SECTION VII. The Adventures, Misfortunes, and Death of Don Diego de Nicuessa, the founder of the Colony of Nombre de Dios
   After parting from Hojeda, whom he had so generously assisted, Nicuessa met a few days afterwards with as great misfortunes at sea as Hojeda had encountered by land; for he was tossed by a dreadful tempest from without, and betrayed within by Lopez de Olano, who, perceiving the squadron separated by the storm, took one of the largest ships into the river Chagre, and left his patron to shift for himself. After some unlucky adventures, Olano arrived at Veragna, which was their place of rendezvous, where he endeavoured to persuade the people to abandon their original design as impracticable, and to sail for Hispaniola to make the most of what they had left, alleging that Nicuessa had certainly perished with all his men. While meditating upon this project, a boat came into the port with four men, who reported that Nicuessa had been stranded on an unknown coast, and after marching a great way by land with incredible fatigue, was now not far off, but that he and his followers were in a very miserable condition. On hearing this melancholy account, Olano relented, and immediately sent back the boat with provisions and refreshments, which came very opportunely to save Nicuessa and his men from starving, which they certainly must have done without this seasonable relief. Yet this did not in the least soften his resentment against Olano for deserting him, whom he would have hanged, if he had not been afraid of irritating the men, and instead of that he put him in irons, threatening to send him to Spain in that condition. The authority, however, did not remain long in his hands; for, endeavouring to establish a settlement on the Bethlehem river, he was so straitened for provisions, that he was obliged to leave a part of his men there, and to sail with the rest to Porto Bello; but, not being allowed by the Indians to land there, he was obliged to proceed four or five leagues farther to the port which Columbus named Bastimentos. Immediately on entering he exclaimed, Paremos aqui en el nombre de Dios, Let us stay here in the name of God. He immediately landed and began to erect a fortress, which was named Nombre de Dios, from the above mentioned expression. He had not been long here till he found himself as much straitened for provisions as at Bethlehem, on which account he sent one of his ships to St Domingo to request assistance from the governor. Scarcely was this vessel out of the port, before that with Colmenares arrived from the river Darien, with the invitation to take the command of the Spanish colony at that place. Colmenares and his men were so astonished to see the miserable condition of Nicuessa and seventy of his people, who were all that remained with him at Nombre de Dios, that they shed tears. They were lean, ragged, and barefooted, and excited pity by the recital of the intolerable distresses they had undergone, and the numbers of their companions who had already died.
   Colmenares did all he could to comfort Nicuessa, telling him that the people of Darien wished him to come and assume the government of that colony, which was situated in a fine country abounding in provisions, and which did not want gold. Nicuessa began to recover his spirits, by the seasonable supply of provisions, and the comfortable intelligence brought by Colmenares, and gave thanks to God for this merciful relief. But he soon forfeited the reputation for prudence which he had formerly enjoyed among the colonists of Hispaniola; as, forgetting the miserable condition from which he was so recently relieved, and not considering that the people of Darien had submitted to his authority of their own free will, he foolishly declared in public that he would take all their gold from them on his arrival, and would even punish them for encroaching on his province. This news soon spread abroad, and heaven had the imprudence to send a caravel before him to Darien, having a desire to examine some islands which lay in the way thither. That same night, Olano, who still remained a prisoner, conversed with some of the people who came from Darien, to incense them against Nicuessa; and when Nicuessa was embarking, he said to some of those who were in his confidence, "Nicuessa fancies he will be as well received by Hojedas men, as by us after his shipwreck at Veragua, but he will probably find a considerable difference." James Albetes and the bachelor Corral were in the caravel which went before, and gave notice to the colonists at Darien of the threats which Nicuessa had made, of taking away their gold and punishing them; saying that his misfortunes had rendered him peevish and cruel, abusing all who were under his authority. From the little islands which he had stopped to explore, Nicuessa sent one Juan de Cayzedo to acquaint the colony at Darien of his approach; and this man being privately his enemy, still farther exasperated the people against him, so that they came to a resolution not to admit him into the colony. This resolution was principally forwarded by Balboa, who secretly advised all the principal people to exclude him, yet declared in public that he was for receiving Nicuessa, and even got the public notary to give him a certificate to that effect199.
   After spending eight days among these islands, where he took a few Indians for slaves, Nicuessa made sail for Darien. On coming to the landing-place, he found many of the Spaniards on the shore waiting his arrival; when, to his great surprise, one of them required him in the name of all the rest, to return to his own government of Nombre de Dios. Nicuessa landed next day, when the people of Darien endeavoured to seize him, but he was extraordinarily swift of foot, and none of them could overtake him. Balboa prevented the colonists from proceeding to any farther extremities, fearing they might have put Nicuessa to death, and even persuaded them to listen to Nicuessa, who entreated them, since they would not receive him as their governor, that they would admit him among them as a companion; which they peremptorily refusing, he even requested them to keep him as a prisoner, for he would rather die than go back to starve at Nombre de Dios. In spite of every thing he could urge, they forced him to embark in an old rotten bark, with about seventeen of his men, ordering them to return to Nombre de Dios, on pain of being sunk if they remained at Darien. Nicuessa and his people accordingly set sail, but were never seen more, and no one knew what became of them. There was a story current in the West Indies, that when the Spaniards came afterwards to settle the island of Cuba, they found inscribed on the bark of a large tree, "Here the unfortunate Nicuessa finished his life and miseries."

SECTION VIII. The Conquest and Settlement of the Island of Cuba by Diego Velasquez
   The admiral Don James Columbus was much blamed for not endeavouring to give succour to these adventurers, although the grants which they had received of separate governments were in direct contradiction to his just rights. His enemies made use of this to his prejudice at the court of Spain, which was always jealous of him, and listened therefore with much complacency to every complaint that was proffered against him. He on the other hand, was very sensible of the disposition of the court, and used every means he could think of to secure his rights in these countries, pursuant to the agreement which had been made with his father. In this view, having learnt that the court was desirous of discovering and colonizing the great island of Cuba, although there were no accounts of any rich mines in that country, he resolved to be beforehand with the court, and sent a body of men there at the beginning of the year 1511, under a confidential person; that having a lieutenant there of his own, the court might have no pretence for granting it away to new undertakers, as they had done that part of the continent which was discovered by his father, and even the island of Jamaica, which last, however, he had recovered. For this purpose, he made choice of James Velasquez, who was the wealthiest and best beloved of all the Spanish inhabitants of Hispaniola, and was besides a man of experience, and of a mild and affable temper, who knew well how to maintain his authority. As soon as it was known in Hispaniola that Velasquez was going to establish a settlement in Cuba, abundance of people resolved to bear him company, some of them from attachment to his person, and others because they were involved in debt. All these rendezvoused at the town of Salvatierra de la Zavana, at the western extremity of Hispaniola, whence they proposed to embark for Cuba.
   Before proceeding with the transactions of Velasquez, it may be proper to give some description of the island of Cuba, from the Spanish writers. Cuba is within the tropic of Cancer, from 20° to 21° of N. latitude. It is 230 leagues in length, from Cape St Antonio to Cape Mayci. Its breadth between Cape Cruze and port Manati is forty-five leagues, whence it narrows to about twelve leagues between Matamano and the Havanna. Most of the island is flat, and full of woods and forests; but from the eastern point of Mayci, there are exceedingly high mountains for thirty leagues. Beyond these to the westwards, and in the middle of the island, there are many hills, but not very high. Many fine rivers run down the sides of these hills, both to the north and south, which are full of fish, especially skates and olaves, which ascend the streams a great way from the sea. On the south of Cuba there are a prodigious number of small islands, which were named the Queens Garden, by the admiral Don Christopher Columbus. There are other small islands on the north side, though not so numerous, which Velasquez named the Kings Garden. About the middle of the south side, a considerable river, named Cauto by the natives, runs into the sea, containing vast numbers of alligators, the banks of which river are very agreeable. The island is wonderfully well wooded, insomuch that people may travel almost 230 leagues, or from one end of the island to the other, always under their shelter. Among these are sweet-scented red cedars of such astonishing size, that the natives used to make canoes of one stick hollowed out, large enough to contain fifty or sixty persons, and such were once very common in Cuba. There are such numbers of storax trees, that if any one goes up to a height in the morning, the vapours arising from the earth smell strongly of storax, coming from the fires made by the natives in the evening, which are now drawn up from the earth by the rising sun. Another kind of tree produces a fruit called xaquas, which being laid by four or five days, though gathered unripe, become full of a liquor like honey, and richer than the finest pears. There are great quantities of wild vines, which climb very high on the trees; these bear grapes, from which wine has been made, which is somewhat sharp. Such is their universal abundance all over the island, that the Spaniards used to say there was a vineyard in Cuba 230 leagues in length. Some of the trunks of these vines are as thick as a mans body. The whole island is very pleasant, more temperate and healthy than Hispaniola, and has safer harbours for ships, made by nature, than any that have been constructed by art in other countries. On the southern coast is that of St Jago, which is in form of a cross, and Xaquas, which is hardly to be matched in all the world. Its entry is not above a cross-bow shot in breadth, and the interior part is 10 leagues in circumference, having three little islands to which ships may be fastened by means of stakes, where they are safe from every wind that blows, being everywhere shut in by high mountains as in a house. In this harbour the Indians had pens in which they shut up the fish. On the north side there are likewise good harbours, the best of which was formerly called Carenas, but now Havanna, which is so large and safe that few can be compared to it. Twenty leagues east is the harbour of Matanaos, which is not quite safe. About the middle of the island there is another good port, called del Principe; and almost at the end is the port of Baraca, where good ebony is cut. All along this coast there are good anchorages, though none so large and commodious as those already mentioned.
