Peru. The Jesuits came likewise into Chili in 1593, along with Don Martin Loyola, nephew to their founder, and formed a separate province, but were afterwards suppressed along with the rest of their order in all parts of christendom. Other orders have several times attempted to form establishments in Chili, but have always been resisted by the inhabitants. There are several convents of nuns in the cities of St Jago and Conception, but none are contained in the other cities of the kingdom.
   Though the cities are in general built in the most fertile districts of the kingdom, many of them might have been more conveniently situated for trade upon the banks of the navigable rivers; as is more particularly the case with those of recent erection. The streets in all the cities are laid out in straight lines, intersecting each other at right angles, and are generally about forty feet wide. The houses are mostly of one storey, yet are very commodious, are all whitewashed on the outside, and handsomely painted within, each being accommodated with a pleasant garden, irrigated by means of an aqueduct or canal, which likewise furnishes water for the use of the family. Those houses which belong to the wealthier classes, particularly the nobility, are splendidly and tastefully furnished. Noticing that old buildings of two stories had resisted the most violent earthquakes, many of the inhabitants have of late years ventured to construct their houses in the European manner, and to reside in upper rooms; employing bricks and stone in the construction of their new buildings, instead of clay hardened in the sun which was formerly supposed less liable to injury. By this change the cities have a much handsomer appearance than formerly. Cellars, sewers, and wells, were of old much more common than now; and the want of these may have contributed to render the buildings more secure from the effects of earthquakes.
   The churches in Chili are in general more remarkable for their wealth than their architecture; but the cathedral and the church of the Dominicans in St Jago are both built of stone and in a handsome style. The cathedral was recently constructed at the royal expence, under the direction of the bishop Don Manuel Alday. The plan was drawn by two English architects, who superintended the work. It is built in a masterly style, and extends 384 French feet in length. When about half finished, the architects refused to proceed unless their wages were augmented; but two Indians who had worked under the Englishmen had privately made themselves acquainted with every branch of the art, and offered to complete the fabric, which they did with as much skill as their masters. The following edifices in the capital are also deserving of notice. The barracks for the dragoons; the mint, lately built by a Roman architect; and the hospital for orphans, founded by the Marquis of Monte-pio, and endowed by the crown.
   In consequence of the free trade lately granted to Chili, it is increasing in population with a rapidity proportional to the salubrity of its climate and the fertility of its soil. The Europeans mostly consist of emigrants from the southern provinces of Spain, with a few French, English, and Italians. The Creoles, or descendents of European settlers are still more numerous. The character of that race, with some slight differences owing to climate and government, is similar to that of other American Creoles descended from Europeans. "The Creoles are generally well made, and are rarely found with those deformities which are so common in other countries. Their courage has frequently signalized itself in war, by a series of brilliant exploits, nor would there be better soldiers in the world if less averse from submission to discipline. Their history furnishes no examples of that cowardice, treachery, and baseness which dishonour the annals of all nations, and scarcely can an instance be adduced of a Creole having committed a disgraceful action. Untainted by the mean vices of dissimulation, artifice, and suspicion, they possess great frankness and vivacity of character, joined to a high opinion of themselves, and their intercourse with the world is not stained by that mysterious reserve so common in Europe, which obscures the most amiable characters, depresses the social spirit, and chills sensibility of disposition. Possessed of an ardent imagination and impatient of restraint, they are prone to independence yet inconstant in their inclinations and pursuits. By the warmth of their temperature, they are impelled to the pursuit of pleasure with an eagerness to which they sacrifice their fortunes and often their lives. They possess keen penetration, and a remarkable facility of conceiving and expressing their ideas with force and clearness, together with a happy talent of observation, combined with all those qualities of mind and character, which render men capable of conceiving and executing the greatest enterprises, especially when stimulated by oppression103."
   Whatever intelligent and unprejudiced travellers have observed respecting the characters of the French and English Creoles, will perfectly apply to those of Chili. The same modes of thinking and the same moral qualities are discernible in them all. They generally have respectable talents, and succeed in all the arts to which they apply. Had they the same motives to stimulate them as are found in Europe, they would make as great progress in the useful sciences as they have already made in metaphysics. They do not readily imbibe prejudices, and are not tenacious in retaining them. As however, scientific books and philosophical instruments are very scarce and difficultly attainable in Chili, their talents have no opportunity of being developed, and are mostly employed in trifling pursuits; and as the expence of printing is enormous, they are discouraged from literary exertion, so that few among them aspire to the reputation of becoming authors. The knowledge of the civil and canon law is held in high estimation, so that many of the youth of Chili, after completing their academical education in their own country, proceed to Lima to study law. The fine arts are in a low state in Chili, and even the mechanical arts are far from perfection. The arts of carpentry, of working in iron, and in the precious metals, are however to be excepted, in which they have made considerable progress, in consequence of the information and example of some German artists, who were introduced into Chili by that worthy ecclesiastic Father Carlos, a native of Hainhausen in Bavaria. The important changes which the beneficence of an enlightened administration in Spain have lately introduced into the American colonies, by directing the attention of the subjects to useful improvements, have extended their influence even to Chili. Arts and sciences, formerly unknown or but very imperfectly, now engage the attention of the inhabitants, and there is reason to hope that the country will soon assume a better aspect.
   The peasantry of Spanish Chili, though for much the greater part of Spanish descent, dress after the manner of the Araucanians. Thinly dispersed over an extensive country, and unincumbered by restraint, they enjoy complete liberty, and lead a tranquil and happy life, amidst the enjoyment of abundance, in a delightful climate and fertile soil. The principal part of these healthy and vigorous men live dispersedly upon their respective possessions, and cultivate with their own hands a greater or less extent of ground. They are naturally gay, and fond of all kinds of diversion. They have likewise a strong taste for music, and even compose verses, which, though rude and inelegant, possess much pleasing native simplicity, often more interesting than the laboured compositions of cultivated poets. Extemporary rhymers are common among them, like the improvisatori of Italy, and are called Palladores, who are held in great estimation, and devote themselves entirely to that occupation. In the Spanish provinces of Chili, no other language than Spanish is spoken, except upon the frontiers, where the peasants speak both Araucanian and Spanish. The men dress in the fashion of Spain, and the women in that of Peru; only that the women in Chili wear their garments longer than is usual in Peru. Lima prescribes the fashions for Chili, as is done by Paris for the rest of Europe; and the inhabitants of Chili and Peru are equally luxurious, as in both countries the wealthy make a splendid display in their dress, titles, coaches, and servants. Chili enjoys alone of all the American colonies, the high honour of having two of its citizens exalted to the dignity of grandees of Spain: Don Fernando Irrazabel, Marquis of Valparaiso, born in St Jago, who was viceroy of Navarre, and generalissimo of the Spanish army in the reign of Philip IV. and Don Fermin Caravajal, Duke of San Carlos, a native of Conception, who resides at present104 at the court of Madrid. Don Juan de Covarrubias, a native of St Jago, who went into the service of France in the beginning of the eighteenth century, was rewarded with the title of marquis, the order of the Holy Ghost, and the rank of Marshal in the French army.
   The salubrity of the climate, and the constant exercise on horseback to which the natives of Chili are accustomed from their infancy, render them strong and active, and preserve them from many diseases. The small-pox is not so common as in Europe, but makes terrible ravages when it appears105. In the year 1766, it was first introduced into the province of Maule, where it proved exceedingly fatal. At this time, a countryman who had recovered from this loathsome disease, conceived the idea of curing those unhappy persons who were deemed in a desperate situation, by means of cows milk, which he gave to his patients to drink, or administered in clysters. By this simple remedy, he cured all whom he attended; while the physicians saved very few by their complicated prescriptions. I mention this circumstance, as it strongly confirms the practice of M. Lassone, physician to the queen of France, published in the Medical Transactions of Paris for 1779, who was successful in curing the small-pox with cows milk, mixed with a decoction of parsley roots. From these instances it would appear, that, milk has the power of lessening the virulence of this terrible disease.
   The Creole inhabitants of Chili are in general generous and benevolent. Contented with a comfortable subsistence, so easily acquired in that country, they are rarely infected with the vice of avarice, and even scarcely know what parsimony is. Their houses are universally open to all travellers, whom they entertain with much hospitality, without any idea of being paid; and this virtue is even exercised in the cities. Hence, they have not hitherto attended to the erection of inns and public lodging-houses, or hotels, which will become necessary when the commerce of the interior becomes more active. The inhabitants of Chili are very dexterous in using the laqui, which they constantly carry with them on their excursions. It consists of a strap of leather several fathoms in length, twisted like a cord, one end of which is fastened to the girth under the horses belly, and the other end terminates in a strong noose, which they throw over any animal they wish to catch with so much dexterity as hardly ever to miss their aim106. It is used likewise on foot, in which case one end is fixed to the girdle. The peasants of Chili employed this singular weapon with success against certain English pirates who landed on their coast. Herodotus makes mention of the employment of a similar noose in battle by the Sagartii, a nation of Persian descent, who used no offensive weapons except daggers, depending principally upon cords of twisted leather, with a noose at one extremity, with which they used in battle to entangle their enemies, and then easily put them to death with their daggers. The inhabitants of Chili are likewise very expert in the management of horses; and, in the opinion of travellers who have seen and admired their dexterity and courage on horseback, they might soon be formed into the best body of cavalry in the world. From their attachment to horses, they are particularly fond of horse-races, which they conduct in the English manner.
   The negroes, who have been introduced into Chili by contraband means, are subjected to a much more tolerable servitude than in other parts of America, where the interested motives of the planters have stifled every sentiment of humanity. As the cultivation of sugar and other West Indian produce has not been introduced into Chili, the negro slaves are employed only in domestic services, where by attention and diligence they acquire the favour of their masters. Those most esteemed are either born in the country, or mulattoes, as they become attached to the families to which they belong. By the humanity of government, excellent regulations have been introduced in favour of this unfortunate race. Such as have been able by their industry to save a sum of money sufficient to purchase a slave, are entitled to ransom themselves by paying it to their masters, who are obliged to receive it and grant them their liberty; by which means many of them have obtained their freedom. Those who are ill treated by their masters, can demand a letter of sale, which entitles them to seek for a purchaser; and if the master refuses, they apply to the judge of the town or district, who examines into their complaint, and grants the required permission, if well founded. Such instances are however rare, as the masters are careful not to reduce their slaves to this necessity on account of their own reputation, and because the slaves are generally so much attached to their masters, that the greatest punishment which could be inflicted on them were to sell them to others. It even frequently happens that those who have received their freedom in reward of good conduct, do not avail themselves of it, that they may not lose the protection of the family they belong to, from which they are always sure of subsistence. Masters however have the right to correct their slaves, and the kind and degree of punishment is left with them, except in capital crimes.
   The internal commerce of Chili has hitherto been of small importance, notwithstanding the many advantages possessed by this fertile country. Its principal source, industry, or necessity rather, is still wanting. An extensive commerce requires a large population, and in proportion as the one increases, the other will necessarily advance. A communication by water, which greatly facilitates the progress of commerce, has already been opened. In several of the Chilese ports, barks are now employed in the transportation of merchandise, which had formerly to be carried by land on the backs of mules, with great trouble and expence; and this beneficial alteration will probably be followed with others of greater importance. Several large ships have been already built in the harbour of Conception, and at the mouth of the river Maule, in the port of Huachapure; by which the external commerce of the kingdom is carried on with Peru and Spain. In the trade with Peru, twenty-three or twenty-four ships are employed, of five or six hundred tons each, part of which belong to Chili and part to Peru. These usually make three voyages yearly, and carry from Chili wheat, wine, pulse, almonds, nuts, cocoa-nuts, conserves, dried meat, tallow, lard, cheese, bend-leather, timber for building, copper, and a variety of other articles; and bring back return cargoes of silver, sugar, rice, and cotton. The ships which trade directly from Spain to Chili, receive gold, silver, copper, Vicugna wool, and hides, in exchange for European commodities. A permission to trade to the East Indies would be very profitable to the Chilese, as their most valuable articles are either scarce or not produced in these wealthy regions of Asia, and the passage across the Pacific Ocean would be easy and expeditious, in consequence of the prevalence of southerly winds. The only money current in Chili is of gold and silver, which is considerably embarrassing to internal commerce, as the smallest silver coin is the sixteenth of a dollar, or 4-1/4d. The weights and measures are the same with those of Madrid.
   "Of the two great sources of commerce, agriculture and manufacturing industry, the former alone hitherto animates the internal trade of Chili, or even the commercial intercourse between that country and Peru107. The working of mines also occupies the attention of many of the colonists, especially in the provinces of Copaipo, Coquimbo, and Quillota. Manufacturing industry is hitherto so trifling as not to deserve notice. Notwithstanding the abundance of raw materials for this purpose, such as flax, wool, hemp, skins, and metals, which might give employment to a flourishing manufacturing industry, it is still in a languid condition. The inhabitants however manufacture ponchos, stockings, carpets, blankets, skin-coats, saddles, hats, and other small articles, chiefly for the use of the poorer people, as those used by the middle and higher ranks are from the manufactures of Europe. These enumerated articles, with the sale of hides and leather, grain and wine, form the whole internal commerce of Chili. The external commerce is principally with the ports of Peru, and particulary with that of Callao, the port of Lima. To the amount of about 700,000 dollars is yearly sent to Peru in the productions of Chili, serving not only to counterbalance the importations from that country, but leaving an annual balance of 200,000 dollars in favour of Chili. The trade between Chili and Buenos Ayres is on the contrary in favour of the latter, as Chili has to pay about 300,000 dollars yearly in cash for the herb Paraguay alone. The other articles received from Buenos Ayres are probably paid for by those which are sent to that place. In the trade with Spain, the productions of Chili go but a short way in payment of the European goods which are annually imported to the value of more than a million of dollars. Gold, silver, and copper, form the whole of the articles sent from Chili to Spain, as the hides and Vicugna wool are of too little importance to be considered."
   "Gold to the extent of 5200 marks108, and as the amounts which are coined and shipped are nearly equal, there does not appear to be any clandestine extraction. But a considerable quantity is expended in bullion, in works of use or ornament. The silver extracted from the mines of Chili is estimated at 30,000 marks yearly109. Of this about 25,000 marks are coined annually, and the residue is employed in the fabrication of plate. Yet a considerably larger amount is shipped every year, arising from the coined silver, which is transmitted from Lima. The remittances of gold and silver from Chili to Spain passes usually through Buenos Ayres. The gold, being less bulky, is carried by land, by the monthly packets, in sums of two or three thousand ounces. The silver is sent by two ships every summer, which likewise carry a part of the gold. The remittances of gold amount annually to 656,000 dollars110, the silver to 244,000111; and the copper annually extracted from the mines of Chili is estimated at from eight to ten thousand quintals112. From these data it will not be difficult to form a general estimate of the value of yearly produce from Chili113."

SECTION XIII. Account of the Archipelago of Chiloe114
   The Archipelago of Chiloe, extends from Cape Capitanes to Quillan, from lat. 41° 50' to 44° S. long. 302° to 303° 25' E, from the meridian of Teneriffe115. On the north it is bounded by the continent, where the Juncos and Rancos116, two independent and unconverted nations, possess the country from thence to Valdivia: on the east by the Andes, which separate it from Patagonia; on the south by the archipelago of Guaitecas; and on the west by the Pacific Ocean. The islands of this archipelago amount to about eighty, and appear to have been produced by earthquakes, owing to the great number of volcanoes, with which that country formerly abounded. Every part of them exhibits the most unquestionable marks of the operation of volcanic fire. Several mountains in the great island of Chiloe, which gives name to the archipelago, are composed of basaltic columns, which have been certainly produced by volcanic fire, whatever may be alleged to the contrary. The inhabited part of this province, extends from Maullin to Huilad, comprising forty leagues from north to south, and eighteen or twenty from east to west, and comprises twenty-five islands. There are Isla Grande, Ancud, or Chiloe Proper; Achao, Lemui, Quegui, Chelin, Tanqui, Linlin, Llignua, Quenai, Meulin, Caguach, Alau, Apeau, Chaulinec, Vuta-Chauquis, Anigue, Chegniau, Caucague, Calbuco, Llaicha, Quenu, Tabon, Abtau, Chiduapi, and Kaur.-Chiloe Ancud, or Isla Grande, being the largest island as its name imports, is the most populous, and the seat of government. Its capital, Castro, which is the only city in the province, was founded in 1566 by Don Martin Ruiz de Gamboa, during the viceroyalty of Lope Garcia de Castro in Peru, and was honoured with the name of his family.