   Cuba produces great numbers of birds, as pigeons, turtle-doves, partridges like those of Spain but smaller, and cranes. There are none of these two latter on the other islands, but there are cranes on the continent. There is another bird, not found on the continent, as large as cranes, which are white when young, but grow red at their full growth, which are called flamences or flamingos. These would have been much valued in New Spain, for the curious feather-works which are made by the natives. These flamingos are found in vast flocks of 500 to 1000 together. They seldom fly, but stand much in the water. When the Indians kept any of these birds about their houses, they had to put salt into the water they gave them to drink. There are infinite numbers of parrots, which are very good eating when young, about the month of May. They have few land animals, except a kind of rabbits like those of Hispaniola; but to make amends for this want, they have vast quantities of fish both in the sea and the rivers: among these the chiefest is tortoises or turtles, in vast abundance, excellent of their kind, and very wholesome, which cure the leprosy and the itch, in such as are content to make them their constant food. It produces maize or Indian corn in great abundance; and every thing considered, it may be pronounced the finest and best provided country in that part of the world. The natives of Cuba were of the same nation with those of the Lucayos islands, a good sort of people, and very well tempered. They were governed by caciques, having towns of 200 or 300 houses, in each of which several families resided, as in Hispaniola.
   They had no religion, having no temples, idols, or sacrifices; but they had a kind of conjuring priests or jugglers, like those in Hispaniola, who pretended to have communication with the devil, and to obtain answers from him to their questions. To obtain this favour, they fasted three or four months, using only the juice of herbs; and when reduced to extreme weakness, they were worthy of inspiration, and to be informed whether the seasons of the year would be favourable or otherwise; what children were to be born, and whether those born were to live, and such like questions. These conjurors, who were called behiques, were the oracles of the natives, whom they led into many superstitions and absurdities; pretending to cure the sick by blowing on them, and other mummeries, muttering some unintelligible words between their teeth. The natives of Cuba acknowledged that the heavens and earth, and all things contained in these, had been created. They are even said to have had traditions concerning the flood, and the destruction of the world by water, occasioned by three persons who came three several ways. The old men reported, that a sage who knew the approaching deluge, built a great ship, into which he went with his family, and many animals. That he sent out a crow, which remained a long while out, feeding on the dead bodies, and afterwards returned with a green branch. They added many other particulars respecting the deluge, even to two of Noah's sons covering him when drunk, while the third scoffed him; adding that the Indians were descended from the latter, and therefore had no clothes, whereas the Spaniards descended from the other sons, and had therefore clothes and horses. As they lived in towns under the authority of caciques, it is probable that the will of these chiefs served as law.
   Some time before the expedition of Velasquez to Cuba, a cacique of the province of Guatiba, in Hispaniola, named Hatuey, to escape from the tyranny of the Spaniards, went over to the eastern end of Cuba with as many of his people as he could induce to accompany him; the distance between the two islands being only eighteen leagues. He settled with his followers in the nearest district of Cuba, called Mayci, reducing the inhabitants of that place to subjection, but not to slavery. In fact slavery does not appear to have been practised in any part of the West Indies, no difference being made even by the caciques between their people and their children; except in New Spain and other provinces of the continent, where they used to sacrifice prisoners of war to their idols. This cacique Hatuey, always had spies in Hispaniola, to inform him what was going on there, as he feared the Spaniards would pass over into Cuba. Having information of the admiral's design, and the intended expedition of Velasquez, he assembled all the warriors of his tribe, and putting them in mind of the many sufferings they had endured under the Spaniards, he informed them of their new intentions. Then taking some gold from a basket of palm leaves, he addressed them as follows: "The Spaniards have done all these things which I have told you of for the sake of this, which is the god whom they serve, and their only object in coming over to this island is in search of this their lord. Let us therefore make a festival, and dance to this lord of the Spaniards, that when they come hither, he may order them not to do us any harm." They accordingly all began to dance and sing, and continued till they were quite tired, as it is their custom to dance from nightfall till daybreak, as long as they can stand. Their dances, as in Hispaniola, are to the music of their songs; and though 50,000 men and women may have assembled at one time, no one differed in the motions of their hands, feet, and bodies from all the rest. But the natives of Hispaniola sung much more agreeably than those of Cuba. After the subjects of Hatuey were quite spent with singing and dancing around the little basket of gold, the cacique desired them not to keep the lord of the Christians in any place whatsoever; for even if they were to conceal him in their bowels, the Christians would rip them up to fetch him out; wherefore he advised them to cast him into the river, where the Christians might not be able to find him; and this they did.
   James Velasquez set out from Salvatierra de la Zavana in November 1511, and landed at a harbour called Palina, in the territories of Hatuey, who stood on his defence, taking advantage of the woods, where the Spaniards could not use their horses. During two months, the Indians hid themselves in the thickest parts of the forests, where the Spaniards hunted them out, carrying all they took to Velasquez, who distributed them among his men as servants, not as slaves. Hatuey withdrew into the most inaccessible places of the mountains, where he was at length taken after inexpressible toil, and brought to Velasquez, who caused him to be burnt. After this example of severity, the whole province of Mayci submitted, no one daring any longer to resist. When it was known in Jamaica that Velasquez had gone with the command to Cuba, many of those who were with Esquibel asked leave to go and serve under him. Among these was Panfilo de Narvaez, a gentleman of a graceful person, well behaved, but rather imprudent. He carried with him a company of thirty cross-bows, and was well received by Velasquez, who gave him the chief command under himself. When the Indians of the province of Mayci were reduced under subjection, Velasquez distributed them among the Spaniards as had formerly been done in Hispaniola by Obando, taking the inhabitants of five Indian towns to himself. He likewise founded a town at a harbour on the north side of the island, called Barracoa by the natives, which was the first Spanish colony in this island. From this place Velasquez sent Narvaez with thirty men to reduce the province of Bayamo, about 50 leagues from Barracoa, a fine open country, very fertile and agreeable. Of this company, Narvaez alone was mounted, all the rest marching on foot. The natives of the country came out submissively to meet Narvaez, bringing him provisions, as they had no gold, and were very much astonished at the sight of the mare on which Narvaez rode. The Spaniards took up their residence in a town belonging to the Indians, who, seeing the small number of their invaders, resolved to rid themselves of them by surprise. Narvaez was by no means sufficiently watchful, yet had his mare along with him in the house where he lay, and a guard posted during the night. Near seven thousand Indians had assembled from all parts of the province, armed with bows and arrows, who had resolved to fall upon Narvaez and the Spaniards after midnight, though it was unusual for them to fight during the night. They gave the assault in two places at once, and found the centinels asleep on their posts; but being more eager to plunder the Spaniards than to kill them, as they had always anxiously wished for clothing ever since they saw the Christians, they did not observe the time previously concerted, but began their several attacks at different times, and one of the parties, which was the most forward, even entered the town shouting. Narvaez awoke in great consternation, and the Spaniards, who were astonished at the noise, knew not well what to do in their fright. At length, the Indians whom Narvaez had brought with him from Jamaica, lighted some fire-brands, by which the Spaniards were enabled to see their danger; and Narvaez, though wounded by a stone, found means to come at his mare, which he mounted, and rallied his Spaniards to their defence. At that time part of the horse furniture used by the Spaniards was hung with bells; and on hearing the sound of these, and seeing Narvaez coming towards them at a round trot, with his sword drawn, they lost heart, and not only abandoned the enterprize, but fled out of the country, some of them to the distance of 50 leagues, leaving none but their old and decrepid people behind. After this Velasquez sent a reinforcement to Narvaez, who became absolute master of the country.

SECTION IX. The Strange Expedition of Juan Ponce de Leon to Discover the Fountain of Youth, in which he Discovered Florida and the Bahama Channel
   We have already seen that Juan Ponce de Leon had been restored to the government of Porto Rico by the interest of his friend Obando, and had sent his predecessors, Cerron and Diaz, prisoners into Spain. This circumstance, which he thought a bold stroke in politics, turned much against himself; for these men presented a petition against him to the court of Spain, and being strongly supported by the interest of the admiral, they were sent back to resume their former employments. By this reverse, De Leon was reduced to a private condition; but he had made good use of his time, and had acquired a large fortune, which induced him to attempt recovering his power and credit by means of discoveries. He accordingly sailed from the port of St German on the 1st of March 1512, with two stout ships which he had fitted out at his own expence; and steering through among the Lucayos islands, he discovered land on the 2d April, in lat. 30° 8' N. till then unknown to the Spaniards. Elated by this good fortune, he ran along the coast in search of some good harbour, and anchored at night near the shore in eight fathoms water. Believing this land to be an island, and because it appeared beautiful, being all level, with many pleasant groves, he named it the island of Florida, also because discovered at Easter, which the Spaniards call Pascha de Flores. De Leon went on shore at this place to take formal possession of the country. He sailed thence on the 8th of April, and came to a place on the 20th, where some Indians were seen on the shore. He here anchored and went ashore, when the Indians endeavoured to get possession of the boat, with the oars and arms. This was not at first resented, till one of the natives knocked down a sailor with a blow on the head, on which the Spaniards were obliged to fight in their own defence, and had two men wounded by arrows or darts pointed with sharp bones. The Indians were repulsed with some difficulty, and received little damage; and at night De Leon got his men on board and sailed to the mouth of a river, where he took in wood and water. They were here ineffectually opposed by sixty natives, one of whom was made prisoner to give them some information of the country, and to learn Spanish. They called this river Rio de la Cruz, as they left in this place a stone cross with an inscription. On the 8th of May they doubled Cape Florida, which was named Cabo de las Corrientes, or the Cape of Currents, because they found the currents here stronger than the winds; and they came to an anchor near a town called Abacoa. All this coast, from Cape Arracaifes to Cape Corrientes, or Cape Florida, lies north and south, one point east, and is all quite free of shoals and rocks, with six fathoms water. They found Cape Florida to be in lat. 18° 15' N. Sailing on to the southward, till in lat. 27°, they met with two islands, one of which, about a league in circuit, they named Santa Monta200.