   The inhabitants of these islands are descended from the continental aborigines of Chili, as is evident from their manners, appearance, and language; yet are they very different in character, being of a pacific and rather timid disposition. They accordingly made no opposition against the handful of Spaniards who were sent to subjugate them under Gamboa, though their population is said to have then exceeded seventy thousand. Neither have they ever attempted to shake off the yoke, except once at the beginning of last century, when a very unimportant insurrection was speedily quelled. The number of inhabitants at present amounts to upwards of eleven thousand, which are distributed into seventy-six districts, each of which is governed by a native ulmen. The greatest part of this population is subject to the Spanish commanders, and are obliged to give personal service fifty days in every year, pursuant to the feudal laws, which are rigorously enforced in this province, though they have been long abolished in the rest of the kingdom of Chili.
   These islanders in general possess great quickness of capacity, and readily learn any thing that is taught them. They have an apt genius for all mechanical arts, and excel in carpentry, cabinet-making, turnery, and the like, and are very expert in the construction of wooden-houses, as indeed all the habitations and even the churches are of timber. They are likewise good manufacturers in linen and woollen, of which last mixed with the feathers of sea-birds they make very beautiful bed-coverings. They also manufacture ponchos or cloaks of various kinds, many of which are striped, or embroidered with coloured silk or worsted.
   These islands abound in wood, of which they supply large quantities yearly. As it rains almost incessantly, the cultivated lands are commonly wet the whole year. Though they have abundance of cattle, these are not employed for ploughing the ground, which is tilled, or cultivated in the following singular manner. About three months before seed-time, their sheep are turned upon the lands intended for a crop, changing their situation every three or four nights, in the manner called folding in Europe, by which the land is sufficiently manured. The field is then strewed over with the seed corn, and a strong man scratches or slightly turns over the soil to cover the seed, by means of a rude implement composed of two crooked sticks of hard wood fastened together and made sharp, which he forces into the ground with his breast. Notwithstanding this very imperfect tillage, the subsequent crop of wheat generally yields ten or twelve for one. They likewise grow large quantities of barley, beans, peas, guinoa, which is a species of chenopodium used in making a pleasant species of drink, and the largest and best potatoes that are to be found in all Chili. Owing to the moisture of the climate, the grape never comes to sufficient maturity for making wine; but its want is supplied by various kinds of cyder, made from apples and other wild fruits which abound in the country.
   Owing to their habitude of frequently going from one island to another, where the sea is far from being pacific, the Chilotans are all excellent sailors, and being active, docile, and industrious, they are very much employed in navigating the shipping of the South Sea. Their native barks or piraguas are formed of from three to five planks, sewed together, and caulked with a species of moss which grows on a particular shrub. There are vast numbers of these barks all through the archipelago, which they manage very dexterously both with sails and oars, and the natives often venture as far as Conception in these frail vessels. They are much addicted to fishing, and procure vast quantities and many kinds of excellent fish on the sea around their shores. Of these they dry large quantities, which they export to Chili and Peru, and the other countries on the Pacific Ocean. They likewise cure considerable quantities of testaceous fishes, such as conchs, clams, and piures, in the following manner. These shell fish are laid in a long trench, covered over with the large leaves of the panke tinctoria, over which a layer of stones is laid, on which a hot fire is kindled and kept up for several hours. The roasted fish are then taken out of the shells, strung upon lines, and hung up for some time in the smoke of wood fires. Cured in this manner they keep well for a considerable time, and are carried for sale to Cujo and other inland districts.
   The Christian religion was very readily embraced by the Chilotans after their subjugation, and they have ever since continued stedfast in its observance. Their spiritual concerns are under the direction of the bishop of Conception. Formerly the government was administered by a lieutenant-governor appointed by the governor of Chili, but that officer is now nominated by the viceroy of Peru. The whole external trade of these islands is carried on by three or four ships which come there annually from Peru and Chili, by which they receive wine, brandy, tobacco, sugar, herb of Paraguay, salt, and European goods, for which they give in exchange red cedar boards, timber of different kinds, ponchos of various qualities, hams, pilchards, dried shell-fish, white-cedar boxes, embroidered girdles, and a small quantity of ambergris which is found on their shores.
   The navigation in this archipelago is difficult and even dangerous owing to the strength and number of the currents, and nothing can appear worse adapted for so perilous a sea than the piraguas or boats which are used by the islanders. They are without keel or deck, and the planks of which they are composed are sewed or laced together by means of strong withies, the seams being caulked or stuffed with a kind of moss, or with pounded cane leaves, over which the withies are passed. The cross timbers or thwarts are fixed by means of pegs or tree-nails. In these frail barks, which are very easily overset, the Chilotans venture with a fearlessness proceeding entirely from being accustomed to danger, not from skill in avoiding it. Their main source of food is from the sea, which is general most bountiful in those parts of the world where the earth is least so. Their mode of fishing is singular and ingenious. At low water, they inclose a large extent of the flat shore with stakes interwoven with boughs of trees, forming a kind of basket-work; which pens or corrales are covered by every flood and left dry by the ebb tide, at which time they generally find abundance of fish. They likewise employ as food a species of sea-weed, called luche, which they form into a kind of loaves or cakes which are greatly esteemed even by the wealthy inhabitants of Lima. Seals are more numerous in the archipelagos of Guaitecas and Guayneco, still farther to the south, where they are eaten by the natives, who are said to acquire so rank an odour from the use of this food that it is necessary to keep them to leeward. Whales sometimes run aground among these islands but are greatly more numerous farther to the south. They have probably retired from this part of the coast in consequence of being persecuted, as ambergris was formerly found in great abundance on these shores, but is now very rare.
   All the islands are very mountainous and craggy, so that only a few vallies among the hills and the flat grounds near the shore are susceptible of cultivation. On this scanty cultivable ground, there are forty-one settlements, called pueblas or townships, in the isla grande, or large island of Chiloe. There is one road indeed across the mountains, but the whole interior of the island is uninhabited. The isle of Quinchau has six pueblas; Lemui and Llaicha each four, Calbuco three, all the other inhabited islands only one each, and there are three on the continent, in all eighty-one. In these pueblas or townships, the houses are much scattered, each being placed upon its attached property. The church stands near the beach, having a few huts erected in the neighbourhood, which serve to accommodate the parishioners when they come to church on Sundays or any festival to attend mass. In the whole archipelago there are but four places where the houses are placed so near together as to assume the appearance of a town or village. These are the city of Castro as it is called, Chacao, Calbuco, and the port of San Carlos. This last is the largest and most flourishing. In 1774 it contained sixty houses, with 462 inhabitants. In 1791, it had increased to two hundred houses and eleven hundred inhabitants; but its prosperity arose on the ruin of Chacao, which was the only port in the whole archipelago till 1768. The harbour of Chacao is rendered very dangerous by reason of many rocks and shoals, and is much exposed to winds from the north and north-east; on which account Don Carlos de Berenger, when governor, recommended that a town should be built at Gacui del Ingles, or English harbour, which was accordingly ordered by the court of Spain in 1767. The bay was then named Bahia del Rey; or Kings Bay, and the town and harbour San Carlos. It is in lat. 41° 57' S. and long. 73° 58' W. The port is good, but ships are often wrecked at the entrance, in consequence of tremendous hurricanes which come on suddenly, at which time the land cannot be seen. Since the erection of this town, the seat of government has been removed to it from Castro.
   It is difficult to understand what motives could have induced the Spaniards to settle in this miserable country, when the whole extent of this western side of South America was open to them. Where gold and silver are to be found, or where wealth is to be acquired by commerce, men will readily settle, however barren and unfavourable the country, or however pestilential the climate. But Chiloe offers no incitements to avarice, and only a bare and comfortless subsistence to perpetual industry. Perhaps the principal part of the original settlers were people who escaped from the fury of the Araucanians, unable to remove to Peru, or to subsist if they got there, and who were therefore glad of getting any place of rest and security. There is perhaps no other colony in the world to which Europeans have carried so few of their arts and comforts, or where they have attempted to colonize under so many natural disadvantages. Two instances indeed may be excepted; the project of Philip II. to fortify the Straits of Magellan, and the unaccountable settlements of the Norwegians in Greenland. In Chiloe it often rains for a whole month without intermission, and these rains are frequently accompanied by such tremendous hurricanes that the largest trees are torn up by the roots, and the inhabitants do not feel safe in their houses. Even in January, their mid-summer, they have often long-continued heavy rain. If during the height of a storm the smallest opening be perceived in the clouds towards the south, fine weather soon succeeds; but first the wind changes suddenly to the south, with even greater violence than it blew before from the opposite quarter, and comes on with a crash as loud and sudden as the discharge of a cannon. The storm then passes away with a rapidity proportional to its violence, and the weather clears up. But at this critical change of the wind, vessels are exposed to the utmost danger. Thunder and lightning are rare, but earthquakes are frequent. In 1737 these islands suffered severely by an earthquake; a few days after which a cloud or exhalation of fire, coming from the north, passed over the whole archipelago, and, as is said, set fire to the woods in many of the islands in the group of the Guaitecas. It is said also that these islands were then covered over with ashes, and that vegetation did not again appear upon them till 1750, thirteen years afterwards.
   Though excessively rainy, the climate is not unhealthy; but no people on earth ever had more cause to believe that the ground was cursed to bring forth thorns and thistles, and that man is condemned to eat bread with the sweat of his brow, as there are none who labour so hard and procure so little. They are so poor as to have no iron, or so very little that a family which has an axe guards it like a treasure. Their substitute for a plough has been already described as made of two crooked branches of a tree, with a sharp point at one end and a round ball at the other, which they force into the ground by means of their breast, protected by a sheeps skin during this rude operation of tillage. Laborious as this mode must be even in a free soil, it is rendered still more so in Chiloe by the myrtle roots which everywhere infest their cultivated land. The little corn they raise can never be left to ripen in the field, on account of the heavy and frequent rains. It must be cut before it ripens, and its sheaves hung up to dry in the sun-shine, if the sun happens then to shine; and otherwise it has to be dried within doors117. Bread is consequently a luxury which is reserved for great occasions; and the want of which is supplied by means of excellent potatoes, far better than any that are produced in Peru or Chili.
   Apples and strawberries are their only fruit, both of which are good and plentiful. The woods produce a plant called quilineja, much resembling the esparto or broom of Spain, from which they manufacture their cables; and they make smaller ropes from several leafless parasitical plants which twine round the larger trees like vines or bindwood. A species of wild cane or reed serves to roof their houses, and its leaves serve as hay or fodder for the few horses which are kept in this inhospitable country. In that part of the continent which belongs to this province, there is a tree, called alerse by the Spaniards and lahual by the Indians, which supplies the principal part of their exports, as from 50,000 to 60,000 planks of its wood are sent yearly to Lima. It grows to a large size, and has so even and regular a grain as to admit of being cleft by wedges into boards or planks of any desired thickness, even smoother than could be done by a saw. Neither Agueros nor Falkner had ever seen the tree; but the latter supposed it of the fir tribe from description, and supposes it might thrive in England if its seeds could be brought over, as the country in which it grows is as cold as Britain, and it is reckoned the most valuable timber of that country both for beauty and duration. The bark of this tree makes excellent oakum for that part of ships which is under water, but does not answer when exposed to the sun and air. They export also the wood of a tree named luma, for axle-trees and the poles of carriages; of a particular kind of hazle for ship-building, which answers excellently for oars; they likewise make chests and boxes of a species of cypress, and of a tree named ciruelillo.
   Hams are a principle article among their exports, as hogs are the most numerous animals in Chiloe, where they find their own food in the woods. Few sheep are kept, yet there are sufficient to furnish wool to give employment to the women. From this they manufacture ponchos, two of which, give sufficient work to a woman for a whole year, as they work without a loom. The warp is stretched between a set of pegs, and they weave in the woof with their fingers, yet make the work remarkably fine, strong, and beautiful. They make also a smaller kind, called bordillos, which are the ordinary dress of the negroes at Lima. Besides these, they manufacture blankets and rugs, or coverlets for beds, and linen cloth; which last is woven in looms.
   In summer, when the vessels arrive from Callao, San Carlos is like a fair, as this is the only opportunity enjoyed by the Chilotans to get supplied with any thing which is not the produce of their own country, or to dispose of any portion of their surplus produce. As they have no money or circulating medium of commerce, the whole trade is carried on by means of barter, which would leave the islanders at the mercy of the merchants from Lima, but for the interference of the government. On the arrival of the first ship of the season, the cabildo or municipal magistracy of San Carlos, fixes a money price at which every thing is to be rated on both sides; which means of regulating the market seems absolutely necessary, as otherwise the Chilotans in buying would be obliged to give any price demanded by the seller, and in selling would have to take any price offered. Still it would be much for their advantage to export their own commodities; but the whole archipelago does not contain a single vessel large enough to make a voyage to Peru or even to Chili. Formerly the soldiers who were in garrison in this province used to receive their pay in clothes and other articles of which they might be in want; but they were ordered by a late regulation to be paid in specie; and if this be continued it must occasion an important change in the commercial situation of Chiloe, by introducing a circulating medium. In San Carlos there is a garrison of regular troops, consisting of 33 artillerymen, 58 dragoons, and 53 infantry. The militia of the archipelago consists of 1569 men, including officers; which have to do garrison duty, but receive no pay or rations, having to serve entirely at their own expence.
   The inhabitants of Chiloe consists only of two classes of people, Spaniards and Indians, there being no negroes and no mixed breed or mestees. The want of negroes is easily explained by the poverty of the islanders; but we are not told how it happens that the other two races have not intermixed118. This is the more remarkable, as a most extraordinary change has taken place in the language of these islands during the latter half of the eighteenth century; insomuch that the language of the Indian inhabitants consists entirely of Spanish words, but all the inflexions, the syntax, and the idiomatic manner of expression are Chilese, that is to say exactly corresponding to the Moluchese dialect of the Chilidugu.
   Both men and women of the Spanish population in Chiloe go barefooted, except a few of the principal families who sacrifice convenience to pride; as in a country so continually wet it is safer to go about with naked feet than to have them in wet coverings. The men universally wear the poncho. The houses, or hovels rather, are all built of wood, and the crevices are stopped with sheep-skin or rags. The roofs are all thatched; and the climate is so rainy that this soon rots and must be frequently renewed. These dwellings consist of a single room, in which the family, the cattle, and the poultry, are all accommodated. A few of the inhabitants who can afford superior accommodation, have houses divided into several apartments, wainscoted within, and roofed with deal. Being all of wood, fires are frequent occurrences; but as the houses are scattered, the mischief does not extend. Owing to the inclemency of the weather, and the miserable state of the roads, a family in the scattered and solitary situation in which the houses are placed, is often weeks, and sometimes months without any communication with their neighbours. There is neither hospital, physician, nor surgeon in the whole province. A sick person is laid in a bed or a heap of skins near a large fire, and remains there till recovery or death supervene. The missionaries who visited these islands could find no books from which to teach the children to read, and when they wished them to write there was no paper. Necessity produced a substitute, and they used wooden boards or tablets, on which they wrote with a substance which could be washed out. Such is the miserable situation of the Spanish inhabitants of the archipelago of Chiloe: yet they dare not leave their wretched birth-place in the hope of bettering their fortunes. The small-pox is hitherto unknown among them, and those, who have attempted to go elsewhere have been cut off by that loathsome disease. In 1783, the entire population of this dreary province amounted to 23,477, of whom 11,985 were of Spanish descent, and 11,492 Indians.

SECTION XIV. Account of the Native Tribes inhabiting the southern extremity of South America119
   The poet Ercilla has made the name of the Araucanians so famous that it were improper now to change the appellation. But that denomination properly belongs only to these tribes of the Picunches who inhabit the country of Aranco120. The nations or tribes who inhabit the southern extremity of South America are known among themselves by the general names of Moluches and Puelches; the former signifying the warlike people, and the latter the eastern people.
   The Moluches or warlike people, are divided into the Picunches, or people of the north, the Pehuenches or people of the fine country, and Huilliches or people of the south. The Picunches inhabit the mountains from Coquimbo to somewhat below St Jago in Spanish Chili. The Pehuenches border on these to the north, and extend to the parallel of Valdivia. Both of these are included in history under the name of Araucanians121. Their long and obstinate wars with the Spaniards, with the Puelches and with each other, have greatly diminished their numbers; but they have been still more diminished by the havoc which has been made among them by brandy, that curse of the American Indians, for which they have often been known to sell their wives and children, and to engage in savage scenes of civil bloodshed, entailing wide and endless deadly feuds. The small-pox has nearly completed the work of war and drunkenness, and when Falkner left the country they could hardly muster four thousand men among them all.
   The Huilliches possess the country from Valdivia to the Straits of Magellan. They are divided into four tribes, who are improperly classed together as one nation, since three of them are evidently of a different race from the fourth. That branch which reaches to the sea of Chiloe and beyond the lake of Nahuelhuaupi speaks the general language of Chili, differing only from the Pehuenches and Picunches in pronunciation. The others speak a mixed language, composed of the Moluche and Tehuel tongue, which latter is the Patagon; and these tribes, from their great stature, are evidently of Patagonian origin. Collectively these three tribes are called the Vuta-Huilliches, or great southern-people; separately they are named Chonos, Poy-yes, and Key-yes. The Chonos inhabit the archipelago of Chili, and the adjoining shores of the continent. The Poy-yes or Peyes possess the coast from lat. 48° to something more than 51° S. The Key-yes or Keyes extend from thence to the Straits of Magellan. The Moluches maintain some flocks of sheep, principally for the sake of their wool, and cultivate a small quantity of corn.
   The Puelches or eastern people, which name they receive from the natives of Chili, are bounded on the west by the Moluches, on the south by the Straits of Magellan, on the east by the sea, and on the north by the Spaniards. They are subdivided into four tribes, the Taluhets, Diuihets, Chechehets, and Tehuelhets. The first of these or Taluhets, are a wandering race who prowl over the country, from the eastern side of the first desaguadero as far as the lakes of Guanacache in the jurisdiction of San Juan and San Luiz de la Punta. Some of them are also to be found in the jurisdiction of Cordova, on the rivers Segundo Terzo and Quarto. When the Jesuits were expelled from the missions, this tribe could scarcely raise two hundred fighting men, and even in conjunction with all their allies not above five hundred. The second of these tribes, called the Diuihets, is, also a wandering race, which borders westwardly on the Pehuenches, between the latitudes of 35° and 38° S. They extend along the rivers Sanguel Colorado and Hueyque, and nearly to the Casuhati on the east. This nation and that of the Taluhets are collectively called Pampas by the Spaniards, whose settlements in Tacuman and on the southern shore of the La Plata they have always infested, and sometimes even endangered. The third tribe of the Puelches is named the Chechehets, or eastern-people. The country which they chiefly frequent is situated between the rivers Hueyque and the first desaguadero or Rio Colorado, and from thence to the second desaguadero or Rio Negro. They are a tall and stout wandering race resembling the Patagonians, but speak a quite different language. Their dispositions are friendly and inoffensive, but they are a bold and active enemy when provoked. They are now reduced to a small number by the ravages of the small-pox. The fourth race, called the Tehuelhets, or in their own language the Tehuel-kunnees or southern-men, are the real Patagonians. These are again subdivided into many tribes, all of which and the Chechehets also are called Serranos or mountaineers by the Spaniards. The Leuvuches, who seem to be the head tribe of all the Serranos, live on the Rio Negro. They speak the same language with the Chechehets, but with a small mixture of the Tehuel. This tribe used to keep on good terms with the Spaniards, that they might hunt in security in the pampas or immense plains of Buenos Ayres. About the year 1740, however, they were provoked to war by a most wanton and treacherous attack, and Buenos Ayres would in all probability have been destroyed, had not these injured people been appeased by the Jesuit missionaries. The Tehuelhets are more numerous than all the other tribes of these parts together, and are the perpetual enemies of the Moluches who are so terrible to the Spaniards, whom they would have long since destroyed if they had been equally well supplied with horses.
   To the south of these are the Chulilau-Kunnees, and the Sehuan-Kunnees, who are the most southerly of the equestrian tribes. The country beyond them, all the way to the Straits of Magellan, is possessed by the last of the Tehuel tribes, called Yacana-Kunnees or foot-people, as they have no horses. These are an inoffensive race, who are very swift runners, and subsist mostly on fish. The other Tehuelhets and the Huilliches sometimes attack this tribe for the purpose of making slaves of the prisoners. The ordinary stature of all the Tehuel tribes is from six to seven feet. None of the Puelches either keep sheep or cultivate the ground, but depend altogether on hunting, for which purpose they keep a great number of dogs.
   The belief in an infinite number of spirits, good and evil, is common to all the native tribes south of the Rio Plata. From the north of that river to the Orinoco a different language prevails, accompanied by a different form of superstition The Puelches do not appear to acknowledge any of those numerous spirits as supreme over the rest. The Taluhets and Diuihets call a good spirit Soychu, or he who presides in the land of strong drink. The Tehuelhets call an evil spirit Atskanna Kanatz, the other Puelches denominate the same being Valichu. Huecuvu must be another name for the evil spirit; as the Chechehets give the name of Huecuvu-mapu or the devils-country to a great sandy desert, into which they never venture lest they should be overwhelmed.
   Among the northern Indians, each cast or small tribe is distinguished by the name of some animal; as the tribe of the tyger, the lion, the guanaco, the ostrich, and the like. They believe that each tribe had its own particular creator, who resided in some huge cavern under a lake or bill, to which all of that tribe will go after death, to enjoy the felicity of eternal inebriation. These good creative spirits, according to their opinion, having first created the world, made the different races of men and animals, each in their respective cave. To the Indians, they gave the spear, the bow and arrow, and the lague or ball and thong: to the Spaniards fire arms. Animals they allege were likewise created in these subterranean abodes of the spirits, such as were nimblest coming first out. When bulls and cows were coming out last of all, the Indians were frightened at the sight of their horns, and stopped up the mouth of their cavern; but the Spaniards were wiser and let them out. Thus they explain the reason why they had no cattle till after the coming of the Spaniards. In. their opinion, all the animals who have been created in these hidden caverns have not yet emerged. They attribute all the misfortunes or diseases which happen to men or animals to the agency of the evil spirits, who are continually wandering about the world in search of mischief. Their priests or jugglers rather, are each supposed to be attended by two familiar evil spirits, to whom the souls of these jugglers are associated after death, and with whom they go about to do mischief. The jugglers are of both sexes; but it seems as if it were thought an occupation beneath the dignity of a man, as the male wizards are compelled to dress like women and are not permitted to marry. The female jugglers are under no such restriction. They are generally chosen while children to be initiated in the mysteries of this profession, from among those who are most effeminate, and such as happen to be subject to epilepsy or St Vitus' dance are considered as especially marked out for the service of the jugglers. It is a very dangerous profession, as these jugglers are frequently put to death when any calamity happens to befal either the chiefs or the people.
   No ceremonies are performed in honour of the good spirits. That which is addressed to the evil ones is performed in the following manner. The assistants assemble in the hut or tent of the wizard, who is concealed in a corner of the tent, where he has a drum, one or two round calabashes with a few small sea shells in them to make a noise, like the maraca or rattle of the Brazilian sorcerers, and some square bags of painted hide in which he keeps his spells. He begins the ceremony by making a strange noise with his drum and rattle, after which he feigns to fall into a fit, which is supposed to be occasioned by a struggle with the evil spirit who then enters into him. During this fit, he keeps his eye-lids lifted up, distorts his features, foams at the mouth, seems to dislocate his joints, and after many violent and unnatural motions remains stiff and motionless, like a person in a fit of epilepsy. After some time he comes to himself, as if having gained the victory over the evil spirit. He next causes a faint shrill mournful voice to be heard within his tabernacle, as of the evil spirit, who is supposed to acknowledge himself vanquished; after which the wizard, from a kind of tripod, answers all questions that are put to him. It is of little consequence whether these answers turn out true or false, as on all sinister events the fault is laid on the spirit. On these conjuring occasions, the juggler is well paid by those who consult the destinies.
   These southern nations make skeletons of their dead, as is done likewise by the native tribes on the Orinoco; but it is singular that this practice does not prevail among the intermediate tribes, that inhabit between the Maranon and Rio Plata. On such occasions, one of the most distinguished women of the tribe performs the ceremony of dissection. The entrails are burnt, and the bones, after the flesh has been cut off as clean as possible, are buried till the remaining fibres decay. This is the custom of the Molnuches and Pampas, but the Serranos place the bones on a high frame-work of canes or twigs to bleach in the sun and rain. While the dissector is at work on the skeleton, the Indians walk incessantly round the tent, having their faces blackened with soot, dressed in long skin mantles, singing in a mournful voice, and striking the ground with their long spears, to drive away the evil spirits. Some go to condole with the widow and relations of the dead, if these are wealthy enough to reward them for their mourning with bells, beads, and other trinkets; as their customary condolence is not of a nature to be offered gratuitously, for they prick their arms and legs with thorns, and feel pain at least if not sorrow. The horses belonging to the deceased are slain, that he may ride upon them in the alhue-mapu, or country of the dead; but a few of these are reserved to carry his bones to the place of sepulchre, which is done in grand ceremony within a year after his death. They are then packed up in a hide, and laid on the favourite horse of the deceased, which is adorned with mantles, feathers, and other ornaments and trinkets. In this manner the cavalcade moves to the family burial-place, often three hundred leagues from the place of death, so wide and distant are their wanderings in the boundless plains to the south of the Rio Plata.
   The Moluches and Pampas bury in large square pits about six feet deep, the bones being first accurately put into their proper places and tied together, clothed in the best robes of the deceased, and ornamented with beads and feathers, all of which are cleaned or changed once a-year. These skeletons are placed in a sitting posture in a row, with all the weapons and other valuables belong to each laid beside him. The pit is then covered over with beams or twigs, on which the earth is spread. An old matron of each tribe is appointed to the care of these sepulchres, who has to open them once a-year, to clean and new clothe the skeletons, for which service she is held in great estimation. The bodies of the slain horses are placed round the sepulchre, raised on their feet and supported by stakes. These sepulchres are generally at a small distance from the ordinary habitations of the tribe. Every year they pour upon them some bowls of their first made chica, or fermented liquor, and drink to the happiness of the dead. The Tehuelhets and other southern tribes carry their dead to a great distance from their ordinary dwellings, into the desert near the sea-coast, where they arrange them above ground surrounded by their horses. It is probable that only those Indians who carry their dead to considerable distances reduce them to skeletons, from the following circumstance. In the voyage of discovery made in 1746 in the St Antonio from Buenos Ayres to the Straits of Magellan, the Jesuits who accompanied the expedition found one of these tents or houses of the dead. On one side six banners of cloth of various colours, each about half a yard square, were set up on high poles fixed in the ground; and on the other side five dead horses stuffed with straw and supported, on stakes. Within the house, there were two ponchos extended, on which lay the bodies of two men and a woman, having the flesh and hair still remaining. On the top of the house was another poncho, rolled up and tied with a coloured woolen band, in which a pole was fixed, from which eight tassels of wool were suspended.
   Widows are obliged to observe a long and rigorous mourning. During a whole year after the death of their husbands, they must keep themselves secluded in the tents, never going out except on the most necessary avocations, and having no communication with any one. In all this time, they must abstain from eating the flesh of horses, cows, ostriches, or guanacos, must never wash their faces which are constantly smeared with soot, and any breach of chastity during this year of mourning is punished with the death of both parties by the relations of the husband.
   The office of ya, or chief, is hereditary, and all the sons of a ya may be chiefs likewise if they can procure followers; but the dignity is of so little consequence that nobody almost covets the office. To him belongs the office of protecting his followers, of composing differences, and of delivering up any offender who is to be capitally punished; in all which, cases his will is the sole law. These petty despots are prone to bribery, and will readily sacrifice their vassals and even their kindred for a good bribe. They are esteemed in proportion to their eloquence, and any chief who is not himself eloquent employs an orator to harangue the tribe in his place. When two or more tribes form an alliance against a common enemy, they elect an apo, or commander-in-chief, from the ablest or most celebrated of the yas, or hereditary chiefs. But this office, though nominally elective, has been long hereditary among the southern tribes in the family of Cangapol. The hereditary chiefs, named yas, elmens, or ulmens, have no power to take any thing from their vassals, neither can they oblige them to perform any work without payment. On the contrary they must treat them kindly and relieve their wants, or their vassals will put themselves under the protection of a more generous chief. Many of them therefore wave the privilege of their birth, and decline having any vassals, because they are expensive appendages, which yield little profit. But every-one must attach themselves to some chief, or they would undoubtedly be put to death or reduced to slavery.
   Every man buys his wife from her relations, with or without her consent, and then takes possession of her as his property. But if the woman happens to have fixed her affections on another, she contrives to wear out the patience of her purchaser, who either turns her away or sells her to the man of her choice, but seldom uses her ill. Widows, and orphan girls are at their own disposal. The yas or ulmens have generally two or three wives; and even the common people may have as many as they please, but wives are dear and they are generally contented with one. The lives of the women are one continued series of labour. They fetch wood and water; dress the victuals; make, mend, and clean the tents; cure the skins; make them into mantles; spin and manufacture ponchos; pack up every thing for a journey, even the tent poles; load, unload, and arrange the baggage; straiten the girths of the horses; carry the lance before their husbands; and at the end of the journey set up the tents. Sickness or even the most advanced pregnancy give no relief from these labours, and it would be reckoned ignominious in the husbands to give them any assistance. The women of noble families may have slaves to relieve them of these labours; but when in want of these, must undergo the same fatigues as the rest. Yet the tribes of the southern extremity of America are not brutal to their women like those in the north, and the marriages only endure during pleasure, though those who have children seldom separate. The husband invariably protects his wife, even when in the wrong; and if detected in any criminal intercourse, all his anger falls upon the paramour, who is cruelly beaten, unless he can atone for the injury by payment. Their jugglers sometimes persuade them to send their wives into the woods, to prostitute themselves to the first person they meet, which is obviously a device for consoling themselves from the celibacy to which they are condemned. The husbands readily obey these directions; but there are women in whom native modesty overpowers superstition, who refuse obedience to their husbands on such occasions, and bid defiance to the wizard.
   The dresses of all these tribes are formed of skins; but all except the serranos or mountaineers, weave mantles or ponchos of woollen yarn, beautifully died of various colours, which when wrapped round the body reach from the neck to the calf of the legs. A similar mantle is tied round the waist and reaches to the ankles. Besides these they have a three-cornered piece of dressed hide, of which two of the corners are tied round the waist, and the third, being passed between the legs is fastened behind. The hair is tied up from behind with the points upwards, by means of a woollen band bound many times round the head; but they are fond of wearing hats when they can get them from the Spaniards. They paint their faces red or black, and wear necklaces and bracelets of sky-blue beads. When on horseback they wear a particular kind of cloaks, having a slit in the middle through which they put their heads, and the skirts hang down to the knees or even sometimes to the feet. Their stockings or boots consist of the skin of a horses thigh and leg, flayed off whole, dried and softened with grease, and rendered supple by wringing. The women wear straw hats in shape like those used by the Chinese. Their defensive armour consists of a helmet of double bulls hide shaped like a broad-brimmed hat; a tunic or bodice of hardened skin three or four fold, which is very heavy, but effectually resists the arrow and spear, and is even said to be musquet proof. When on foot, they have likewise a large unwieldy shield of bulls hide. The Tehuelhets and Huilliches sometimes poison their arrows. Their spears are of cane, four or five yards long, and are pointed with iron; and they use swords when they can procure them from the Spaniards. They use the laqui both in war and hunting; but that used in war has a ball, or weight fastened to one or both ends of the leathern thong instead of a noose. The ball weighs about a pound. When used single, or with only one ball, it is aimed at the head of the enemy, to knock out his brains. With the double laqui, having a ball at each end, they can fasten a man to his horse, and effectually entangle both man and beast.