   On the 15th of May, they proceeded 10 leagues along a line of small islands, as far as two white ones, and called the whole group los Martyres, or the Martyrs, because the high rocks at a distance had the appearance of men upon crosses. This name has been since considered as prophetic, on account of the great numbers of seamen who have been lost on these rocks. They held on their course, sometimes north, and sometimes north-east, and on the 24th were as far to the southwards as some small islands lying out to sea, yet never perceived that they were going along the continent. Finding a convenient place for wood and water, they remained here to the 3d of June, careening one of their ships called the St Christopher. Here the Indians came out in canoes to see the Christians, as the Spaniards declined going on shore, though often invited by signs. One day, being about to weigh an anchor, only to remove it to fresh ground, the Indians supposing the Christians were going away, came off in their canoes and laid hold of the cable, meaning to draw the ship away; on which some men were sent in the long-boat to drive them away, and following the Indians to the shore, took four women, and destroyed two old canoes. At times while here, they bartered with the Indians for some skins, and a small quantity of indifferent gold. On the 4th of June, while waiting for a wind to go in search of a cacique named Carlos, who was said to have gold, by some Indians on board, a canoe came off having an Indian on board who understood Spanish, and was supposed to be a native of Hispaniola, or some of the islands inhabited by Christians. This man desired them to wait, as the cacique would send gold to barter. They accordingly waited, and soon saw twenty canoes coming towards them, some of which were made fast two and two together. A part of these went to the anchors, and others to the ships, and began to fight. As those at the anchors were unable to weigh them, they attempted to cut the cables; but a long-boat was sent out against them, which obliged them to fly, taking four men and killing several others. De Leon sent two of his prisoners to the cacique, saying that although he had killed a Spaniard, he was willing to treat of peace and friendship. Next day the boats went to sound the harbour, and some of the men landed. Some Indians brought a message from the cacique, saying that he would come next day on purpose to trade: But this was merely a feint to gain time, that they might collect their power; as at eleven o'clock, eighty canoes full of armed men attacked the nearest ship, and fought till night without doing the Spaniards any harm, all their arrows falling short, as they durst not come near, for fear of the cross-bows and artillery. At night the Indians retired. Having remained here nine days, they began to think of returning to Hispaniola and Porto Rico, and discovered some islands by the way, of which they received intelligence from the Indian prisoners they had on board. They sailed among islands till the 21st, when they arrived at some small islands which they called las Tortugas, or the Tortoises, as they took 170 of these creatures in a very short time in one of these islands, and might have had many more if they would. On the 28th, seeing land, they came to an anchor to overhaul their sails and tackle, but could not tell whereabout they were. Most of them thought it was the island of Cuba, because they found canoes and dogs, with some knives and other tools of iron. On the 25th of July they were among a parcel of low islands, still ignorant of their situation, till De Leon sent to examine an island which he believed to be Bahama, in which he was confirmed by an old woman who was found alone in another island. They were likewise confirmed in this circumstance by James Miruelo, a pilot, who happened to be there with a boat from Hispaniola. Having ranged backwards and forewards to the 23d of September, and refitted their ships, Juan Ponce de Leon sent one of his ships, commanded by Juan Perez de Ortubia, with Antonio de Alaminos as pilot, with orders to examine the island of Bimini, in which the Indians reported there was a spring which made old people young again. Twenty days afterwards, Juan Ponce returned to Porto Rico, and not long afterwards the ship returned there which he had sent to Bimini, but without discovering the famous spring. Ortubia reported that the island was large, and pleasantly diversified with hills, plains, and meadows, having many rivers and delightful groves201.
   Besides his main design of making discoveries, which all Spaniards then aspired to, Ponce was eager to find out the spring of Bimini, and a certain river in Florida, both of which were affirmed by the Indians of Cuba to have the property of turning old people young by bathing in their waters. Some time before the arrival of the Spaniards, many Indians were so thoroughly convinced of the reality of such a river, that they went over to Florida, where they built a town, and their descendants still continue there. This report prevailed so universally among the caciques in these parts, that there was not a brook in all Florida, nay scarcely a lake or puddle, that they had not bathed in; and some still ignorantly persist in believing that this virtue resides in the river now called Jordan, at Cape Santa Helena, forgetting that the Spaniards first gave it this name in 1520, when they discovered the country of Chicora.
   Though this voyage of Ponce de Leon turned out to no account to him, it gave him encouragement to go to court to seek a reward for the countries he had discovered, which he believed to be all islands, and not the continent, as it afterwards turned out. Yet his voyage was beneficial, on account of the route soon afterwards found out, by which the ships returned to Spain through the Bahama channel, which was first accomplished by the pilot Antonio de Alaminos, formerly mentioned. For the better understanding this voyage of Juan Ponce, it must be understood that there are three different groups in the archipelago of the Lucayos. The first is composed of the Bahama islands, giving name to the channel where the currents are most impetuous. The second is called los Organos; and the third los Martyres, which are next the shore of los Tortugas to the westwards; which last being all sand, cannot be seen at any distance, wherefore many ships have perished on them, and all along the coasts of the Bahama channel and the Tortugas islands. Havanna in the island of Cuba is to the southwards, and Florida to the northward, and between these are all the before mentioned islands, of Organos, Bahamas, Martyres, and Tortugas. Between Havanna and los Martyres, there is a channel with a violent current, twenty leagues over at the narrowest; and it is fourteen leagues from los Martyres to Florida. Between certain islands to the eastwards, and the widest part of this passage to the westwards, is forty leagues, with many shoals and deep channels; but there is no way in this direction for ships or brigantines, only for canoes. The passage from the Havanna, for Spain is along the Bahama channel, between the Havanna the Martyres, the Lucayos, and Cape Canaveral; and the giving occasion to this discovery was the great merit of Ponce de Leon, for which he was well rewarded in Spain.

SECTION X. The Martyrdom of two Dominican Friars on the coast of Venezuela, through the Avarice of the Spaniards
   There happened about this time a very singular and melancholy event, which I find recorded in many Spanish historians, which shews to what a height corruption had grown in so short a time among the Spanish settlements in the West Indies. Reports had reached Spain of the harsh and cruel manner in which the natives were treated by the Spaniards, being distributed among the proprietors of land as if they had been cattle. This moved some religious men of the Dominican order to go over to the new world, to try what progress they could make in converting the Indians by spiritual means only. Three of these fathers landed in the island of Porto Rico, where one of them fell sick and was unable to proceed. The other two procured a vessel to carry them over to the main, where they were landed at no great distance from the Indian town which Hojeda and Vespucius had seen in their first voyage, standing in the water, and which therefore they had named Venezuela or little Venice. The fathers found the natives at this place very docile and tractable, and were in a fair way of making them converts to the Christian religion; when unluckily a Spanish pirate, whose only employment was to steal Indians to sell them as slaves to the colonists, anchored on the coast. The poor natives, confident of being well treated by Christians, went freely on board along with their cacique, and the pirate immediately weighed anchor, and made all sail for Hispaniola, carrying them all away into slavery. This naturally raised a great ferment among the remaining natives, who were on the point of sacrificing the two Dominicans to their resentment, when another Spanish ship arrived in the harbour, commanded by a man of honour. He pacified the Indians for the present as well as he possibly could, and receiving letters from the Dominicans with a true statement of the transaction, he promised to send back their cacique and the rest of their countrymen in four months. As he really intended to perform his promise, he immediately made application to the supreme tribunal at St Domingo, called the royal audience, setting forth the particulars of the case, and the imminent danger to which the two fathers were exposed, unless these Indians were sent back in due time. But it so happened that these very people had been purchased as slaves by some of the members of the royal audience, and these members of the supreme tribunal were not so much in love with justice as to release them. The consequence of this was, that at the end of the four months, the Indians murdered the two Dominicans, Francisco de Cordova and Juan Garcias, in revenge for the loss of their prince and relations.

SECTION XI. Discoveries on the Continent of America by command of Velasquez, under the conduct of Francis Hernandez de Cordova
   After James de Velasquez had reduced the greatest part of the island of Cuba, and had settled colonies of Spaniards in many districts of the island, he became desirous of shaking off the authority of the Admiral James Columbus, by whom he was appointed to the command, and setting up for himself. By this time the admiral had been recalled into Spain, and opposed this project of Velasquez to the utmost of his power; but his credit was now so low; that he could not fully succeed; as, though Velasquez was still ordered to give an account to Columbus of the exercise of his authority, the admiral was not allowed to recal him from the government of Cuba, unless with the concurrence of the crown. This so far answered the purpose of Velasquez, that he resolved to fit out ships for discovery. This project was no sooner made known, than numbers of rich Spanish planters embraced the proposal, and offered to contribute large sums for carrying it into execution. Among those who distinguished themselves on this occasion, was Francis Hernandez de Cordova, a rich and brave man who had Indians of his own, and offered to go as captain on this expedition. Having received a commission from Velasquez, he fitted out two ships and a brigantine, with all necessary stores, and listed 110 soldiers202. He sailed from St Domingo, in Cuba, to the Havanna, and left Havanna on the 8th of February 1517. On the 12th, they doubled cape St. Antonio, holding their course to the westwards, as Antony de Alaminos, their pilot, said that the first admiral always inclined in that way, having sailed with him when a boy. They encountered a great storm which lasted two days, during which they expected to have perished. After being twenty-one days at sea, laying to always at night, they got sight of land, and could perceive a large town about two leagues from the coast. As they drew nigh the shore, two canoes full of men came off to the ships, from which thirty Indians went on board Cordova's ship, having jackets without sleeves, and pieces of cloth wrapped about them instead of breeches. The Spaniards gave them meat and wine, and a few strings of beads; and the Indians before going away, made them understand by signs, having no interpreter, that they would return next day with more canoes to carry all the Spaniards on shore. These Indians expressed great admiration at the Spaniards, their ships, beards, arms, and every thing which they had not seen before. They returned next day with twelve canoes, and their cacique continually called out conez cotoche, that is Come to my house, for which reason this place was called Cape Cotoche. After the Spaniards had consulted together, they hoisted out their boats, and went on shore with their arms, where a prodigious multitude of people waited to see them. The cacique still pressed them to go to his house, and having received so many tokens of peace and friendship, they resolved to comply, in order to take a view of the country. On coming to a wood, the cacique called out to a great number of armed men who lay in ambush; when there immediately appeared a great number of men in armour of quilted cotton, with targets, wooden swords edged with flints, large clubs, spears, bows and arrows, and slings. These warriors had their faces painted of many colours, and were all adorned with plumes of feathers. They gave a hideous shout, pouring in at the same time such a shower of stones and arrows, that they wounded fifteen Spaniards at the first onset; after which they fell on sword in hand, and fought with great resolution. The Spaniards had only twenty-five cross-bows and muskets, which were well plied; but when the Indians felt the sharpness of the Spanish swords, they soon fled, having seventeen killed and many wounded. Two youths were taken in this action, who afterwards became Christians by the names of Julian and Melchior. The Spaniards returned to their ships, well pleased at having discovered a more civilized people than any which had been hitherto seen at Darien, or in any of the islands; more especially as they had houses of stone and lime, which had not till then been seen in the West Indies.