   END OF THE HISTORY OF CHILI.

CHAPTER X.
DISCOVERY OF FLORIDA, AND ACCOUNT OF SEVERAL INEFFECTUAL ATTEMPTS TO CONQUER AND SETTLE THAT COUNTRY BY THE SPANIARDS



INTRODUCTION
   In the preceding Chapters of this Second Book, we have given an extended account of the Discovery of AMERICA by COLUMBUS, and of the establishment of the principal Spanish Colonies in the New World, from authentic Original authors, a large portion of which never appeared before in any Collection of Voyages and Travels, and some important parts are now given for the first time in the English language. It is not the object of this work to attempt giving a regular series of the History of America, by inserting the establishments of all the European colonies which have been settled in that quarter of the world, which would occupy more room than can be conveniently allowed in our Collection, and for which we do not possess original documents of sufficient interest. In the present chapter it is only meant to give a relation of the Discovery of Florida by Juan Ponce de Leon in 1512; of the disastrous attempt of Panfilo de Narvaez to conquer that country in 1528; and of the romantic exploratory expedition of Ferdinand de Soto in the years 1539-1543: All of which is taken from the General History of America by Herrera, which may be considered as an original and almost contemporary authority.
   Antonio de Herrera, who was historiographer to the king of Spain, appears to have composed his work only a short time after the middle of the sixteenth century, as he continues the series of events no farther than 1554; though he incidentally alludes to one transaction which happened in 1572. The authenticity of his work is unquestionable, as the author assures us that it was composed by royal command, from all the best and most authentic sources of information which the crown could furnish, both in print and manuscript; and that he had carefully consulted and followed the original papers preserved in the royal archives, and the books, registers, relations, and other papers of the supreme council of the Indies, together with all the best authors on the subject then extant. As a literary curiosity of its kind, we subjoin his list of what were then considered the best writers on the affairs of the New World-Those in Italics have been already inserted into this work.
   Peter Martyr of Angleria.-Diego de la Tobilla.-Motolinea.-Don Hernando Colon.-Olonsa de Ojeda.-Alonso de Mata.-Enciso.-Gonzalo Hernandez de Oviedo.-Francisco Lopez de Gomara.-Andres de San Martino.-Pedro de Zieza.-Alvar Nunnez Cabeza de Vaca.-Bernal Diaz del Castillo.-The Bishop of Chiapa, Las Casas.-The Dean Cervantes.-Francisco de Xeres.-Gonzalo Ximenes de Quesada.-Garibay. -Pedro Pizarro.-The relations of Cortes.-Nunno de Guzman.-Diego Fernandez de Palentia.-Augustino de Zarate.-The Pontifical History. -Don Alonzo de Ercilla.-Geronimo Benzon.-Theodore de Brye.-Jusepe de Acosta.-Father Augustino Davila.-Garcilasso Inga.-Gabriel Lasso de la Vega.-Don Antonio de Saavedra.
   In the Catalogue of Spanish Books and Manuscripts consulted by our illustrious Historian of America, WILLIAM ROBERTSON, an edition of Herrera is quoted as printed at Madrid in 1601, in 4 vols. folio. We have used on the present occasion the Translation of Herrera into English by Captain John Stevens, in 6 vols. 8vo. printed at London in 1725. Though assuredly authentic and to be depended upon so far as it goes, the plan of this General History of the vast Continent and Islands of America, is exceedingly ill devised, and very troublesome for being consulted; as the author endeavours continually to preserve the chronological series of events throughout the numerous discoveries, colonizations and conquests of the Spaniards, in all the islands and continental provinces of Spanish America, by which he is forced into perpetual and abrupt transitions from subject to subject; instead of using a double arrangement, geographical as well as chronological, in which the narrative belonging to each territorial division might have been distinctly and separately arranged in chronological order. Thus in regard to Florida, which constitutes the subject of our present chapter, we have had to travel through every one of the six volumes of Herrera, on purpose to reduce all the scattered notices respecting the early discovery of that country under one unbroken narrative.
   Owing to the utter impossibility of ascertaining the various parts which were visited by the Spaniards, in these early peregrinations in Florida as related in this chapter, we have not given any map of the country on this occasion, which will be supplied in a future division of this work, when we come to particular and more recent travels in that province of North America. Indeed the country originally named Florida by the Spaniards was vastly more extensive than the modern application of that name, and appears to have included all Louisiana, with Georgia the Carolinas and Virginia, and the entire countries on the Mississippi and Ohio rivers. In fact it was meant as a generic term, including all of the eastern parts of north America, not previously comprised under New Spain and its dependencies; just as Virginia was applied in the reign of Queen Elizabeth to all that part of North America claimed by the English, which was afterwards partitioned into many provinces, from Nova Scotia to Georgia both inclusive. Besides, a map to serve the purposes of the present chapter is of almost impossible construction, as all the appellations of towns and territories, especially in the extensive peregrinations of Ferdinand de Soto, are merely the fugacious names of the caciques or sachems who happened at the time to rule over the various tribes of savages which were visited by Soto in his singularly erratic expedition. One point only in the whole course of his wanderings can be ascertained with certainty, the Bay of Espirita Santo on the western coast of Florida, in about lat. 28° N. and long. 83° W. Mavila. may possibly be what has since been called Mobile, and the Rio Grande or great river was most probably the Mississippi. All the other points are involved in impenetrable obscurity, or would require an extended discussion inadmissible on the present occasion. In the course of the chapter some conjectures will be attempted respecting the geography of the wanderings of Soto, and his adventurous followers, whose sole object appears to have been to search for mines of the precious metals, in which they were altogether unsuccessful.
   One circumstance, to be gathered from the peregrinations of Soto seems worthy of remark; that the scattered tribes then occupying the southern portion of North America which he visited, were more agricultural than when the country came afterwards to be colonized by the English, and not addicted to the horrible practices of the North American savages of torturing their prisoners taken in war. Perhaps they were afterwards extirpated by a more savage race from the northwest, who have no hereditary chiefs, as were found by Soto. From these differences, and their worship of the sun and moon, the tribes met with by Soto were probably branches of the Natches, a nation which will be described in the sequel of this work, and which does not now exist.

SECTION I. Discovery of Florida, by Juan Ponce de Leon
   After the settlement of Hispaniola in peace by Obando, Juan Ponce de Leon was appointed lieutenant of the town and territory of Salveleon in that island. Learning from the Indians of that district that there was much gold in the island of Borriquen, now called San Juan de Puerto Rico, or Porto Rico, he procured authority from Obando to go over to that island, which he reduced122. He was afterwards appointed by the king of Spain to the government of that island, independent of the admiral Don James Columbus. In a war between De Leon and the natives, wonderful havoc was made among these poor people by a dog belonging to the governor, called Bezerillo, insomuch that the Indians were more afraid of ten Spaniards with this dog than of a hundred without him, on which account the dog was allowed a share and a half of all the plunder, as if he had been a cross-bow-man, both in gold, slaves, and other things, all of which was received by his master123.
   Having acquired much wealth, and being deprived of the government of Porto Rico, Juan Ponce de Leon determined upon making discoveries to the northwards, that he might gain honour and advance his estate124. For this purpose, he fitted out three ships well manned and stored with plenty of provisions, with which he sailed from the port of St German on Thursday the 3d of March 1512, steering for Aguada. Next night he stood to the N.W. and by N. and on the 8th of the same month came to anchor at the shoals of Babecua, near the Isola del Viejo, in lat. 22°-1/2 N. Next day he anchored at one of the Bahama or Lucayos islands called Caycos, and then at another called Yaguna, in lat. 24° N. On the 11th he came to the island of Amaguayo, and then passed Manegua, in lat 24°-1/2 N. He came to Guanahani, in lat. 25-1/2 N. on the 14th, where he refitted the ships before crossing the bay to windward of the Lucayos. This island of Guanahani was the first land discovered by the admiral Don Christopher Columbus in the New World, and by him called San Salvador. From thence De Leon steered to the north-west, and on Sunday the 27th of March, being Easter-day, called Pasqua de Flores by the Spaniards, he saw and passed by an island. Continuing the same course till Wednesday 30th of March, when the wind became foul, he altered his course to W.N.W. and on the 2d of April came to nine fathoms water a league from the land, in lat. 30° 8' N. Running along the land in search of a harbour, he anchored at night in eight fathoms near the shore. Believing the land to be an island, he gave it the name of Florida, because it appeared very delightful with many pleasant groves, and all level, as also because first seen during Easter, which the Spaniards call Pasqua de Flores, or Florida. At this place Ponce went on shore to take formal possession.
   On Friday the 8th of April he continued his course along the coast as before; and next day changed to the S. and by E. till the 20th, when he perceived some bohios, or Indian huts on the coast, off which he came to anchor. Next day the ships continued their course along shore, but met with so strong a current as drove them back though with a fair wind. The two ships nearest the shore dropt their anchors, but the force of the current was so great as to strain their cables. The third was a brigantine, and farther out at sea; which either found no bottom for anchoring, or did not perceive the current, so that it was carried to sea and lost sight of by the rest, though the weather was fair. Being invited on shore by the natives, Ponce landed, and the natives immediately endeavoured to seize the boat, oars, and arms of the Spaniards, who were forced to fight in their own defence, during which two of them were wounded with darts and arrows pointed with sharp bones. Night parted the combatants, and Ponce collected his people with some difficulty, having done very little damage to the Indians, and returned to the ships. He sailed next day along the coast to a river, which he named Rio de la Cruz, where he proposed to wood and water and to wait the return of the brigantine. He was opposed at this place by sixty Indians, one of whom was made prisoner, that he might learn Spanish, and be able to give information respecting the country. Leaving at this place a stone with an inscription, he doubled the Cape of Florida on Sunday the 8th of May, giving it the name of Cabo de las Corrientes, or Cape Currents, because they are there stronger than the wind; after which he came to anchor near an Indian town called Aboaia. All this coast, from Cape Arracifes to Cape Corrientes lies north and south one point east, being clear and free from rocks and shoals, with six fathoms water near the shore.
   After passing Cape Corrientes, he sailed on till he fell in with two islands to the southwards, in lat. 27° N. At one of these, which he named Santa Martha, about a league in circumference, he watered. On Friday the 13th of May, he sailed along a shoal with a chain of islands, to one called Pola, in 26° 30' N. Between these islands and the continent is a spacious sea like a bay. On the 15th of May he proceeded ten leagues along the chain of small islands, to two white ones which he called Los Martires in 26° 15' N. He continued along the coast, sometimes N. sometimes N.E. till the 23d of May, and on the 24th ran along the coast to the southwards as far as some small islands that lay out at sea, still believing that he was coasting along the shore of a large island. As the anchorage between these small islands and the coast appeared convenient for the purpose, he continued there till the 3d of June taking in wood and water, and at the same time careened one of the ships named the St Christopher. At this place the Indians for the first time came off in canoes to view the Spaniards, who refused to venture on shore though repeatedly invited. Seeing the Spaniards about to heave one of the anchors, on purpose to shift its situation, the Indians laid hold of the cable as if to draw the ship away; on which the long-boat was sent after them, and the crew going on shore took four women and broke two old canoes. No hostilities of any moment occurred, and the Indians even bartered some skins and low gold with the Spaniards for trinkets.
   On Friday the 4th of June, while waiting for a wind to go in quest of a cacique named Carlos, who was reported by the Indians to have gold, an Indian came on board who was able to converse with the Spaniards, and who was consequently supposed to be a native of Hispaniola or of some of the other islands possessed by the Christians. This man desired them to remain at their present anchorage, as the cacique intended to send gold to barter. Accordingly, they soon after saw twenty canoes approaching, some of which were lashed two and two together. Some of these canoes went to the anchors, which they endeavoured to weigh, but being unable attempted to cut the cables, while others of them drew near the ships and began to fight. The long-boat well manned and armed was sent against them, and put them to flight, taking four prisoners and killing several of the Indians. Ponce sent two of the prisoners to tell the cacique that he was willing to make peace with him, although he had slain one of the Spaniards. Next day the boats were sent to sound the harbour, and some of the men landed, when they were assured by the Indians that the cacique would come next day to trade; but this was a mere feint to gain time, as at eleven o'clock eighty canoes well equipped and full of men attacked the ship nearest the shore, and fought till night without doing any harm, as all their arrows fell short, and they durst not come near for fear of the cross-bows and great guns. At length they retired, and the Spaniards having staid nine days resolved to return to St Domingo and Porto Rico, endeavouring to discover some islands by the way of which they had received accounts from the Indians. Ponce accordingly set sail on his return on the 14th of June, and sailed among islands till the 21st, when he arrived at the small islands called Las Tortugas, or the tortoises, because the crews took 170 of these creatures in a short time of one night in one of these islands, and might have had more if they pleased. They also took fourteen dog-fishes125, and killed at least 5000 seagulls and other birds.
   On the 24th, leaving Tortugas, they steered S.W. and by W. On the 26th they saw land, which they sailed along till the 29th, when they came to anchor to trim their yards and sails, but could not tell what country it was. Most of the Spaniards believed they were on the coast of Cuba, because they found canoes, dogs, knives, and others tools of iron. On the 25th of July they were among a cluster of low islands, still ignorant of where they were, till Ponce sent to view an island which appeared to be Bahama, as indeed it was said to be by an old woman whom they found in another island, and in which they were confirmed by a pilot named Diego Miruelo, who happened to be there in a boat from Hispaniola. Having ranged backwards and forwards till the 23d of September, and refitted the ships, Juan Ponce resolved to send one of them to take a view of the island of Bimini, which the Indians reported to contain much wealth, and to have a spring which made old people young again. Juan Perez de Ortubia was appointed captain of that ship, and Antonio de Alaminos pilot. They took two Indians along with them to point out the shoals, which were so numerous that it was both difficult and dangerous to get through among them. Twenty days afterwards, Juan Ponce returned to Porto Rico, and was followed some time after by Ortubia, who had found the island of Bimini, which was large, pleasant, and abounding in good water and delightful groves; but the wonderful spring was not be discovered. It is certain that Juan Ponce de Leon, besides the main design of discovering new islands which all the Spaniards then aspired to, was desirous of finding out the spring of Bimini and a certain river in Florida, in both of which it was asserted by the natives of Cuba and Hispaniola that old people became young again by bathing in their waters. It is likewise well known that many of the natives of Cuba, firmly believing the existence of such a river, had gone over into Florida in search of it, and had built a town there before the coming of the Spaniards to the West Indies, and that their descendents continue there to this day. This report prevailed among all the princes or caciques in these parts, who were all so anxious to find out this wonderful river, that there was not a river, brook, or lake in all Florida in which some of them had not bathed, and many still persist in the belief that it is the river now called Jordan at Cape Santa Elena, without reflecting that the Spaniards first gave it that name in 1520, when the country of Chicora was discovered.
   Although this voyage turned out to little or no account to Juan Ponce, it yet encouraged him to go to court to sue for some reward for having discovered this new country, which he still continued to believe an island or cluster of islands, and which opinion was retained by the Spaniards for some years. Yet this voyage was actually beneficial on another account, by the discovery of a passage to Spain from the West Indies through the channel of Bahama, which was first performed by the pilot Alaminos. For the better understanding the voyage of Ponce, it must be observed that the Lucayo or Bahama Islands consist of three groups, the first, or Bahama cluster gives name to the passage, and in which the currents are most impetuous: The second is called De los Organos; and the third the Martyrs, which are next to the Cayos de las Tortugas, or Turtle Keys to the westwards; which last are not to be seen from any distance, being all low sands, and in consequence many ships have perished on them, and all along the Bahama channel, and on the islands of Tortugas. Havannah in the island of Cuba and Florida, are south and north of each other; and between them are these before-mentioned islands of Organos, Bahama, Martyrs, and Tortugas, having a channel with a violent current, twenty leagues across in the narrowest part between Havannah and the Martyrs, and fourteen leagues from the Martyrs to Florida. The widest part of this channel is forty leagues, with many shoals and deep channels between these, but has no safe passage for ships, and is only practicable for canoes. But this passage from the Havannah for Spain, is along the channel of Bahama, between the Havannah, the Martyrs, the Lucayos, and Cape Canaveral.
   * * * * *
   No farther attempt appears to have been made towards the conquest and settlement of Florida by the Spaniards, till the year 1528, when Panfilo de Narvaez made a most disastrous expedition to that country, which will form the subject of the ensuing section of this chapter; except that about the year 1525, the licentiate Luke Vasquez de Ayllon sailed with three ships for that country from Santiago in the island of Hispaniola126. Vasquez arrived with his small armament at Cape Santa Elena in Florida, where he found an Indian town called Oritza; since named Chicora by the Spaniards, and another town in the neighbourhood called Guale, to which the Spaniards have given the name of Gualdape. At this place is the river Jordan, so named from the pilot by whom it was discovered, and where Vasquez lost one of his ships. He proceeded however in his enterprise with the other two ships, and landed two hundred men upon the coast of Florida; but being himself unacquainted with military discipline, and little regarded by his men, his troops were defeated by the natives and mostly slain. The few who escaped returned to Hispaniola; some alleging that Vasquez was of the number, while others assert that he was slain in Florida. In this unfortunate expedition, from which great consequences had been expected, no other towns but the two above mentioned were seen in Florida; and by this disaster all attempts for the conquest and settlement of that country were laid aside for some time, more especially as all the natives who had been there met with appeared poor and miserable, and having very small quantities of gold and silver, and even what little they had appeared to have been brought to them from remote parts of the country.

SECTION II. Narrative of a Disastrous attempt by Panfilo de Narvaez to conquer Florida; together with some account of that Country127
   The abortive attempt of Panfilo de Narvaez to supersede Cortes in the command of the expedition against Mexico has been already related. He afterwards endeavoured to settle a colony at the Rio de las Palmas in the bay of Mexico, whence he was expelled by the arrogance of Nunno de Guzman, who had been appointed governor of the adjoining province of Panuco, and endeavoured to appropriate the territories belonging to others in his neighbourhood to his own advantage and emolument in the most unjustifiable manner. In March 1528, Narvaez sailed from Cuba with four ships and a brigantine for the conquest of Florida, having a force of about four hundred men with eighty horses. During the voyage, the squadron was carried among the shoals of Canarreo by the unskilfulness of the pilot Meruelo, where the ships got aground and remained for fifteen days constantly touching with their keels and unable to get into deep water. At the end of this period a storm at south brought so large an accession of water from the bay upon these flats that the ships got off. At Guaniguanigo they encountered another storm in which they were near perishing, and met with a third at Cape Corrientes. Three days after getting to windward of Cape St Antonio, they were driven by contrary winds to within twelve leagues of the Havannah; and when about to put in there for shelter were carried back by a south wind to the coast of Florida, where they arrived on the 12th of April, and came to anchor in the mouth of a bay where they could perceive some Indian huts on the shore128. Alonzo Enriquez, the comptroller of the armament, hailed the natives from a small island in the bay, and procured from them some fish and venison by means of barter.
   Next day, Narvaez went on shore with as many men as the boats could carry, and found the dwellings of the natives abandoned, one of them being large enough to contain three hundred men. In the houses were found a number of fishing nets, and along with these a sort of tabor or drum, ornamented with gold bells. On the day following, Narvaez landed all the rest of his men, and forty-two horses, the others having died during the voyage. Narvaez took formal possession of the country in the name of the king of Spain. Some of the Indians drew near that day, but having no interpreter they could not be conversed with, though it appeared by their threatening signs that they warned the Spaniards to leave their country. On the same day Narvaez marched northwards into the country, with forty men and six horses, and came to a large bay which seemed to penetrate far into the interior. Having halted at that place for the night, he returned next day to the ships. The pilot Meruelo was sent in the brigantine to find out a harbour for the squadron, and to endeavour to procure provisions. Having taken four prisoners, some maize was shewn them, to endeavour to discover if the natives were acquainted with that grain, as none had been seen hitherto in the country. They accordingly offered by signs to lead the Spaniards to where some of it could be procured, and guided them to the town or village where they dwelt, where some maize was growing in a field in the environs. In the same place, they found some Spanish chests, in each of which was a dead body wrapped up in painted deers skins; and as the commissary Juan Xuarez considered this to be some idolatrous institution, he ordered the chests and bodies to be burned. They likewise found some pieces of linen and woollen cloth, with several plumes of feathers which seemed to have come from Mexico, and a small quantity of gold. Being interrogated by signs whence these things were procured, the Indians made them understand by similar means that there was great abundance of gold in a province at a very great distance called Apalache129.
   Twelve leagues from thence they came to an Indian town consisting of fifteen houses, near which there was great plenty of maize just ripe. Narvaez and others were of opinion that they should march immediately into the interior, sending the ships in search of a safe harbour on the coast; but the treasurer of the expedition, Alvar Nunnez Gabeza de Vaca, advised that they should all embark till such time as a safe harbour could be discovered. The other opinion prevailed, and the whole land forces set out upon their march on the 1st of May, being about three hundred foot and forty horse, every man carrying two pounds of biscuit, and half a pound of bacon. With only that scanty provision, they proceeded for fifteen days, finding nothing to eat in the country, except some palmetoes like those of Andalusia, and without seeing any towns, house, or Indians in the whole way. At this time they came to a river which they crossed, some by swimming and others on rafts or floats, which employed them a whole day in consequence of the strength of the current. They were opposed by about two hundred Indians on the opposite bank, who only threatened them without coming to blows. Of these they took six prisoners who conducted the Spaniards to their dwellings, where they found a considerable quantity of Indian corn, which proved a great relief to their urgent necessities. From this place two officers were sent with a detachment in search of the sea-coast, in hopes of establishing a communication with the ships; but all they found was a creek only fit for receiving canoes.
   After a short stay, they marched onwards in quest of the province of Apalache, which the Indians had reported to be rich in gold, guided in the way by some of their prisoners. After marching fifteen days without meeting with any inhabitants, they fell in with an Indian chief, who was dressed in a painted deers skin, carried on the back of one of his subjects, and attended by a great number of Indians, some of whom went before him playing upon a kind of pipes made of reeds. On being informed by signs that the Spaniards were in search of the province of Apalache, he seemed to intimate that he was an enemy to the people of that country. The Spaniards gave this cacique beads, hawk-bells, and other such trinkets, and continued their march. They came that night to a river which was so rapid that they durst not venture to cross it on floats, and were therefore obliged to construct a canoe for that purpose. Juan Velasquez ventured to attempt crossing it by swimming his horse, but both were drowned, and the Indian attendants on the cacique drew the drowned horse from the river and eat him for their supper. On their arrival at the town belonging to the cacique, they were supplied with Indian corn, and next day were guided on their way through thick woods, in which the road was obstructed by many fallen trees, and the fragments of others which had been shivered by lightning, as the country was subject to severe thunderstorms. On the 25th of June, Narvaez and his people came in sight of Apalache, without having been perceived by any of the inhabitants; and, though weary and hungry they were all in high spirits, thinking themselves at the end of their labours, and that they should find some great treasure in recompence of their fatigues. Some horsemen immediately entered the place, in which they found only women and children; but the men soon returned and attacked them with their bows and arrows, and were soon repulsed, yet killed the comptrollers horse. This town of Apalache contained forty low huts or cabins, enclosed among thick woods and morasses in which they found abundance of maize, deer-skins, mantles, head-dresses for women, and stones for grinding corn, but no gold. All the country, from the place where the Spaniards landed to Apalache was one continued sandy flat, yet thickly overgrown with woods of walnut, laurel, liquid-amber, cedar, savine, oak, pine, and palmetoes; interpersed with many swamps or morasses which were very troublesome to pass, and many fallen trees which lay athwart the way. In their march they saw three different kinds of deer, hares, rabbits, bears, and lions130, with other wild beasts; and among these an animal called the opossum, which carries its young in a pouch under the belly till they are able to shift for themselves. The country is cold131, and has good pasture for cattle. In the woods and marshes through which they passed they saw many different kinds of birds, as geese, ducks, herons, partridges, falcons, hawks, and many others. Two hours after the arrival of the Spaniards, the inhabitants of Apalache came to demand their wives and children, all of whom were set free; but as the cacique was detained they were much displeased, and came next day to assault the place, endeavouring to set fire to their own houses, but on the appearance of the Spaniards they fled to the morasses; and next day a similar attempt was made but with the same consequences.
   The Spaniards remained twenty-five days at this place, during which time they made three incursions into the country to some distance, finding it every where ill-inhabited and difficultly penetrable, owing to similar obstacles with those they had already encountered. From, the cacique whom they had in custody, they were informed that Apalache was one of the best towns in these parts, and that on going farther inland the land was worse and more thinly peopled. He added, that at nine days journey southwards there was a town called Aute near the sea, inhabited by a tribe in amity with him, who had plenty of provisions. Taking this information into consideration, and especially as the Indians of Apalache did them considerable injury by frequent assaults, and always retreated to their fortresses in the marshes, the Spaniards determined upon returning towards the sea. On the second day of their retrograde march, they were attacked by the Indians while passing across a morass, and several both men and horses were wounded, without being able to take vengeance on their enemies, as they always fled into the water. These Indians were of large stature and well made, very nimble, and went entirely naked, being armed with bows as thick as a mans arm and twelve spans long. They marched in this manner, under continual assaults, for eight days, at the end of which period they came to the town of Aute, where they got Indian corn, pompions, kidney-beans, and other provisions. From this place the treasurer, Cabeza de Vaca, was sent with a party to endeavour to find the sea; but came back in three days, reporting that the sea was far off, and he had only been able to reach some creeks which penetrated deep into the land. They had already travelled two hundred and eighty leagues from the place at which they first landed, in all which way they had seen neither mountain nor even any thing which could be called a hill132. The men were become much dejected and very sickly, and no longer able to travel so as to endeavour to make their way back to where they left the ships; in which miserable condition it was resolved to build some barks for the purpose of making their way along shore in search of the ships. They accordingly constructed five barks, each of them twenty cubits long, which they caulked with the husks of palmetoes, making ropes of the manes and tails of their horses, and sails of their shirts; but were hardly able to find enough of stones to serve for ballast and anchors.
   They embarked on the 22d of September, after having eaten all their horses, and having lost above forty of their men from sickness, besides several who were slain by the Indians. Their barks were hardly able to carry them, and they had no sailors among them to direct their perilous navigation. After five days painful progress among intricate creeks133, they came at last to an island, where they found five canoes abandoned by the Indians, and on going into a house they found some dried skates which were a very acceptable though scanty relief to their necessities. Proceeding onwards with the help of these canoes, they suffered extremely for want of water, during which five of them died in consequence of drinking sea-water too freely. Owing to this necessity they were again obliged to land on the continent, where they found water and fish ready dressed in some Indian houses. At night these people attacked them, and the cacique of Apalache whom they had hitherto kept along with them made his escape, leaving a mantle of sables behind him so strongly scented with ambergris that it could be smelt from a considerable distance. Obliged to reimbark, and the weather proving stormy, the barks were all dispersed, and none of them ever more heard of except that in which Cabeza de Vaca was, which was thrown ashore. Panfilo de Narvaez and most of his men were assuredly lost in the storm, or destroyed by the Indians on shore; though there was a foolish report long current that he had penetrated to the South Sea.

SECTION III. Adventures and wonderful escape of Cabeza de Vaca, after the loss of Narvaez
   When cast on shore, as mentioned at the close of the former section, Cabeza de Vaca and the people along with him were relieved by the Indians; and on endeavouring again to put to sea, the bark was overset, three of the Spaniards were drowned, and Cabeza and a few more got again on shore, naked and without arms. On seeing the miserable plight of these unhappy Spaniards, the Indians came to them with provisions, sat down by them and lamented their misfortunes, carried them to their houses, and made fires by the way to warm them, otherwise they must have perished with the cold, as they were naked and it was now the month of November. They were put into a house with a good fire, the natives dancing all night close by them, which the Spaniards were sadly afraid was a prelude to their being sacrificed next day. But as they were plentifully supplied with provisions they began to recover their spirits and confidence next day. Cabeza de Vaca and his companions were soon afterwards joined by the Spaniards who had escaped from the wreck of another bark. At first they were in all eighty men; but in a short time their number was reduced to fifteen, as they were forced to winter on the island, exposed to excessive cold and great scarcity of provisions. Owing to their misfortunes, they called this Isola de Mal-hado, or the isle of Bad-Luck134.
   The inhabitants of this island were of large stature, their only weapons being bows and arrows. The men had one of their nipples bored, wearing a piece of reed in the hole, and a similar ornament in their under lip. They dwelt in this island from October to February, feeding much on certain roots. In the months of November and December they caught fish in a kind of wears inclosed with reeds; but these were not to be got at any other time. At the latter end of February, when all the roots were eaten, they were forced to remove from the island in search of food elsewhere. These natives were extraordinarily fond of their children, the parents and kindred lamenting for such as died during a whole year, after which they completed the funeral ceremonies, and washed off the black paint they had worn in token of mourning. They did not lament for the death of the old, alleging that they had lived their time, and that they took away the food which ought to go to the children. All the dead were buried, except the physicians135, whose bodies were burnt, and their ashes kept for a year, after which these ashes were mixed with water and drank by the relations of the deceased. Every man was contented with one wife; but these physicians had usually two or three each, who lived together very amicably. When a man engages to marry the daughter of another, he gives her all he possesses, and sends to the father of his bride every thing he kills, and in return his diet is sent him from the house of his father-in-law, as he is not permitted to enter the house during the first year of the marriage. Should his father-in-law or any of the brothers of his wife meet him during that time, they always look down and pass on without speaking; yet in that period the woman converses freely with the father or other relations of her husband. These customs are observed both in the island of Mal-hado and through all the country of Florida for fifty leagues inland. When a son or brother dies, the people of the house will rather starve than go in quest of any thing to eat during three months, in all which time the relations of the family send in all that is necessary for their sustenance. Owing to this, several families in Mal-hado were in great straits while the Spaniards resided among them, as many had died and the survivors strictly observed the custom. The houses in the island were of mats, and strewed with oyster shells, on which they lay at night stark naked round the fire. The inhabitants of the province of Tegesta136, reaching from the Martyrs to Cape Cannaveral, feed better than those Indians among whom Cabeza resided, being extraordinarily expert fishers. Two of them will venture out in a small canoe to attack, whales when any are seen upon the coast. One of them steers or paddles the canoe; while the other, being provided with two or three stakes and a mallet, leaps into the sea as soon as he sees a whale rise to the surface, gets upon its head, and immediately drives one of the stakes into one of the spiracles or blowing holes by which the whale breathes. The whale immediately dives to the bottom; and when forced to come up again to breathe, he repeats the operation and plugs up the other spiracle, so that it cannot get breath and is soon suffocated. When the whale dies, they fasten a line of withes or twisted branches to its neck, and tow it to the shore, where it serves a long while for them to feed upon.
   Cabeza de Vaca and the remnant of his unfortunate companions remained in the isle of Mal-hado till the end of April 1529, by which time all the food in the island being devoured, the whole population was forced by hunger to go over to the continent of Florida, where they fed upon wild berries. The Spaniards were obliged to act as physicians to the natives, as otherwise they were refused food. In the exercise of this profession, they made the sign of the cross on the parts affected, reciting the Pater noster, and prayed to God to heal their patients, who all affirmed that they derived great benefit from these ceremonies, and supplied the Spaniards with food in return. There were two languages used among these natives within a very little distance, those who spoke the one being called Capoques, and the others Han. When the natives happened to meet together after a long separation, they would often sit down and weep for half an hour before they began to converse.