   They held their course along the coast for fifteen days, always laying to at night, when they came to a large town with a bay, which they believed to be a river in which they might find water, of which they were now in great need. They landed, and hearing the Indians call the place Quimpeche, it ever afterwards was called Campechy. Being come to a well of excellent water, of which the natives used to drink, and having taken what they needed, they were about to return to the ships, when fifty Indians clad in jackets and large cotton cloth cloaks came up, asking by signs what they wanted, whether they came from the east, and finally invited them to their town. When they had seriously considered this, and put themselves into a good posture of defence, lest they should be treacherously used as they had already been at Cotoche, they accompanied the Indians to certain temples or places of worship, built of stone and lime, where there were many idols of very ugly shapes, with fresh signs of blood, and several painted crosses, at which last they were much amazed. Great numbers of men, women, and children, flocked to look at them, shewing signs of great amazement, though some of them smiled. Soon afterwards, two parties of armed men appeared in good order, clothed and armed like those they had seen at Cotoche. In the next place, ten men in very long white mantles came from one of the temples, having their long black hair twisted up in rolls behind. In their hands these men held little earthen fire-pans, into which they cast gum anime, which they call copal, with which they perfumed the Spaniards, ordering them to depart from the country on pain of death. They then began to beat upon small kettle drums, and to sound their horns, trumpets, and pipes. The Spaniards, who were rather weak, as two of the men wounded at Cotoche had died, and the rest were not yet quite recovered, thought it prudent to retire to the shore, which they did in good order, followed by the armed Indians, and embarked without any conflict. After sailing six days longer, the wind came round to the north, blowing with such violence on the coast that they thought to have been cast away. When the storm abated, they endeavoured to approach the shore for water, as the casks had become leaky, and soon ran out. They landed accordingly in a bay near an Indian town, and about a league from the town of Pontonchan, and filled their casks at a well near certain places of worship, which were built of stone and lime like those they had seen formerly. When ready to return to the ships, they perceived a party of armed men advancing towards them, who asked whether they had come from where the sun rises? On being answered in the affirmative, the Indians drew back to some houses not far off, and the Spaniards, because night was coming on, resolved to remain on shore. A great noise was heard soon afterwards among the Indians, and the Spaniards became divided in opinion; some being clear for getting on board immediately, while others thought it would be dangerous to retreat in the dark, as there seemed 300 Indians to every one of their small party.
   When day broke next morning, it appeared that the Indians had been joined by many others during the night, and they all surrounded the Spaniards, pouring in a great shower of arrows, stones, and darts, by which eighty of the Spaniards were wounded at the first onset. After this they closed in with the Christians, using their swords and spears; and though the Spaniards were not idle with their fire-arms, cross-bows, and swords, the Indians distressed them greatly. On experiencing the sharpness of the Spanish swords, the Indians drew farther off, continuing to ply their arrows with a good aim, crying out calachani! calachani! which in the language of Yucutan, signifies cacique or captain, meaning that they should aim especially at the commander Cordova. In this they succeeded, as he received twelve arrow wounds, as he exposed himself foremost in every encounter, when he ought rather to have directed his men than fought personally. Finding himself sorely wounded, and that the courage of his men was unable to overcome so great a multitude, which was continually increasing, he made a furious onset, and broke through the Indians, who still pursued the Spaniards on their way to the boats. On getting to the boats, they had nearly sunk them all by the hurry of so many men crowding to embark; but they at length put off from the shore, the Indians still plying them with missile weapons, and many of them advancing into the water to wound the Spaniards with their spears.
   In this unfortunate rencontre, forty-seven Spaniards were killed, and many wounded, five of whom died on board. The wounded men endured excruciating pain while in the boats, in consequence of their wounds being wet with sea water, which caused them to swell much. All the people cursed the pilot Alaminos for bringing them to this place, who still persisted that this country was an island. They called this place Bahia de Mala Prelea, or the Bay of Evil Battle, on account of the misfortune they had here encountered. On arriving at the ships, the Spaniards gave thanks to God for their deliverance from danger; and being all wounded except one, they came to the resolution of returning to Cuba, and set fire to one of their ships which had become leaky, as they had not now able hands enough to manage the sails of both, and to work the pumps. Being much distressed for water, as they had been constrained to abandon their casks at Pontonchan, some of the soundest of the men went on shore at a creek which they called De los Logartos, on account of the numbers of alligators found there. Finding no water here but what was brackish, Alaminos, and the other pilots, recommended to stand over to the coast of Florida, where they arrived in four days. Alaminos went on shore in search of water, with twenty of the stoutest soldiers, armed with cross-bows and muskets, the Captain Hernandez begging them to bring him some water as speedily as possible, as he was perishing of thirst. On landing near a creek, Alaminos said he knew the place, having been here before with Ponce de Leon, and advised them to be on their guard against the natives, and they accordingly posted centinels to give the alarm. They dug pits along an open shore, where they found good water, with which they quenched their thirst; and while employed in washing some linen for the wounded men, and almost ready to reimbark, one of their centinels came running towards them, calling out to put to sea without delay, as warlike Indians were coming towards them. Soon after they saw many canoes with Indians coming down the creek. The Indians were armed with long bows and arrows, and spears and swords after their manner, and being large men clothed in deer skins, they had a very formidable appearance. At the first discharge of their arrows, the Indians wounded six of the Spaniards; but finding the effects of the Spanish arms, they drew off again to their canoes, and seized the Spanish boat. On this the Spaniards closed with them, being obliged to wade up to their middles in the water, but succeeded in rescuing the boat and putting the Indians to flight, Alaminos being wounded in the throat during the fight. When the Indians retreated and the Spaniards were all ready to embark, the centinel who gave the alarm was asked what had become of his companion? He answered, that he had stepped aside towards the creek by which the Indians came down, on purpose to cut down a palmito; and that hearing him soon afterwards cry out, he had run away to give the alarm. A party was sent in search of him, following the track of the Indians, who found the palmito he had begun to cut down, and near it the grass was much trodden down, which made them conclude he had been carried away alive, as they could not find him after an hours search. That unfortunate soldier was the only one who had escaped unwounded from Pontonchan.
   The boat now returned to the ship with the water which they had procured; and many of the people on board were so eager to drink, that one of the soldiers leaped into the boat immediately on its getting along-side, and drank so greedily that he swelled and died in two days after. Leaving this place, they came in two days sail to the Martyres, where the greatest depth of water is only two fathoms, interspersed with many rocks, on one of which the ships touched and became very leaky. Yet it pleased God, after so many sufferings, that they arrived at the port of Carenas, now called the Havanna; whence Hernandez de Cordova sent an account of his voyage to James Velasquez, the governor of Cuba, and died in ten days after. Three of his soldiers died also at the Havanna, making fifty-six in all lost during the expedition out of an hundred and ten men. The rest of the soldiers dispersed themselves over the island of Cuba, and the ships returned to the city of St Jago, by which the fame of this voyage spread over the whole island.

SECTION XII. Farther Discoveries on the Continent by Juan Grijalva, under the orders of Velasquez, by which a way is opened to Mexico or New Spain
   However unfortunate Cordova had been in his expedition, yet Velasquez considered the intelligence he had transmitted concerning his discoveries as of high importance, and he determined to pursue these discoveries on the first opportunity, chiefly because the people among whom Hernandez had been so roughly bandied seemed much more civilized than any Indians hitherto met with, and consequently were likely to prove proportionally richer. These sentiments were no sooner made public, than several of the principal inhabitants of the island offered their assistance, so that he was soon in a condition to send out a small squadron of three ships and a brigantine, having 250 men on board. These were commanded by the captains Alvaredo, Montejo, and de Avila, and under chief command of Juan Grijalva, who was ordered by Velasquez to make what discoveries he could, but to form no settlement. They sailed from Cuba on the 8th of May 1518; and having visited the coast of Florida, they doubled Cape St Anthony, and discovered the island of Cozumel, to which Grijalva gave the name of Santa Cruz, because discovered on the day of the invention of the Holy Cross, yet it has always retained its Indian name of Cozumel, by which it is still known. Grijalva landed with a competent number of soldiers, yet no person could be found; for the natives had fled on the first appearance of the ships. While some went to look out for the inhabitants, Grijalva caused mass to be celebrated on the shore. Two old men were found in a field of maize, who were brought to Grijalva; and as Julian and Melchior happened to understand their language, Grijalva made much of them, giving them some beads and looking-glasses, and sent them away to their chief and countrymen, in hopes of establishing an intercourse with the natives, but they never returned. While waiting for them, there came a handsome young woman, who told them in the language of Jamaica, that the people had all fled into the woods for fear, but that she had come to them, being acquainted with ships and Spaniards. Many of the people of the ships understood her language, and were astonished how she could have come to that island. She said that she had gone out to fish from the island of Jamaica about two years before, in a canoe with ten men, and had been driven by a storm and the currents to that island, where the natives had sacrificed her husband and all the rest of her countrymen to their idols. Grijalva, beleaving that this woman would be a faithful messenger, sent her to persuade the natives to come out of the woods, being afraid if he sent Julian and Melchior that they might not return. The woman came back in two days, saying that she had done all she could to prevail on the natives, but altogether without effect.
   Finding that nothing could be accomplished at this place, Grijalva embarked his men, taking the Jamaica woman along with him, as she begged him not to leave her behind. In this island of Cozumel the Spaniards found many hives of excellent honey; they found likewise considerable quantities of batatas, and swine having navels on their backs203, by which articles of food they were much refreshed. They saw several temples, one of which was in form of a square tower, wide at bottom, and hollow at the top, having four large windows and galleries. In the hollow at the top, which was the chapel, there were several idols, behind which was a sort of vestry where the things used in the service of the temple were kept. At the foot of the temple there was an inclosure of stone and lime well plastered, having battlements; and in the middle of this was a cross of white lime three yards high. This was held to be the god of rain, which they affirmed they always procured on praying devoutly to this image. While sailing along the coast of this island, the Spaniards were greatly surprised to see large and beautiful buildings of stone, having several high towers, which had a fine appearance from a distance. No such things having ever been seen before in the West Indies, and likewise on account of the cross which they had seen, Grijalva said they had discovered a NEW SPAIN. Eight days after leaving Cozumel, they came to anchor off the town of Pontonchan, and landed all the soldiers near some houses. The Indians, vain of having driven Hernandez and his men from their country, drew up in martial array to hinder the Spaniards from landing, shouting and making a great noise with their trumpets and kettle-drums. Though some falconets which were in the boats put the natives into great terror, having never experienced any such before, yet they shot their arrows when the boats came near, and cast darts and stones from their slings, running even into the water to attack the Spaniards with their spears. But as soon as the Spaniards landed, they compelled the natives to give way; for, being taught by experience, the Spaniards now used the same sort of defensive armour with the Indians, being stuffed with cotton, so that they received less harm from the arrows than on former occasions; yet three of the soldiers were killed, and sixty wounded: Grijalva, the commander, was shot with three arrows, one of which broke several of his teeth.
   On the boats returning from the ships with a reinforcement of soldiers, the Indians quitted the field, and the Spaniards went to town, where they dressed their wounded men, buried the dead, and found only three of the natives. Grijalva used these men kindly, giving them some toys, and sent them to recal the inhabitants, engaging not to hurt any of them; but they never returned, and Grijalva did not venture to send Julian or Melchior, as he suspected they might run away. Grijalva embarked again, and came to a large wide gulf of fresh water, which resembled a river, which however it was not. Alaminos the pilot alleged that the land in which this gulf was situated was an island, and that the water parted it from another country, on which account it was called Boca de Terminos, or the Mouth of Boundaries. They landed here, and remained three days, and found that it was no island, but a bay forming a good harbour. There were temples, having idols of clay and wood, representing men, women, and serpents; but no town could be seen, and it was conjectured that these served as chapels for people who went a-hunting. During the three days that the Spaniards remained here, they took several deer and rabbits by means of a greyhound bitch they had with them; but they negligently left her at this place. Going on their voyage from hence, and always laying to or coming to anchor at night, to avoid falling in with rocks or shoals, they discovered the mouth of a very large river, which promised to be a good harbour; but, on sounding it, they found that it had water enough for the two smaller ships only. The boats went up the river with great caution, as they saw many armed men in canoes along shore, resembling those of Pontonchan. This river was named Tabasco, from the cacique of a neighbouring town; but the Spaniards called it Rio de Grijalva, from the name of their commander. As the boats advanced they heard a noise made by the Indians who were felling trees, as, having heard of what had happened at Pontonchan, they concluded the Spaniards meant to make war upon them.
   The Spaniards landed at a grove of palms about half a mile from the town, and the Indians came towards them with about fifty canoes full of armed men in a warlike posture, all finely decorated with feathers. When all were ready on both sides to begin an engagement, Grijalva sent Julian and Melchior to speak with the natives. These interpreters told them that the Spaniards were come to treat about some affairs that would please them, and did not intend to go war, unless forced in their own defence. On this four canoes drew near, and being shewn certain strings of glass beads, which they mistook for a sort of stones called chalcibites, much valued among them, they were pacified. Then Grijalva ordered the interpreters to say, That he and his men were subjects of a great king, to whom mighty princes were under obedience, and it was both reasonable and for their advantage that they too should submit themselves to his authority; and desired them, until these things could be explained more fully, to supply him and his men with provisions. The Indians answered, That they would give provisions, but saw no reason why, having a lord of their own, they should submit to any other. They likewise warned the Spaniards to beware of making war against them, as they had done at Pontonchan; for they had provided three xiquiples of armed men against them, each xiquiple being 8,000. That they already knew the Spaniards had killed and wounded above 200 of the people of Pontonchan; but that they were not so few and weak as the people of that place, and had been deputed to know their intentions, of which they would make a true report to a numerous assembly of wise men, who were waiting to determine on peace or war, according to their answer. Grijalva gave them several strings of beads, looking-glasses, and other such trifles, and charged them to bring him an answer without delay, as otherwise he would be obliged to go to their town, but not to do any harm. He then returned to the ships, and the messengers delivered their message to all the chief men of the tribe who were wont to be consulted on great affairs, who determined that peace were better than war. They immediately sent, therefore, a number of Indians to the ships, loaded with roasted fish, hens, several sorts of fruit, and the bread of the country, all of which they placed on mats on the ground in a very orderly manner, laying beside them a handsome mask of wood, and several pieces of very beautiful feather-work; and one of the Indians said that the lord of the town would come next day to visit the Spaniards.
   Next day, accordingly, the cacique went on board Grijalvas ship without jealousy, attended by many people all unarmed. On perceiving their approach, Grijalva dressed himself in a loose coat of crimson velvet and a cap of the same, with suitable ornaments; and being a handsome man of twenty-eight years of age, made a fine appearance. The cacique was received on board with much respect, and sitting down with Grijalva, some discourse took place between them, of which both understood very little, as it was mostly carried on by signs, and by means of a few words which Melchior and Julian were able to interpret. After some time, the cacique ordered one of his attendants to take from a petaca, or a kind of trunk, the presents which he had brought for the Spaniards. The Indian accordingly took out certain plates of gold, and thin boards covered with gold, in the nature of armour, which fitted Grijalva as perfectly as if they had been made on purpose; and the cacique put them on him himself, changing any that did not fit for others, till at length Grijalva was fitted with a complete suit of golden armour. The cacique also presented him with various works of gold and feathers, which are much valued among these people; and it was wonderful how splendid Grijalva appeared in all these fine ornaments, for which he made every sign of gratitude to the cacique. He called for a shirt of fine linen, which with his own hands he put upon the cacique; then took off his coat of crimson velvet, with which he clothed him, and put a pair of new shoes on his feet, and gave him some of the finest strings of beads and looking-glasses, with scissars, knives, and several articles of tin; and distributed many such among the caciques attendants. What the cacique had given to Grijalva was computed to be worth 3000 pieces of eight; among which was a wooden helmet covered with thin plates of gold, and three or four masks, some of which were studded with a sort of stones resembling emeralds. The sight of all these things made the Spaniards eager to settle in a country which produced so much wealth. Grijalva, after receiving this great present at Tabasco, was sensible that the Indians were not willing he should prolong his stay; and on asking for more gold, the Indians answered Culua, culua.