   All the remaining Spaniards, to the number of fourteen, went away along the coast, leaving Cabeza de Vaca behind, who happened to be sick and unable to travel. On his recovery, he had to search among the water for roots137 on which to support himself. Wearied of this uncomfortable manner of life, and being entirely naked, he went away among a tribe called the Charrucos, who dwelt among mountains, where he fared much better, as he turned merchant, going about from place to place bartering such things as they wanted, and in this way he travelled over forty or fifty leagues of the coast. He dealt in sea-shells like those of snails which were used as beads, and in a different kind of shells which were used instead of knives; and in return for these he procured deer-skins, vermillion, and ochre, with which the natives paint themselves, flints for pointing arrows, a kind of bitumen with which these arrow heads are fastened, and reeds with which the arrow shafts are made, as also tufts of deers hair dyed red, which are used as ornaments. By means of this trade Cabeza de Vaca had liberty to go wherever he pleased, and was well received wherever he went, receiving provisions in return for his merchandize.
   Cabeza de Vaca continued in this mode of life to the year 1535, always well entertained, and always travelling towards the south west to gain ground in hopes of regaining his liberty by getting out of the country into Mexico138. Though naked and alone, and enduring much hunger and cold, he enjoyed his liberty, and remained six years in that part of the country, always in hopes of being able to bring away his two remaining countrymen, Oviedo and Alanis, who had tarried in the island of Mal-hado. At length Alanis died, and he set off along with Oviedo. Coming to a creek near a mile in breadth, supposed by them to be that called Del Espiritu Santo139, they were informed by some Indians that they would find three men like themselves farther on, whose names they told. They also said that the Indians had slain Orantes, Valdivieso, Huelva, Esquibel, and Mendez140; but that the three who still lived were very ill used, especially by the boys, who kicked, beat, and abused them for their amusement. At this time the Indians treated Cabeza and Oviedo very ill, so that Oviedo went back along with some of the natives, but Cabeza stayed and they two never met more.
   Two days after the departure of Oviedo, the Indians with whom Orantes resided came to the banks of this creek to eat nuts, on which they fed two months of the year. Orantes went to visit Cabeza who had been hidden by some Indians who favoured him, and it was a great satisfaction to these friends to meet, though in great trouble as being naked and miserable in a land of savages. They agreed to endeavour to proceed to the south-west, but to remain with the Indians till the nuts were consumed, and then to remove along with them to another place where they fed upon tunas; because if they should attempt to escape the Indians would kill them.
   All the rest belonging to the expedition had perished, some having been stoned to death by the natives, and others drowned, among whom was Panfilo de Narvaez, as Figueroa, who was present, related to Cabeza. Among these Indians who fed upon tunas they endured much hunger, as there was not enough for them all. In that country there were grey and black wild cattle of low stature, like those of Barbary, having very long hair, but their flesh was coarser than the beef of Spain. Having concerted to make their escape, the Indians among whom they lived had a quarrel on account of a woman, and parted company, so that the Spaniards were obliged to separate likewise, but agreed to meet again at the same place next year, which they did accordingly, but were again separated on the very day when they meant to have fled. Yet they appointed to meet again on the 1st of September, when the moon was full. Two of them came on the 13th and Orantes on the 14th, when they actually fled. Coming to a tribe of Indians called Avares, they were well received and procured plenty of provisions, as these people had learnt that the Christians performed cures. That same night three Indians came to wait upon them who were troubled with pains in their heads, desiring Castillo to cure them, and as soon as he had blessed them with the sign of the cross they became well; in reward for which they brought tunas and venison, and blazed abroad the wonderful cures which had been performed upon them by the strangers. In consequence of this so many persons came to be cured, and brought with them such abundance of provisions that the Spaniards knew not how to dispose of it, and the Indians made a solemn dance for joy of the cures. The Spaniards intended to have proceeded farther, but on being informed that the country through which they meant to travel was desert, the tunas all eaten, and the climate excessively cold, they agreed to remain with the Avares all winter, who went five days journey into the country to feed on a sort of fruit called yeros. When they had settled their habitation near a river, many Indians came with their sick to be cured by Castillo, who blessed them and prayed to God to cure them, as this was the only means they had for subsistence. Next morning they were all well to the great satisfaction and astonishment of the Indians; and for which the Spaniards returned thanks to God, confiding that he would deliver them out of their miserable bondage.
   Departing from the Avares, the Spaniards came to certain tribes of Indians called Maliconas, Susolas, and Atayos, among whom their wonderful cures were already known, so that many sick persons were brought to them. But as Castillo was a man who feared God, and despaired of being able to do them good on account of his unworthiness, Cabeza de Vaca was obliged to officiate in his stead. Taking along with him Orantes and the mulatto Estevanillo, he went to visit a sick person in a very dangerous condition, being almost dead, with his eyes turned in his head, and no pulse; and so confident were the Indians of his approaching death that his house was already pulled down according to their custom on such occasions. Cabeza took off the mat from the dying man, prayed to God to restore him to health, and when he had several times blessed the man and breathed on him, the attendants presented him with a bow and arrows and a basket of tunas, conducting him to cure others in the same manner. After this the Spaniards returned to their quarters, and were informed by the Indians that the dying man had got up, spoken to his friends, and eaten with them, and that all the rest of their patients were in perfect health. The fame of these cures spread over all the country, so that many other sick persons were brought to them to be healed, bringing presents of provisions. According to their account, the Spaniards remained eight moons among the Avares, neither Orantes nor Estevanillo having yet performed any cures, though so much importuned that they were at length forced to comply, being called the children of the sun. Being intent on prosecuting their journey, they fled one days journey into the country of the Maliconas, where they fed for twelve days on a small kind of fruit till the tunas were ripe. Having endured much hunger there for some time, they were directed to the habitations of another tribe which spoke the same language. To add to their sufferings, they lost their way, and it rained very much which distressed them greatly, as they were entirely naked. They rested that night in a wood, where they roasted tunas as food. Next morning, when endeavouring to find out their way, they met a number of women and children who all ran away to call the men, who conducted the Spaniards to their village, consisting of fifty houses. The natives gazed on the strangers with much fear and admiration, touching their faces and bodies; and when recovered from their fright they brought their sick to be cured by them, and even forbore from eating themselves that they might supply the Spaniards with food.
   So great is the want of food in all the country from the isle of Mal-hado to this district of the Maliconas, that the natives are often three days without eating; on which account it is the custom of mothers to suckle their children till twelve years of age, and they never have any intercourse with their husbands till two years after delivery. When a married pair do not agree, it is customary for them to part and form new connections, but this is never done when they have children. When the men fall out among themselves they only use their fists or cudgels, never employing their bows and arrows in private broils; and on these occasions the women only venture to interpose to part them. These Indians are very brave, and are as vigilant against their enemies as the best soldiers in Europe. They dig ditches, throw up entrenchments, make loop-holes, lay ambushes, and use various stratagems with great art and patience, usually killing each other by surprise in the night. They are very cruel, are always ready on any alarm, and are watchful of opportunities to take revenge and to gain advantage over any want of foresight in their enemies. When actually engaged in battle, they have a strange manner of skipping about from side to side, to prevent their enemies from taking aim, and they shoot their arrows in a stooping posture, to prevent being observed. Their languages are exceedingly various, changing almost at each town.
   Coming to another town, the Indians brought their children to touch the hands of the Spaniards, giving them meal made of a fruit like carobs, which was eaten along with a certain kind of earth, and was very sweet and agreeable. Departing from thence, after passing a great river the water of which reached to their breasts, they came to a town of an hundred houses, whence the people came out to meet them with great shouts, clapping their hands on their thighs, and making a kind of music by means of hollow gourds with stones in them. These Indians received them with great kindness, carrying them to their houses without suffering their feet to touch the ground, and great numbers flocked to them to be blessed. Next day they continued their journey, and were well received by the next Indians, who supplied them with plenty of venison, and brought their sick to be cured. They were equally well treated by the next succeeding tribe, by whom so great rejoicing was made for their arrival, that they could not sleep for the noise. They observed a strange custom among all these Indians, who, when they escorted the Spaniards to another tribe, always plundered the houses they came to. Cabeza and his companions were much concerned at this; but those who had lost their goods in this manner made quite light of the matter, desiring them not to be troubled at it, as they would repay themselves farther on among tribes who were very rich. At this place the Spaniards began to perceive a chain of mountains which they thought extended towards New Spain, and to which they now directed their journey accompanied by the Indians, who pillaged as usual wherever they went. When their guides retired, their new hosts presented the Spaniards with such things as they had hidden, being beads, vermillion, and some small bags of silver.
   At this place the Spaniards agreed not to make for the mountainous country, where the inhabitants were reported to be ferocious, but to continue in the low country in which the people were extremely courteous. Many men and women loaded with water bore them company, and their authority was so great that no one would presume to drink without their leave. In this part of their journey they proceeded along a river, having been abandoned by their Indian guides, and were supplied with some meal made of Indian corn by two women. About sun-set they came to a village of about twenty houses, where the inhabitants were in great fear of being plundered by their guides; but were quite rejoiced on seeing them come alone. Next morning, when the Spaniards were about to depart, the inhabitants of the former town came in a body and plundered that in which they had spent the night; telling the inhabitants that these strangers were children of the sun and cured the sick, though able to destroy them all, and therefore that they must be respected; they told them likewise to go and plunder the next town according to custom, and to carry the strangers on their way. The Spaniards were accordingly well treated by this tribe, who carried them on for three days to a place having many houses, sending some before to give an account of what the others had said of the Spaniards, to which they added much of their own invention, being fond of novelty and much addicted to lying, especially where any advantage was expected. The Spaniards were well received, and their guides plundered as much as they could find and then returned to their own habitations. From this place the Spaniards travelled above fifty leagues along the face of a mountain, and came to a town of forty houses, in one of which they were shewn a large copper hawks-bell ornamented with a face, which these people valued highly, saying that they got it from a neighbouring tribe. Travelling from thence seven leagues over a mountain, the stones of which were iron ore, they came to some houses on the banks of a river, where the principal men came out to meet them, having their children on their backs, and presented the Spaniards, with small bags of fine sand and powdered antimony, with which they daub their faces, and gave them also beads and cloaks made of dressed skins. The food at this place was tunas and the kernels of pine apples, better than those of Spain, but smaller, as were the trees141.
   At this place a man was brought to Cabeza who had been wounded by an arrow, the point of which as he said had reached his heart and gave him much pain, being still there, and he was to all appearance in extreme danger. Cabeza opened his breast with a knife and extracted the arrow head with much difficulty, after which he stitched up the wound and staunched the bleeding with the scrapings of a cows hide. The point of the arrow was exhibited all over the country, and caused much rejoicing. After some days, Cabeza removed the stitches, and the man was quite sound, declaring himself free of pain. This cure acquired the Spaniards so great reputation that they could do any thing they pleased. From this place they proceeded through so many different tribes that it were tedious and indeed impossible to mention them all; and all the way each tribe as they conducted the Spaniards to the next, plundered their neighbours in succession. Through the whole journey the Spaniards had so much company that they knew not how to turn themselves. During their journey the Indians killed many deer, hares, pigeons, and other birds by means of their arrows and spears, all of which they presented to the Spaniards, and would not use them for their own necessities without leave. Sometimes they were attended by above four thousand persons at once, which was extremely troublesome, as none of them would either eat or drink till the Spaniards had blessed the food and drink and breathed on them.
   They travelled in this manner for upwards of thirty leagues, at the end of which the mode of their reception was considerably changed as the Indians who accompanied them ceased plundering; yet the tribe at which they arrived offered every thing they had, which was divided among the escort, who then returned to their own dwellings, and this tribe recovered what they had given away in a similar manner on accompanying the Spaniards to the next tribe. In the course of their journey however the Spaniards had to travel for more than fifty leagues through a craggy mountainous country, where they suffered extremely for want of food, till at length they arrived at a plain country where they met with a kind reception, and where their escort received abundance of goods and provisions and then returned to their own habitations. As the people farther on were at war with the tribe where the Spaniards then were, two women were sent on to inform the hostile tribe of the approach of the Christians, as it was usual among these people, even when at war, to continue an intercourse of trade by means of their women. Continuing their journey, the Spaniards were inclined to change the route more to the northwards, as no person came to meet them from the tribe to which the women were sent; but the Indians who accompanied them objected to this measure, as they alleged that the natives in that direction were wicked and cruel, and that besides they would be unable to procure food or water. As the Spaniards were displeased at this interruption, the Indians declared themselves ready to go with them wherever they were pleased to command, even though sure to perish, and they accordingly went on; but as many of the Indians fell sick, and eight of them died in this part of the journey, the other tribes were thrown into great consternation, believing that they should all die upon being visited by the Spaniards. So great was the dread and reverence in which the Spaniards were held by the Indians, who imagined they were the cause of the sickness and death of their countrymen, that they earnestly entreated the Spaniards not to be angry with them. Cabeza de Vaca and his companions became apprehensive that this mortality might estrange the Indians from them, and therefore prayed earnestly to God to put a stop to the sickness, and accordingly all who were sick began immediately to recover.
   Three days journey from thence, Orantes and Estevanillo went under the guidance of a female slave to a village in which her father lived, and where they saw the first houses that were built in any thing like regular order, the inhabitants of which cultivated kidney-beans, pompions, and maize. Cabeza de Vaca and his companions went to this place, dismissing their former conductors. At this town a new custom began among the natives. Instead of coming out to meet the Spaniards as had been the case hitherto, the inhabitants were all seated in their houses, hanging down their heads with their hair before their eyes, and all their goods in a heap in the middle of the floor, presenting all they possessed to the strangers. These natives were well shaped and industrious, and their language easily comprehended. The women and such men as were unfit for war were dressed in mantles made of deer skins. After remaining two days among these Indians, who directed them to go in the first place up a river to the northwards, where they would find abundance of wild cattle, and then to turn westwards, in which direction the natives cultivated maize. Following this direction, they proceeded for thirty-four days across the country, till they came at length to the South Sea. In this journey the Spaniards suffered prodigious hardships and were reduced to extremity by famine, having to pass through the territories of a tribe which feeds on pounded straw for a considerable portion of the year, and they had the misfortune to come among them at that period. At length they came to a better country, in which the natives had tolerable houses, with plenty of corn, pompions, and kidney-beans, the people being decently dressed in cotton mantles. From this place their former conductors returned well pleased with the things they procured according to the usual customs among the natives. Cabeza and his companions travelled above an hundred leagues with much satisfaction in this country, blessing God for having brought them at length into a land of plenty, as besides vegetable food in abundance, the natives killed venison and other game, and presented the Spaniards with cotton mantles, coral beads procured from the South Sea, turquoise stones, and several arrow heads made of emeralds, which they procured from a neighbouring nation in exchange for various coloured plumes of feathers.
   In this country the women were more modestly clothed than any they had hitherto seen. Every person, whether sick or well, came to the Spaniards to be blessed, believing them to be men come down from heaven, so that their authority was unbounded among the natives. It fortunately happened that the Spaniards could make themselves understood wherever they went, although they only knew six of the Indian languages, which would have been of little use if Providence had not preserved them, considering the vast multiplicity of languages spoken among the detached tribes of America. Wherever they travelled, the tribes who happened to be at war immediately made peace at their approach, that they might have the opportunity of seeing the Christians; who thus left them all in amity, and exhorted them wherever they went to worship the one only true God who had created the heaven and earth, the sun, moon, and stars, and all other things, and from whom proceeded all blessing. The Spaniards likewise earnestly urged them to refrain from injuring one another by going to war or taking away the goods of others, with many similar instructions, all of which were well received. The whole country along this coast seemed well peopled, and abounded in provisions, as the natives sowed maize and kidney beans thrice a-year. In one town the natives used poisoned arrows, their points being dipped in the juice of some kind of fruit or plant. At this place they staid three days; and after a days journey, coming to another town, they were obliged to stop for fifteen days, owing to the river being in flood. At this place Castillo observed an Indian who had a sword buckle and a horse shoe hanging from his neck, who alleged that he got them from heaven; but on being farther interrogated, he said that some bearded men had come from heaven to that river, having horses, spears, and swords, who had gone again to sea, where they and their spears plunged under water, but appeared afterwards above it again. Cabeza and his companions joyfully gave thanks to God for hearing some news of Christians after their long and distressing sojourn among the barbarians, and hastened on their journey to find them the sooner, telling all the Indians that they were going to order these bearded men not to kill or make slaves of the natives nor to do them any harm.