   He now proceeded farther along the coast, and in two days came to a town called Aqualunco, which the Spaniards called la Rambla. The inhabitants of this place were seen at a distance, armed with targets of tortoiseshell, which glittered so in the sun that the Spaniards believed they had been of pale gold. They discovered a bay into which the river Tonala discharges itself, which they visited on their return, and called it the river of St Anthony. At some distance farther on they saw the great river of Guazacoallo, which they could not enter on account of bad weather. After this they had a view of the Snowy Islands204 of New Spain, which the soldiers named St Martin. Holding on their course, Alvaredo, having the headmost ship, entered a river called Papaloava, but which the Spaniards named Alvaredos river. Here the natives of a town, called Tavotulpale brought fish, and the other ships waited till Alvaredo came out. Beyond this they came to the mouth of another river, which they named Rio de las Banderas, or Flag-river, because the Indians waved large white cloths on long poles, like colours, as if inviting the Spaniards to land. The country, on the coast of which the Spaniards now were, was a province of the great empire of Mexico, over which Montezuma then reigned, a prince of great wisdom and penetration, who had heard of the exploits of the Spaniards, and the pains they took to become acquainted with the sea coasts of his dominions. He was uneasy on this account, and was anxious to learn who and what these people were, and wherefore they took so much pains to examine the state of countries which did not belong to them. For this purpose, he had given directions to the governors of these maritime provinces, to take every opportunity of trading with these strangers, and to send him an account of their motions from time to time, that he might be able to come to some distinct notion respecting them and their intentions. Seeing themselves thus invited on shore, Grijalva ordered two boats to land under the charge of Captain Montejo, having all the musketeers belonging to the armament and twenty other soldiers; with orders, in case the Indians appeared in a warlike posture, that he should give notice by signal, that succours might be sent him. As soon as Montejo landed, the Indians presented him with fowls, bread, and fruit, and perfumed him and his men by burning copal in fire-pans. Julian was not able to understand the language of these people, which was Mexican, and Montejo sent advice to Grijalva of the friendly behaviour of the Indians, on which he brought his ships to anchor, and landed himself. He was received with great respect by the Mexican governor and other men of note, to whom he presented some glass beads and necklaces of several colours. The governor ordered the Indians to bring gold to barter with the Spaniards, and in the course of six days stay at this place, they got to the value of 15,000 pieces of eight in gold baubles and toys of various shapes. Hitherto all things had succeeded so as to do great credit to Grijalva and his companions, yet nothing had been done to satisfy the high expectation which had been formed in Cuba of this expedition. This prompted Grijalva to lose as little time as possible in proceeding to explore the country; and, having presented the cacique with such things as he had to give, he took formal possession of the country for the king, and for James Velasquez in the king's name, and embarked to go elsewhere, because the north winds blew upon the land, and rendered his farther stay unsafe. Proceeding on the voyage, he found an island near the continent having whitish sands, which therefore he called Isla Blancha, or the White Island, and not far off another, four leagues from the continent, which he called Isla Verde, or the Green Island. Farther on they came to another, a league and a half from the land, and there being a good road-stead opposite, Grijalva brought the ships to anchor, and went on shore in his boat at a place where some smoke was seen. He there found two houses well built with stone and lime, having many steps which led up to altars, on which there were idols; and they perceived that five men had been sacrificed there that night, their breasts being ripped open, their legs and thighs cut off, and the walls all bloody. This sight greatly astonished the Christians, who called this place the Island of Sacrifices. They landed afterwards on the coast opposite that island, making themselves huts of boughs covered with sails, to which some natives resorted to barter gold in small figures; but the natives being shy, and the gold in small quantity, the Spaniards removed to another island only half a league from the coast. Landing on the shore, they built barracks on the highest part of the strand, to avoid the plague of mosquitos or gnats; and having sounded the harbour, they found sufficient water for the ships, which were sheltered from the north wind by the small island. Grijalva went over to the small island with thirty soldiers in two boats, where he found an idol temple and four priests clad in very long black mantles with hoods. That very day they had sacrificed two boys, whom they found ripped open and their hearts taken out, which moved the Spaniards to compassion. Grijalva asked an Indian who had come with him from the Rio de Banderas, who seemed a good rational person, what was the reason of this barbarous practice, to which he answered, that the people of Ulua would have it so. On this account, and because Grijalvas name was Juan, this island has always been called since St Juan de Ulua, to distinguish it from St Juan de Puerto Rico. Grijalva staid here seven days, bartering for some small quantity of gold. At length, the people being quite tired of the trouble they received from prodigious swarms of gnats, and being quite certain the country they had visited was the continent, having many large towns, which justified the name of New Spain which they had given it; the cazibi bread they had on board becoming mouldy, and the men being too few to settle a colony in so populous a country, ten having died of their wounds, and many of the rest being sick; it was judged proper to return to Cuba to give an account to Velasquez of all their proceedings and discoveries, more especially as he had expressly prohibited the making of any settlement, that he might hereafter send a greater number for that purpose if he judged right. Yet Grijalva was much inclined to remain and build a town, and made choice of Alvaredo to carry a message to that effect to Velasquez, sending by him all the gold and other curiosities which had been procured, and all the sick.
   After the departure of Grijalva from Cuba, Velasquez became very anxious about his ships, which were navigating upon an unknown coast, and sent therefore Christopher de Olido, a commander of good character, in a ship with seventy soldiers, to endeavour to procure intelligence. While Olido was at anchor on the coast of Yucutan, there arose so violent a storm that he was forced to cut his cables, and run back to St Jago. Much about this time Alvaredo arrived with the gold, cotton cloth, and other things from Grijalva, and a relation of all that had been done during the expedition. This was very satisfactory to Velasquez, who conceived great hopes of brilliant consequences from the discoveries, and the news spread about the island of Cuba, to the great astonishment and admiration of all men. Velasquez was a severe master to those who served him, over credulous, and easily provoked by misrepresentations. And Alvaredo having been of opinion for settling a colony in New Spain, represented the affair to him in any way he thought proper, and gave him very bad impressions of the man who had served him so very successfully and faithfully, with such strict regard to the orders he had given. Leaving this for the present, we proceed to give an account of the farther operations of Grijalva in obtaining a clear account of this part of the continent he was sent to discover.
   Soon after Alvaredo set out for Cuba, by the advice of his captains and pilots, Grijalva continued his exploration of the coast, which he sailed along in sight of the mountains of Tuspa, so named from a town in that neighbourhood. Proceeding onwards to the province of Panuco, they saw several towns on the shore, and a river which they named Decancas. While they lay here at anchor rather off their guard, ten canoes full of armed men came towards the ship commanded by Alonzo de Avila, and poured in a flight of arrows, by which five men were wounded, and then attempted to cut the cables, that they might carry off the ship, and even succeeded so far as to cut one of the cables. The men on board de Avilas ship behaved themselves well, and overset two of the canoes, yet required the aid of fire-arms from the other ships before they could drive away the Indians. At last, many of the Indians being wounded, they desisted from their rash enterprise, and made for the land. From this place the Spaniards sailed along the coast till they came to a large point of land which they found very difficult to double, and the pilot Alaminos represented that it was very inconvenient to proceed any farther in that direction. The captains and pilots now consulted as to what was best to be done, some of whom were for returning along the coast in search of a proper place in which to settle a colony. Montejo and Avila differed from this opinion, representing that winter was approaching, that provisions were growing scarce, and one of the ships very leaky; for all which reasons it was advisable to return to Cuba; the more especially because the natives of this coast were numerous and warlike, and the Spaniards were so much fatigued by having been so long at sea, that they were not able to maintain their ground. Added to this, Grijalva considered that his instructions were positive not to attempt any settlement; and this being backed by the opinion of his captains, Montejo and Avila, he determined to return. Tacking about, therefore, he came back to the great river of Guazacoallo, but could not enter it on account of bad weather. They proceeded thence to the river of Tonala, which they had named St Anthony, where they careened their leaky ship. While here, many Indians came to them from the town, which was a league off, bringing fowls, bread, and other provisions, which they bartered for Spanish toys; and the news having spread over the country, others came from Guazacoallo, and other neighbouring towns, bringing provisions, small gold plates, and very bright copper axes with painted handles. Thinking these axes had been pale gold, the Spaniards purchased six hundred of them, and the natives would willingly have sold them more.
   While at this place, one Bartholomew Prado went to a temple which stood in the fields, whence he brought some of the perfume used by the Indians, named copal, or, as some call it, gum anime. He also brought away the knives of flint, with which the priests sacrifice men to their false gods, by ripping them open, and some idols. He delivered all these things to Grijalva, having first taken off the ear-rings, pendants, plates, and crowns of gold with which the idols were adorned, worth about ninety pieces of eight, which he endeavoured to conceal; but not being able to dissemble his joy for the booty he had obtained, Grijalva had notice of it; yet, being of a generous temper, he restored all to Prado, reserving only the fifth for the king. When they had refitted their ship, they sailed in forty-five days to Cuba, with gold to the value of 4000 pieces of eight, besides what Alvaredo had carried. When they came to pay the fifth for the copper axes, which they had bought for gold, they were much confused on finding them rusty. They put into the harbour of Matancas, where Grijalva found a letter from Velasquez, ordering him to tell the soldiers that another fleet was fitting out for returning to make a settlement in New Spain, and that those who chose to go back should remain at some farms belonging to the governor in that neighbourhood. Grijalva himself was ordered to come with all speed with the ships to Santiago, where the new fleet was fitting out. On appearing before Velasquez, he had no thanks for all the trouble he had been at, and was even abused for not having made a settlement, though he had acted exactly according to his instructions. This was a capital blunder in Velasquez, as he seemed resolved to find a person fitted both for making discoveries and of betraying him by setting up for himself. One would have imagined that a man of so much good sense as Velasquez certainly had, would have had the judgment to retain in his employment a person so fit for his purpose as Grijalva had proved; and the very thing for which he disgraced him ought assuredly to have preserved him from that fate, since only by a scrupulous regard to his instructions had he refrained, after such valuable discoveries, from pursuing that line of conduct by which he was most likely to have established his fortune and independence. But Velasquez, like many other men of excellent abilities, often preferred the opinions of others to his own, thereby losing the opportunities which his superior talents afforded. Yet it is highly probable that this very error contributed more to the important conquests which were afterwards made by the Spaniards, than the wisest measures he could have taken

CHAPTER V.
HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF MEXICO, WRITTEN IN THE YEAR 1568, BY CAPTAIN BERNAL DIAZ DEL CASTILLO, ONE OF THE CONQUERORS



INTRODUCTION
   Although the present chapter may not, at first sight, appear strictly conformable to the plan of this work, which professes to be a Collection of Voyages and Travels, it is, notwithstanding, very intimately connected with our plan, as every step of the conquerors, from their first landing on the coast of the Mexican empire, to the final completion of the conquest and reduction of the numerous dependent provinces, must be considered as discoveries of kingdoms, provinces, and people before utterly unknown. In our endeavours to convey a clear view of this important event to our readers, we have preferred the original narrative of Bernal Diaz, one of the companions of Cortes, who accompanied him during the whole of his memorable and arduous enterprise, an eye-witness of every thing which he relates, and whose history, notwithstanding the coarseness of its style, has been always much esteemed for the simplicity and sincerity of the author, everywhere discoverable205. Those who are desirous of critically investigating the subject, as a matter of history, will find abundant information in the History of Mexico by Clavigero, and in Robertson's History of America. In our edition of the present article we have largely availed ourselves of The true History of the Conquest of Mexico by Bernal Diaz, translated by Maurice Keating, Esq. and published in 1800; but which we have not servilely copied on the present occasion. This history is often rather minute on trivial circumstances, and somewhat tedious in its reprehensions of a work on the same subject by Francisco Lopez de Gomara; but as an original document, very little freedom has been assumed in lopping these redundancies. The whole has been carefully collated with the history of the same subject by Clavigero, and with the recent interesting work of Humbolt, so as to ascertain the proper orthography of the Mexican names of persons, places, and things, and to illustrate or correct circumstances and accounts of events, wherever that seemed necessary. Diaz commences his work with his own embarkation from Spain in 1514, and gives an account of the two previous expeditions of Hernandez de Cordova, and Juan de Grijalva, to the coast of New Spain, both already given in the preceding chapter, but which it would have been improper to have expunged in this edition of the original work of Diaz.
   (Illustration: Sketch of Mexico and its Environs)

PREFACE BY THE AUTHOR
   I, BERNAL DIAZ DEL CASTILLO, regidor of the loyal city of Guatemala, while composing this most true history of the conquest of Mexico, happened to see a work by Francisco Lopez de Gomara on the same subject, the elegance of which made me ashamed of the vulgarity of my own, and caused me to throw away my pen in despair. After having read it, however, I found it full of misrepresentations of the events, having exaggerated the number of natives which we killed in the different battles, in a manner so extraordinary as to be altogether unworthy of credit. Our force seldom much exceeded four hundred men, and even if we had found the multitudes he speaks of bound hand and foot, we had not been able to put so many to death. In fact we were often greatly at a loss to protect ourselves, and were daily reduced to pray to God for deliverance from the many perils which environed us on every side. Alaric and Atilla, those great conquerors, did not slay such numbers of their enemies as Gomara pretends we did in New Spain. He alleges that we burned many cities and temples, forgetting that any of us, the true conquerors, were still alive to contradict his assertions. He often magnifies the merit of one officer at the expence of another, and even speaks of the exploits of some captains who were not engaged in the expedition. He pretends that Cortes gave secret orders for the destruction of our ships; whereas this was done by the common consent of us all, that we might add the seamen to our small military force. He most unjustly depreciates the character of Juan de Grijalva, who was a very valiant commander. He omits the discovery of Yucutan by Hernandez de Cordova. He erroneously supposes Garay to have been actually in the expedition which he fitted out. His account of the defeat of Narvaez is sufficiently accurate; but that which he gives of the war of Tlascala is exceedingly erroneous. He treats the war in Mexico as a matter of little importance, though we there lost above 870 of our soldiers. He makes no mention of our loss during the memorable siege of that city, but treats of it as of a festival or a marriage pageant.
   It is needless to enlarge on his numerous errors in this place. I shall therefore proceed to my own narrative, ever mindful that the beauty of historical composition is truth, and shall carefully relate the conquest of New Spain, recording the heroic services of us the true conquerors; who, though few in number, gained this rich country to his majesty through many dangers and infinite hardships, under the guidance of the brave and adventurous captain, HERNANDO CORTES; using in my work such ornament and embellishment of language as may seem proper to the occasion. For these great services, his majesty has often issued orders that we should be amply rewarded, but his orders have not hitherto been obeyed. My narrative will afford sufficient materials for future historians to celebrate the fame of our general, Cortes, and the merits of those brave conquerors by whom this great and holy enterprise was achieved. This is not a history of ancient nations, made up of vain reveries, and idle hearsays, but contains a true relation of events of which I was an actor and an eye-witness. Gomara received and wrote such accounts of these events as tended to enhance the fame and merit of Cortes exclusively, neglecting to make mention of our valiant captains and brave soldiers; and the whole tenor of his work shews his partiality to that family, by which he is patronized. By him also the doctor Illescas, and the bishop Paulus Jovius have been misled in the works which they have published. But in the course of this history, as a vigilant pilot proceeds cautiously among shoals and quicksands by the help of the line, so I, in my progress to the haven of truth, shall expose the errors and misrepresentations of Gomara: Yet if I were to point out every error he has committed, the chaff would much exceed the grain.
   I have brought this history to a conclusion, in the loyal city of Guatimala, the residence of the royal audience, this 26th of February 1572.

SECTION I. Expedition of Hernandez de Cordova, in 1517
   I left Castille in the year 1514, along with Pedro Arias de Avila, then appointed to the government of Tierra Firma, and arrived with him at Nombre de Dios. A pestilence raged in the colony at our arrival, of which many of the soldiers died, and most of the survivors were invalids. De Avila gave his daughter in marriage to a gentleman named Vasco Nunez de Balboa, who had conquered that province; but becoming afterwards suspicious that Balboa intended to revolt, he caused him to be beheaded. As troubles were likely to take place in this colony, several of us who were men of good families, asked permission from Avila to go over to Cuba, which had been lately settled under the government of Diego Velasquez. He readily granted this request, as he had brought more soldiers from Spain than were needed in his province, which was already subdued. We went accordingly to Cuba, where we were kindly received by Velasquez, who promised to give us the first lands that fell vacant; but, after waiting three years, reckoning from the time of leaving Spain, and no settlements offering, an hundred and ten of us chose Francisco Hernandez de Cordova for our captain, a wealthy gentleman of Cuba, and determined to go on a voyage of discovery under his command. For this purpose, we bought two vessels of considerable burthen, and procured a bark on credit from Velasquez, who proposed as a condition, that we should make a descent on the islands called Los Guanages, between Cuba and Honduras, to seize a number of the inhabitants as slaves, in order by their sale to repay the expence of the bark: But when this proposal was made known to the soldiers, we unanimously refused, as it was unjust, and neither permitted by God nor the king to make slaves of freemen. Velasquez assented to the justice of our objections, and gave us all the assistance in his power in regard to provisions. We accordingly laid in a store of hogs at three crowns each, there being no oxen or sheep at that time in Cuba, and a quantity of cassava bread, as flour was not to be had for biscuits. With these sorry provisions, and some trifling toys and ornaments to barter with the Indians, we assembled at a port named Agaruco, on the north side of Cuba, eight leagues from the town of St Christopher, the inhabitants of which removed two years afterwards to the Havanna. Our chief pilot was Antonio de Alaminos of Palos, and two others named Comacho de Triana, and Juan Alvarez. We got also a priest, named Alonso Gonzales to go with the expedition; and appointed a soldier named Bernardino Iniguez as veedor, to take care of his majesties rights in case of procuring any gold during the voyage.
   Having provided ourselves in necessaries as well as we could, and recommended ourselves to God and the Holy Virgin, we sailed from the port of Agaruco on the 8th of February 1517. In twelve days we passed Cape St Antonio in the land of a tribe of savages called Guanatareyes, after which we sailed to the westwards at random, being entirely ignorant of the shallows, currents, or prevailing, winds in these seas. We were in most imminent danger during our voyage for two days and two nights in a violent storm; but the wind subsided, and in twenty-one days after leaving Cuba, we came to a coast which had never been before discovered. On nearing the shore, we saw a large town about two leagues inland, which we named Grand Cairo, as it exceeded any of the towns in Cuba. Our bark was sent forwards to examine the coast. Five canoes came off to us on the morning of the 4th March. These boats of the Indians resemble troughs, being hollowed out of a single trunk of a tree, and many of them are large enough to contain fifty men. We invited the people by signs to come on board, and above thirty of them came aboard Cordovas ship without shewing the smallest apprehension, where they were treated with such provisions as we had, and each of them received a string of green glass beads. Having examined the vessels with much admiration, they went to the shore, promising by signs to return next day with a greater number of canoes, in order to bring us all on shore. All these Indians had close cotton dresses, having a narrow cloth round their waists, being more decent than the natives of Cuba, where the women only use this piece of dress. Next day the same chief came off with twelve large canoes, inviting our captain to go on shore, repeating frequently con-escotoch, con-escotoch, which we understood to mean, come to our town, and from this circumstance we named the place Punta de Cotoche. We resolved to accept the invitation, but using the precaution to go in a body at one embarkation, as we saw many Indians on shore. We therefore hoisted out our own boats, and in them and the canoes and our own small bark, we proceeded to the land. After landing, we halted to consider what we should do, and as the cacique still urged us by signs to accompany him, we marched on in good order, fifteen of our men being armed with cross-bows and ten with muskets. As we were passing some thick woods, the cacique suddenly called aloud to a body of Indians which he had posted there in ambush, who immediately sallied out, pouring in a flight of arrows, by which fifteen of our soldiers were wounded. These Indians wore thick coats of quilted cotton, and besides their bows and arrows, were armed with lances, shields, and slings, and had their heads ornamented with feathers. After discharging their arrows they advanced to attack us with their lances; but our sharp swords, and the repeated discharges of our muskets and cross-bows, soon drove them to a distance, leaving fifteen of their men dead on the field. We took likewise two prisoners, who were afterwards baptized by the names of Julian and Melchior, and became useful as interpreters. On our return to the shore, we had the pleasure to find that Gonzales had taken care of the chests we had brought to land with articles for barter, as he had taken them off to the ships, with the assistance of two natives of Cuba. Near the place of the engagement, there were three buildings of stone and lime, in which were several idols of clay in strange unnatural postures, with diabolical countenances, and several wooden chests containing smaller idols, some vessels, three diadems, and several figures of birds and fish, all of inferior gold.