   In continuing their journey they passed through a considerable extent of fruitful and agreeable country, which was totally destitute of inhabitants, all the Indians having fled to the mountains for fear of the Spaniards. They came at length to the top of a hill where a great number of Indians had withdrawn, who presented them with a vast quantity of corn, which they gave to the poor famished natives who had escorted them thither. Continuing their journey, they observed many indications of Spaniards having been in the country, and they pressed onwards giving praise to God that their long and miserable captivity seemed near a close. One day, while Cabeza and Estevanillo were in advance, accompanied by eleven Indians, they overtook four Spanish horsemen, who were much astonished at being accosted in their own language by persons in their strange garb and appearance. Cabeza requested to be conducted to their commander, Diego de Alcaraz, who informed him they were now in New Galicia, and about thirty leagues from the town of San Miguel. Castillo and Orantes then came up, attended by above six hundred of the Indians who had deserted their habitations from fear of the Spaniards. By their means all the others were induced to return to their houses in peace and to sow the land. Cabeza and his three companions having taken leave of the Indians who accompanied them with many thanks for their protection, travelled twenty-five leagues farther to a place called Culiacan142, where they arrived much spent with long fatigue and after having endured much hunger and thirst during their arduous and anxious peregrinations through the vast wilderness from Florida to New Galicia.
   Melchior Diaz, who was captain and alcalde of the province, received them with singular humanity, giving praise to God for having delivered them out of their tedious and miserable captivity, and requested them to use their endeavours to appease the Indians of that part of the country, who were in arms against the Spaniards. This they most readily undertook, and sent messages by some of the Indians to the neighbouring caciques, three of whom came to Culiacan attended by thirty Indians, bringing presents of feathers and emeralds. In conversation with these Indians about their religious belief, they said they believed in a being named Aguar, the lord of all things, who resided in heaven and sent them rain when they prayed to him for it; such being the tradition they had learnt from their fathers. Cabeza told them that Aguar was GOD the Creator of heaven and earth, who disposed all things according to his holy will, and who, after this life, rewarded the good and punished the wicked. He exhorted them therefore to believe henceforwards in this only true God, to return to their houses and live in peace, to build a house for the worship of God after the manner of the Christians, and when any Spaniards came to visit them, that they should meet them with crosses in their hands, and not with bows and arrows; promising, if they did this, that the Spaniards would be their good friends and would teach them every thing they ought to know, that God might make them happy in the next life. All this the Indians engaged to perform. Cabeza de Vaca and his companions went on from Culiacan for San Miguel143, attended by a few Indians, the natives by the way coming out to meet them in great numbers with presents, whom they exhorted to become Christians as they were now subjects to the king of Spain. They all received these advices in the most friendly manner, requesting to have their children baptized. While on the road they were overtaken by Alcaraz, by whom they were informed that all the deserted country through which they had lately travelled was again well peopled and in peace, and that the Indians were all occupied in sowing their lands.
   Cabeza de Vaca and his companions judged that the extent of country through which they had travelled, from Florida on the Atlantic to San Miguel on the South Sea, could not be less than two hundred leagues144, as they declared upon oath before a notary at San Miguel on the 15th of May 1536, before whom likewise they subscribed a narrative of all the incidents of their weary pilgrimage. After resting fifteen days in San Miguel, they proceeded to the city of Compostella145, a distance of an hundred leagues, where Nunno de Guzman then was, by whom they were kindly received and furnished with clothes and all other necessaries. From thence they went to Mexico, where they arrived on the 22d of July, and met with a courteous reception from the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza. Leaving Castillo and Estevanillo at Mexico, Cabeza de Vaca and Orantes proceeded to Vera Cruz, whence they passed over into Spain in 1537.
   We learn from Herrera146, that Alvar Nunnez Cabeza de Vaca was sent out in 1540 as governor of the incipient Spanish settlements on the Rio Plata, in which expedition he was accompanied by his former companion in distress Orantes. In the year 1545, he was made prisoner by some mutinous officers of the colony and sent into Spain, where his conduct was cleared by the council of the Indies, yet he was not restored to his government.

SECTION IV. Narrative of a new attempt to Conquer Florida, by Ferdinand de Soto147
   Ferdinand De Soto, had served with much reputation in Castilla del Oro and Nicaragua, and went with Pizarro upon the conquest of Peru, being even promoted for his worth and valour to the distinguished office of lieutenant-general under Pizarro. On the breaking out of the disturbances between the factions of Pizarro and Almagro, he was so much disgusted that he returned into Spain, without having acquired the riches that his services and good qualities deserved, considering the immense wealth which was found in Peru. Aspiring to undertake some brilliant enterprise suited to his lofty genius, he petitioned the king to be allowed to undertake the conquest of Florida, which was readily granted to him, as he was a person of experience, of a fine presence and graceful carriage, and well fitted by the strength of his constitution to encounter the hardships incident to such hazardous enterprises. Since the entire failure and destruction of Panfilo de Narvaez and his armament, as already related, no one had hitherto offered to attempt the reduction of that country till now. Among the terms granted to Soto on this occasion, he was appointed governor of the island of Cuba, which was to serve as a place of arms from whence to conduct the intended conquest of Florida. On the design of this enterprise being made public, near a thousand men were soon raised for the expedition, among whom were many gentlemen of good birth, encouraged by the reputation of the commander, and the hopes of acquiring wealth.
   Ten ships were fitted out at San Lucar for carrying out the troops and all the necessary stores, which set sail on the 6th of April 1538, accompanying the fleet for New Spain, the whole being under the supreme command of the adelantado Ferdinand de Soto so far as the island of Cuba, after which the flota was to be commanded by Gonzalo de Salazar, the factor of New Spain. To shew his proud and turbulent disposition, on the first night after going to sea, Salazar pushed a cannon shot a-head of all the fleet to affront the admiral, who immediately ordered a shot to be fired at him. The ball went through all the sails of Salazars ship from the poop to the head; and by a second shot, all the side of his ship was torn immediately above the deck. Salazars ship became unmanageable from the injury done to her sails, and on the admiral pushing forwards the two ships ran foul of each other and were both in imminent danger of perishing in the dark, but by cutting all the rigging of the other ship the admiral got clear. Soto was so highly incensed by this haughty conduct of Salazar that he had well nigh ordered him to be beheaded; but forgave him on submission and promise of better behaviour in future.
   The fleet arrived safe at Santiago in Cuba. Not long before this a Spanish ship commanded by Diego Perez had an engagement of four days continuance with a French privateer, separating courteously by mutual consent every night, and recommencing furiously every morning; but the Frenchmen slipped off during the fourth night. Immediately on his arrival in Cuba, Soto sent orders to repair the Havannah, which had been burnt by some French privateers, and he ordered a fort to be built for the protection of that place. Having sent some persons of skill to discover and examine the harbours along the coast of Florida, and appointed his lady to administer the government of Cuba in his absence, he prepared to enter upon the great object of his expedition.
   Accordingly, having embarked nine hundred men and three hundred and thirty horses, he sailed from the Havannah on the 12th of May 1539, and came to anchor on the last day of that month in the Bay of Espiritu Santo on the coast of Florida148. He immediately landed three hundred men, who lay on shore all night without seeing a single native. About day-break next day the Spanish detachment was attacked by a prodigious multitude of Indians, and compelled to retreat precipitously to the shore. Basco Porcallo de Figuero was sent with a party to their relief, as the Indians pressed hard upon them with incessant flights of arrows, and the Spaniards being raw soldiers unaccustomed to arms or discipline knew not how to resist. On the approach of Porcallo the Indians were obliged to retire in their turn; yet killed that commanders horse with an arrow, which pierced through the saddle lap and penetrated a span deep into the horses body. All the forces were now landed, and marched about two leagues inland to a town belonging to the cacique Harrihiagua149, who had fled to the mountains lest he should be called to account for his cruelty to the Spaniards who had been here formerly along with Panfilo de Narvaez. None of these were now alive in the country except one man named Juan Ortiz, who had been saved by the wife of the cacique, who abhorred the cruel disposition of her husband. By her assistance, Ortiz had been enabled to make his escape to another cacique named Mucozo, who protected him and used him well. Having learned where this man was, Soto sent Baltasar de Gallegos with sixty horsemen to bring him to the camp, wishing him to act as interpreter with the natives. At the same time Mucozo was sending Ortiz with an escort of fifty Indians to offer peace to the Spaniards. These Indians were all stark naked, except that each wore a small clout, but their heads were ornamented with great plumes of feathers. They all carried bows in their hands, and all had quivers well filled with arrows.
   Immediately on seeing the horsemen, the Indians ran for shelter into the wood, being afraid of an attack, and the raw Spaniards went full speed after them in spite of their commander. Ortiz alone remained in the open plain, and was assaulted by Alvaro Nieto with his lance. Ortiz leaped to one side to avoid the lance, and called out in the Indian language having forgot his own by long disuse, but fortunately made the sign of the cross, on which Nieto asked if he were Juan Ortiz. Answering in the affirmative, Nieto took him up behind him on his horse and carried him to his captain Gallegos, who was gathering his men that had dispersed in pursuit of the Indians. Some of the natives never stopped till they reached the town of their cacique, but others were appeased, and seeing one of their companions wounded they exclaimed bitterly against Ortiz, as it had happened through his inadvertence. Soto was much pleased that he had got Ortiz, whom he greatly caressed. He was likewise very kind to the Indians who had accompanied him, and ordered the one who had been wounded to be carefully dressed; and sent by them a message to the cacique Mucozo, thanking him for his kind usage of Ortiz, and offering his friendship.
   Ortiz could give very little account of the country, as his whole employment under his first master had been to carry wood and water, and he had never ventured to go out of sight of the other who used him well, lest he might be suspected of endeavouring to escape; but he had been told that the interior of the country was pleasant and fertile. Mucozo came to visit Soto, who entertained him and gave him some Spanish trinkets to secure his friendship. Soon afterwards the mother of the cacique came weeping to the Spaniards, demanding to have her son restored, and begging that he might not be slain. Soto endeavoured to sooth and reassure her, yet she ate of such victuals as were offered with much hesitation, asking Ortiz whether she might eat in safety, as she was fearful of being poisoned, and insisting that Ortiz should taste every thing in the first place. Mucozo remained a week among the Spaniards, amusing himself with the novelty of every thing he saw, and making many inquiries respecting the customs of Spain. During this time Soto endeavoured to learn some particulars respecting the country, remaining always with his troops at the town belonging to Harrihiagua, because near the Bay of the Holy Ghost. At this time he dismissed the ships, that his men might have no hopes of getting away from the country, following in this measure the example of many ancient and modern commanders, and among these Cortes on his invasion of Mexico. He reserved however four of his ships to serve upon particular occasions.
   Soto used every means to acquire the friendship of Harrihiagua, giving strict charges that no damage should be done in his country, being extremely unwilling to give the first cause of offence, but nothing could prevail on that cacique to enter into any friendly connection. As some of the men were sent out daily, under a strong escort, to bring in forage for the horses, they were one day suddenly assailed by a multitude of Indians, making such hideous yells as scared them for some time. Before the Spaniards could recover from their panic, the Indians laid hold of a soldier named Grajal, whom they carried off without doing any other harm. More Spaniards coming out on this alarm, the Indians were pursued on the track for two leagues by twenty horsemen, when they were found among some tall reeds eating, drinking, and making merry with their women, and bidding Grajal eat, as they told him they would use him better than Ortiz. On hearing the trampling of the horses all the men fled, leaving the women and children with Grajal, whom they had stripped naked. The Spaniards returned well pleased with Grajal and the women and children, all of whom Soto set free along with some men who had been made prisoners formerly, on purpose if possible to conciliate the cacique and his subjects.
   After remaining three weeks in that place, Soto sent a detachment of sixty horse and an equal number of foot under Gallegos to explore the country beyond the districts belonging to Harrihiagua and Mucozo, which belonged to a cacique named Urribarracuxi. On asking guides from Mucozo for this expedition, he refused it saying that it would be treacherous to furnish guides for doing injury to his friend and brother-in-law. The Spaniards answered that they meant no injury, and he might send his friend notice of their intended visit, as they were resolved at all events to go. In that part of the country they found many wild vines, walnut-trees, mulberry, plum, oak, pine, and other trees resembling those which grow in Spain, and the open fields appeared pleasant and fertile. But they found Urribarracuxi's town, which was at the distance of seventeen leagues, entirely abandoned, and could by no means prevail upon him to come out of the woods or to contract any friendship with them, though he likewise entirely refrained from doing them any harm. Gallegos sent back word to inform Soto of the nature of the country he had explored, and that there were plenty of provisions in the town to which he had penetrated. Being anxious to take Harrihiagua prisoner, his lieutenant Vasco Porcallo went out with a party on that service, though Soto advised him to send some other person. When Harrihiagua learnt the object of this expedition, he sent word to Porcallo that his labour would be all in vain, as the roads were so bad he would never be able to reach the place in which he dwelt. Porcallo however persisted, and coming to a deep morass which his men refused to enter, he spurred on his horse to set a good example; but his horse soon floundered in the morass and Porcallo fell off and was nearly stifled. Considering that he was well up in years and had a good estate, Porcallo considered this as a warning to him to desist from such dangerous and fatiguing enterprises, for which reason he asked leave to return to Cuba, and distributed his horses, arms, and provisions among the troops, leaving his son Gomez Xuarez de Figuero well equipped behind him to continue the enterprise, which was better fitted for younger men, and in which Gomez acquitted himself like a man of honour.
   On receiving intelligence from Gallegos of the pleasantness of the interior country, Soto determined to advance with the bulk of his men, leaving Calderon to command at the town belonging to Harrihiagua with forty horsemen, to secure the ships, provisions, and stores. On this occasion he gave strict orders to Calderon, to give no offence to the Indians, but rather to wink at any injuries they might offer. Soto did not think proper to halt in the town of Mucozo, lest he might be burdensome to him and his people with so great a force, though that friendly cacique offered to entertain him. But he recommended to Mucozo to be kind to the Spaniards who had been left at the Bay of the Holy Ghost. Soto marched N.N.E. to the town of Urribarracuxi, but neglected to make proper marks in the country through which he travelled, which was a great fault, and occasioned much trouble in the sequel. On coming to the town of Urribarracuxi, he used every possible endeavour to prevail upon that cacique to enter into friendship, but quite ineffectually. Endeavouring to penetrate farther into the country in search of that cacique, they came to a morass which was three leagues over, and the road through which was so difficult as to take two days of hard labour; and next day the advanced party or scouts returned saying that it was quite impossible to proceed farther in that direction, on account of a number of rivers which took their rise in the great morass and intersected the country in every direction. Three days were ineffectually spent in searching for some way to pass onwards, Soto being always among the foremost to go out upon discovery. During this period the Indians made several excursions from the woods and morasses to assail the Spaniards with their arrows, but were generally repelled without doing any harm, and some of them made prisoners, who, to regain their liberty, pretended to shew the passes to the Spaniards, and led them to such places as were not fit for the purpose. On their knavery being discovered, some of them were torn in pieces by the dogs, which so intimidated the rest, that at length one of them undertook to guide them, and very easily brought them into the open country.
   Soto and his men came soon afterwards to another morass, which had two large trees and some branches laid across its narrowest part to serve as a bridge. Soto sent two of his soldiers who were good swimmers to repair the bridge, but they were set upon by many Indians in canoes from whom they difficultly escaped after being severely wounded. But as the Indians no more appeared at this pass, the bridge was soon repaired, and the army passed over into the province or district of another cacique named Acuera; who, upon receiving an offer of peace, sent back for answer that he would rather have war than peace with vagabonds. Soto continued twenty days in this country, during which time the Indians killed fourteen Spaniards who had straggled from the main body, whose heads they carried to their cacique. The Spaniards buried the bodies of their companions wherever they found them; but the Indians dug them up again and hung their quarters upon trees. In the same time the Spaniards only killed fifty Indians, as they were always on their guard and kept among the woods and swamps. Leaving the town of Acuera, to which they did no harm, Soto continued his march inland for Ocali, keeping a direction a little to the east of north, through a fertile country free from morasses. At the end of about twenty leagues they came to Ocali, a town of about six hundred houses, abounding in Indian corn, pulse, acorns, dried plums, and nuts. The cacique and all his people had withdrawn into the woods, and at the first message desiring them to come out sent a civil evasive answer, but complied at the second summons with some apprehension.
   Going some days afterwards accompanied by this cacique to examine a river over which it was intended to lay a bridge, there appeared about five hundred Indians on the other side, who shot their arrows towards the Spaniards, continually crying out "go away with you, vagabond robbers!" Soto asked the cacique why he permitted his subjects to behave in this manner; to which he made answer that many of them had thrown off their obedience because he had entered into friendship with the Spaniards. Soto therefore gave him permission to rejoin his subjects, on promising to return, but which he never did. The proposed bridge over this river was constructed of two cables stretched across, having planks laid between them, of which they procured abundance fit for the purpose in the woods. By this means the whole force inarched across with the utmost ease and satisfaction, the Spaniards on this occasion becoming engineers and pioneers to build bridges and construct roads, after the manner of the ancient Romans. As the guides had fled, the Spaniards made prisoners of thirty other Indians to shew them the roads, whom they treated well and presented with baubles so much to their satisfaction, that they conducted the army for sixteen leagues through a fine open country to the district of Vitacucho which was about fifty leagues in circumference and was then divided among three brothers.
   On coming to a town called Ochile about break of day, the Spaniards surrounded it before the natives were aware; but on hearing the drums and trumpets they ran out, and finding all the avenues blockaded they stood on their defence though the cacique was invited to enter into friendship. He continued for some time to resist; but as his people perceived that the Spaniards released the prisoners without doing them any harm, they represented this to their chief, on which, making a virtue of necessity, he submitted to Soto and was well treated. After this, he accompanied Soto, with many of his people, and conducted the Spaniards into a spacious and delightful vale in which there were many scattered habitations. The cacique sent likewise to acquaint his brothers that the Spaniards were marching through to other countries, only requiring to be supplied with provisions on their way, and did no harm to those who accepted their friendship. One of the brothers returned a favourable answer, and treated the Spaniards with great respect; but the eldest and most powerful of the three, would not allow the messengers to return, and sent afterwards a reproof to his brothers, who he said had acted like foolish boys, and might tell the strangers that, if they ventured into his country, he would roast one half of them and boil the other. But as Soto sent another kind message to him, he consented to visit Soto accompanied by five hundred warriors gaily adorned after their fashion, and was received with much civility and presented with such ornamental trinkets as pleased him much. He was greatly astonished at the appearance of the Spanish troops, and asked pardon for his rude and threatening expressions, promising to make amends by his future good conduct. This cacique, named Vitacucho, was about thirty-five years of age, strong limbed, and of a fierce aspect. Next day the Spanish army entered Vitacucho's town in martial order. It consisted of about two hundred houses or cabins, besides a great many others scattered all over the country. All the towns in this country have no other names except those of the caciques to which they respectively belong. After remaining two days in this town making merry, the two younger caciques asked permission of Soto to return to their own districts, which was granted, and having received some presents from Soto, they went away well pleased.
   Vitacucho continued slily for some time to behave respectfully to Soto and the Spaniards, yet contriving how best to destroy them. For this purpose he concerted with all his neighbours, whom he persuaded that it was proper and necessary to destroy these wicked vagabonds who had come into their country to reduce them to servitude. He imparted his design to four Indians who attended Soto in quality of interpreters, whom he informed that he had ten thousand well armed Indians in readiness to aid him in the execution of this enterprise, and that he proposed to roast some of the Spaniards, to boil others, to hang up another part on the loftiest tress, and to poison all the rest in such a manner as to pine and rot away for a long time before they died. Being desired to keep the secret and to give their opinion of this design, they answered that they approved it highly, as an exploit worthy of his wisdom and valour, and that nothing could be better contrived. Vitacucho thus encouraged, determined to persevere, and sent notice to his confederates to hold themselves in readiness; but the four Indians, satisfied of the impracticability of the design, owing to the excellent discipline and vigilance of the Spaniards, made a discovery of the whole plot to Juan Ortiz, who communicated it without delay to Soto. In a council of the officers held to consult how to act in this emergency, it was thought best to take no immediate notice of the matter, except standing vigilantly on their guard as if ignorant of the treacherous intention of the cacique, but to contrive to make him fall into his own snare.
   When the day concerted between Vitacucho and his confederates for putting their enterprise into execution was come, the crafty cacique requested Soto to go with him out of the town to see his subjects whom he had drawn up in martial array for his inspection, that he might be acquainted with his power, and with the manner of fighting practised among the Indians. Soto was a prudent man well versed in the art of war, in which he had gradually risen by his merit. On this occasion he courteously accepted the proposal of the cacique, saying that it was likewise customary among the Spaniards, to shew honour to their friends by displaying their troops in order of battle. The Spanish forces accordingly marched out in good order, prepared for whatever might occur; and the better to conceal his suspicions, and the purpose he had now in view, he walked out of the town on foot along with the cacique. The Indian warriors, to the number of about ten thousand men, were found drawn up in good order at some distance from the town, having their left wing protected by a wood and their right by two lakes. They were well equipped after their manner, their heads adorned with high plumes of feathers of herons, swans, and cranes. Their bows lay beside them on the ground, and their arrows were covered over with grass, to make it appear that they were unarmed. Besides the main body in the position before mentioned, they had a wing on each flank advanced into the plain.
   Soto and the cacique advanced into the plain towards the Indian army, each attended by twelve chosen men. The Spanish troops moved forwards in order of battle on the right of Soto, the cavalry being in the middle of the plain, while the infantry moved close to the wood on the left of the Indians. When Soto and Vitacucho were arrived at the place where it was previously known that the cacique intended to have given a signal for attacking the Spaniards, who were now all in readiness and fully instructed how to act, Soto gave notice to his army to commence the attack by ordering a musket to be fired off. The twelve Spaniards who attended Soto immediately seized the cacique according to the instructions they had received for that purpose; and Soto mounting his horse led on the Spanish cavalry to the charge, being always foremost on every occasion, whether for fighting or hard labour. The Indians took up their arms and resisted the Spaniards as well as they could by repeated flights of arrows, even killing the horse on which Soto rode, as they chiefly aimed at the horses of which they stood in much fear. Soto soon got another horse from his page, and as the cavalry now penetrated the main body of the Indians their whole army took to flight, some seeking for safety in the wood and others by throwing themselves into the lakes. All who fled along the open plain were either killed or made prisoners. About nine hundred of the Indians took shelter in the smaller lake, which was immediately surrounded to prevent their escape, and the Spaniards likewise kept up an incessant attack upon them with their fire-arms and cross-bows, to induce them to surrender. Although in the water, the Indians continued to shoot as long as their arrows lasted, many of them standing on the backs of their comrades, who were swimming, till their arrows were spent, and then giving similar aid to others. They continued in this manner from about ten in the morning till midnight, always surrounded by the Spaniards, refusing to surrender though assured of their lives. At length many of the feeblest surrendered, after being fourteen hours in the water. As the rest observed that no injury was offered to the prisoners, they mostly surrendered next day at noon, when they had been above twenty-four hours in the water; and it was observed that they came out excessively tired, hungry, sleepy, and swollen. Seven still obstinately remained in the water till about seven in the evening; when Soto, thinking it a pity such resolute men should perish, ordered twelve Spaniards to swim to them, with their swords in their mouths, who dragged them all out half-drowned. Care was taken to recover them; and when asked the reason of their obstinacy, they alleged that as commanders, they were willing to convince their lord that they were worthy of their rank, by dying in his service and leaving a good name behind them, even expressing a desire that they had been permitted to perish. Four of these men were about thirty-five years of age. The other three were lads about eighteen, the sons of chiefs, who had obeyed the summons of Vitacucho, in hopes of acquiring honour, and were unwilling to return home vanquished. Soto presented some small mirrors and other baubles to these youths and dismissed them; but he told the four commanders, in presence of Vitacucho, that they all deserved to be put to death for having broken their plighted faith, yet he forgave them in hopes that they would take warning by what had now befallen them, and behave better for the future. He then invited Vitacucho to dine at his own table every day, being of opinion that more was to be gained among these barbarians by kind usage than severity, unless when indispensably necessary.
   The prisoners taken on this occasion amounted to above a thousand men, who were distributed as servants among the Spanish troops. Vitacucho gave these men secret orders to fall upon and destroy the Spaniards while at dinner, and appointed the seventh day after the engagement for the execution of this new plot. On that day, while Vitacucho as usual was at dinner along with Soto and the principal Spanish officers, he started up on a sudden and gave a loud whoop or war cry, which was the appointed signal of attack, and laying hold of Soto gave him so violent a blow with his fist as knocked him to the ground, and immediately fell upon him endeavouring to kill him; but the other officers who were at dinner killed Vitacucho immediately. On hearing the signal from the cacique, all the other Indians attacked their masters, some with fire-brands, others with the cooking kettles, pitchers, or whatever they could get hold of, of which the fire-brands did most harm; but as the Spaniards immediately seized their arms in their defence, all the Indians were slain.
   Four days after this fray, the troops marched to another town called Osachile after the name of its cacique. Coming to a river which could not be forded, it was proposed to construct a bridge similar to that employed on a former occasion; but on account of opposition from a body of Indians on the farther bank it was necessary in the first place to drive these away. For this purpose an hundred men armed with muskets and cross-bows were ferried over on six rafts, and thirty horsemen got over by swimming their horses. The Indians then fled, and the bridge was constructed in the same manner as formerly described, over which all the rest of the army passed. About two leagues after crossing the river, the army came to some corn-fields with scattered houses, and were galled for some time by the Indians, who lurked among the standing maize, whence they discharged their arrows at the Spaniards: But they were soon put to flight and several of them speared by the cavalry. On arriving at Osachile they found the town abandoned, and the cacique of that place could never be persuaded to make his appearance. Some Indians were made prisoners on this march, who were more tractable than any they had hitherto met with, and undertook to act as guides. It was now necessary for the Spaniards to consider of a proper place in which to pass the winter, and as there had been much talk about the province or district of Apalache, as producing gold, the army only halted two days at Osachile, and recommenced their march in the direction of Apalache. After marching twelve leagues through a desert wilderness, they came to a swamp half a league over, where the pass was defended by a considerable number of Indians. An engagement ensued in which several were killed on both sides, and the Spaniards were foiled for that day. But on the next, after a bloody encounter, the Spaniards drove the Indians from the swamp and got possession of the pass, all of which was fordable except about forty paces in the middle, over which there was a bridge of trees made fast together.
   Having crossed the swamp, a very thick wood was found on the other side, above a league and half through, which the army had great difficulty to penetrate, neither indeed was it able to pass through the wood in one day. During this difficult march, an hundred horsemen armed with targets led the van, and were followed by an hundred musqueteers and cross-bow-men, all of whom carried axes to hew down trees and make a clear space for the army to encamp, which it did in the middle of the forest, and was all night long disturbed by the incessant war-hoops of surrounding Indians. Next day they continued their march through the wood, which now became more open, but they were constantly harassed by the Indians, more especially as the cavalry could be of very little service among the trees, and wherever there were any open spaces, the Indians had cut down trees to obstruct the passage. After getting out of this forest into the open country, they marched two leagues farther, killing or making prisoners of all the Indians who attempted to make any opposition; so that the natives became at length convinced that they were unable to destroy the Spaniards or to expel them from the country. The army now encamped at the commencement of the cultivated lands belonging to the Apalaches, but the Indians still continued to annoy them, by continually pouring flights of arrows into the camp.
   Next day the army marched two leagues through a perpetual succession of fields of Indian corn, interspersed with straggling houses, and were frequently vexed by lurking Indians who shot off their arrows and then ran away. At the farther side of this cultivated plain, they came to a deep brook running through a wood, the ford of which was fortified by palisades or fallen trees, to prevent the passage of the cavalry: But a hundred of them alighted from their horses, and cleared the way with their swords and targets in spite of the Indians, who fought with much obstinacy, and did not give way till many of them were slain, but some of the Spaniards were killed in this engagement. They marched four leagues next day with little opposition: and the day following were informed Capasi, cacique of Apalache, had taken post at the distance of two leagues with a large body of brave Indians intending to give them battle. The horse immediately advanced to attack him, and took some of his men, but Capasi made his escape. The town of Apalache, of which they now took possession, consisted of two hundred and fifty houses, having several other small dependent towns or villages, and many detached cabins or farm-houses scattered over the cultivated fields. The country was fertile and agreeable, the climate excellent, and the natives numerous and warlike. After some days rest, parties were sent out in different directions to explore the country. Those who penetrated northwards into the interior, reported that the country was excellent, fertile, populous, and free from woods and swamps; while those who went south towards the coast, found a rugged, barren, and impracticable country, being the same through which Cabeza de Vaca had travelled.

   It being now the month of October, Soto determined to winter in this place; for which purpose he ordered sufficient fortifications to be constructed for defence, and provisions to be stored up for the supply of his army. He likewise sent back a party by the same way which the army had marched, being an hundred and fifty leagues to the bay of the Holy Ghost150, to bring away the cavalry that had been left there to rejoin the rest of the army. He also sent a message to Capasi, the only cacique who had been hitherto met with having a proper name different from that of his town, requesting him to come in and make peace with the Spaniards, to which he would by no means consent. Being informed that Capasi had intrenched himself in the middle of a wood about eight leagues from Apalache, Soto marched against him and assailed his fortified post. The Indians defended themselves for some time with great bravery; but at length begged quarter which was granted, and Capasi was brought out on mens shoulders; as he was either so fat and unwieldy, or so much disabled by some distemper, that he was unable to walk, and was therefore carried on a kind of litter or bier, or crawled on his hands and knees. Soto returned well pleased at this good fortune to his quarters at Apalache, expecting that the Indians would give him no more disturbance, now that their chief was in his hands. But matters turned out quite otherwise; for having no ruler the Indians became even more disorderly and troublesome than before, and refused to obey the command of Capasi to remain in peace with the Spaniards.
   Under these circumstances, when Soto complained to the cacique of the perpetual hostilities of his people, Capasi pretended, if he were permitted to go to a place about six leagues from Apalache, to which the head men of the tribe had retired, that they would obey his orders on seeing him among them and agree to peace. Soto accordingly gave his permission, and Capasi went to the place indicated, carried as usual on a bier, and accompanied by a strong guard of Spaniards. The cacique then issued orders for all his people to appear before him next day, having some important matters to communicate. The Spaniards posted their guards for the night and went to rest, believing every thing secure; but when day appeared next morning neither the cacique nor any of his attendants were to be found. Taking advantage of the centinels falling asleep, Capasi had crept out from among them on all fours, after which his Indians carried him off to some more secure place than the former, as he was never more seen. The Spanish escort returned much ashamed of themselves to Soto, pretending that Capasi and his attendants must have been carried off through the air, as it was impossible for him to have got away from among them in any other manner. Soto prudently accepted of this excuse, saying with a smile that the story was very probable as the Indians were notable sorcerers. He was unwilling to punish his men for their negligence, being always more desirous to gain the affection of his soldiers by kind usage, as far as consistent with military discipline, that they might be ready to endure the fatigue and danger he expected to encounter in the prosecution of his enterprise.