   Having reimbarked, we proceeded along shore as formerly, coasting to the west. After fifteen days sailing with great caution along an unknown coast, we got sight of a large town near an inlet or creek, which had the appearance of being the mouth of a river. We named this place St Lazarus, because discovered on the Sunday of that saint; and we determined to attempt procuring water at this place, being in much want, as our casks were bad, not having sufficient means to purchase proper vessels at Cuba. As the ebb-tide left an extensive shallow, we left our two large ships a league from shore, and went well armed in our bark and the boats, to a place from which the town was supplied with water; as so far as we could discover this country has no running streams. Just as we had filled our casks, about fifty Indians, dressed in cotton mantles, came towards us, who all appeared to be chiefs. They inquired by signs what we wanted; and we answered in the same manner, that we came for water, and were now returning to our ships. They then pointed to the eastwards, as if asking if we came from thence, frequently repeating the word Castillano. After this, they invited us to their town, to which we accordingly went, and came to some large and well-constructed temples, built of stone and lime, having the figures of idols and serpents painted on the walls. On entering one of these temples, we could plainly perceive the traces of fresh spilt blood on one of the altars. We saw likewise several strange idolatrous figures and symbolical paintings, altogether impressing us with horror and astonishment. All this while the natives behaved peaceably, but collected in great numbers, apparently from curiosity, yet we stood upon our guard, remembering how we had been treated at the former place. A body of the natives made their appearance, in very ragged dresses, each of whom carried a bundle of dry reeds, which they laid in a heap, and then retired. Soon afterwards came two bodies of warriors, dressed and armed like those at the former place, each headed by a chief or captain, who drew up at some distance from us. Immediately after this, ten priests rushed out from a neighbouring temple. These men wore loose robes of white cotton, having their long hair clotted with blood, and all matted and twisted together. They bore vessels in their hands containing fire and aromatics, with which they fumigated us, and made us to understand by signs, that they would put us to death if we did not quit their country before the fuel lying by us was consumed, which they now kindled and retired. The warriors who were drawn up opposite us, began to make a noise, beating their drums, sounding their horns, and whistling with great violence. Seeing these threatening preparations, we deemed it prudent to retreat to our boats, on board of which our water-casks had been already embarked, and returning to our ships we proceeded on our voyage.
   We coasted along for six days, during which time we had a violent storm from the north, by which we were in great danger of being driven on shore. We suffered much also from want of water, owing to the insufficiency of our casks, and were often obliged to go on shore to sink wells for our daily supply. At the end of six days, we came opposite a town about a league from the shore, to which we determined to go, and came to anchor therefore as near as we could. The name of this town was Pontonchon, in which we could see several buildings of stone and lime, and it appeared to be surrounded with fields of maize. We landed, and having found a spring of water, we immediately began to fill our casks. While busied in this necessary employment, several large bodies of warriors approached us in silence. These men had their bodies covered to their knees with defensive armour of cotton; their faces were painted black, white, and red, and their heads were ornamented with plumes of feathers. Besides bows, arrows, and slings, they had shields and two-handed swords. These people addressed us in the same manner with those of Campechy, pointing to the east, and repeating Castillano, Castillano; to which we replied by signs that we came from the east, yet were much at a loss to know the intention of this inquiry, and whether to understand it favourable or otherwise. Meaning to remain on shore for the night, we formed ourselves in a compact body, with sentinels on every side, and consulted together as to our farther proceedings. We heard at this time a great noise among the Indians, which we suspected to threaten us with evil; and some of us proposed to embark, which was considered as too dangerous in the face of the enemy, while others were for making an immediate attack, on the old principle, that the assailant usually conquers; but the odds against us was at least 300 to one, and this council was rejected as too rash. Day at length broke, and gave us a view of our danger. Great bodies of warriors were seen advancing with their standards displayed to join those who had assembled on the preceding evening, and we soon found that we must exert our utmost efforts for our defence, putting our trust in the mercy of GOD to relieve us from our dangerous situation. The Indians surrounding us on every side, immediately attacked us hand to hand, and soon wounded ten of our men; but the execution made by our swords and fire-arms made them draw off to some distance, whence they plied their arrows to good effect. They continually called out, al calachioni, al calachioni, which we understood to mean, Aim at the captain, who was wounded by arrows in twelve different places. I also had three wounds, one of which in my left side, was very dangerous, and two of our men were carried off alive. Seeing all our exertions ineffectual, as the enemy continually received reinforcements, and above fifty of our number were already slain, Cordova gave orders to force our way through the enemy, which we effected in a compact body, the enemy keeping up a close pursuit, continually pouring in their arrows, and even attacking us with their spears. We at last reached our boats, which sunk in the hurry and pressure of our embarkation, and many of us had to endeavour to reach the bark, which came as near as possible to receive us, half wading and half swimming. In this last effort many of our soldiers were wounded, and it was with the utmost difficulty that any of us escaped. This disastrous action lasted half an hour, and on mustering our force after we got back to the ships, we found we had lost fifty-seven men. Our wounds soon became very painful, owing to the cold and the sea water, and we cursed Alaminos and his discoveries, who still persisted that this land was an island. We gave this bay the name of de Mala Prelea, or of the unlucky fight. One soldier only of those who escaped was unwounded, most of us having three or four wounds, and our captain twelve. Many of the sailors likewise were disabled; for which reason we set the smallest vessel on fire, distributing her crew to the others. Our greatest misfortune was that we had been forced to leave our casks behind, so that during the rest of the time we remained at sea we were reduced to inexpressible distress for want of water, our lips and tongues becoming full of cracks from intolerable thirst. Such are the cruel hardships attendant on voyages of discovery.
   After three days sail, observing a creek which we hoped might lead to fresh water, fifteen sailors and three soldiers went on shore to examine it; but the only water they could find was salt, and some which they got from pits which they sunk on the shore was not drinkable even in our distressed situation. This was called Alligators Creek, as it contained a great number of these animals. The prevailing winds at this time were from the north and north-east, which increased to a storm, in which we were near perishing. When it subsided, we determined on returning to the Havanna; but, by the advice of Alaminos, we made in the first place for the coast of Florida, which by his charts, and the observations he had made of our voyage, was 70 leagues distant. He was well acquainted with this navigation, as he had been there ten or twelve years before206 with Juan Ponce de Leon, and steering across the gulf, we came to that country in four days sail. Our first object was to obtain a supply of water; for our captain was sinking daily under the distress of his wounds and intolerable thirst, and we were all in much need of that indispensable necessary of life. Twenty of us, among whom I was one, went on shore with the casks as soon as possible, being warned by Alaminos to be on our guard against a sudden attack from the natives, who had fallen upon him by surprise when formerly on that coast. We accordingly posted a guard in an open place near the shore, and set about digging some pits, in which we had the satisfaction to find excellent water. We remained about an hour washing our linens and bathing our wounds, which delay enabled the Indians to attack us, one of our centinels giving us the alarm only a few moments before they appeared. The Indians, who were tall, athletic men, dressed in the skins of beasts, immediately let fly a shower of arrows, by which six of us were wounded, and myself among the rest. We soon beat them off, however, when they went to the assistance of another party who had come round in some canoes, and were dragging away our boat, after wounding Alaminos and four sailors. We followed them as quickly as possible, wading up to our middles in the sea, and rescued the boat, after killing twenty-two of the Indians, and making prisoners of three who were only slightly wounded, yet died afterwards during our voyage to Cuba.
   After the natives were driven away, we inquired of the soldier who gave us the alarm of the enemy, what had become of his comrade? He reported, that a short time before he came to us, his companion went to the water side to cut down a palmito, and soon afterwards, hearing him cry out, being as he supposed in the hands of the enemy, he ran towards us and gave the alarm. The soldier thus amissing, named Berrio, was the only person who escaped from Pontonchan unwounded. We went to seek for him, and found the palmito he had begun to cut, around which the ground was much trodden, but no trace of blood, from which we concluded he had been carried away alive. Having sought him in vain for an hour, we returned on board with the water, to the infinite joy of our companions, who were quite beside themselves on its arrival. One man leapt into the boat immediately on its getting along-side, and never ceased drinking till he died. We next proceeded to a certain low island called los Baxos de los Martyres, where our commanders ship struck on a sunken rock, and took in so much water that she was near sinking; indeed we greatly feared that our utmost exertions at the pump could not bring her into port. When two of our sailors, who were from the Levant, were called upon to aid in pumping, they calmly replied facetelo vos, or Do it yourselves, when we were almost exhausted by fatigue, and the ship on the very point of going down. We compelled them, however, to fall to, and by the blessing of GOD we got safe to the harbour then called Puerto de Carenas, where the city of Havanna has been since built. Our captain went immediately to his estate near Spiritu Santo, where he died in ten days, and three soldiers died of their wounds at the Havanna, and the rest dispersed to their different homes or avocations.
   Immediately after our arrival, an express was sent to Velasquez the governor of Cuba, informing him that we had discovered a country having houses of stone and lime, where the inhabitants were decently clothed, cultivating maize, and possessing gold; and the fame of our discovery was soon spread through the island, by the soldiers and mariners who had returned from the expedition. On producing the figures and idols which we had brought over, it was believed that they had been brought to that country by a Jewish colony, flying after the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus and Vespasian207. The name of Yucutan, which that country we discovered acquired at this time, was occasioned by the following mistake. Yuca in the language of the country is the name of the plant used in the islands for bread, there named cazabi, and tale in the same language signifies the heap of earth on which it is planted. When the two prisoners whom we brought from thence were shewn this plant in Cuba, they immediately recognized it, saying Yucu-tal, which was supposed to signify their country, and has ever since been applied by the Spaniards to that part of America, but pronounced Yucutan. They alleged likewise that their country produced gold, or at least they were so understood, but this has since been found not to be the case. All that we soldiers got by this discovery, was to come back poor and wounded, and thankful that we had saved our lives, having lost seventy out of our small number during the expedition. Diego Velasquez wrote an account to his patron, the bishop of Burgos, of all the particulars of this discovery, and the expences he had incurred, by which he obtained fame and credit from his majesty; but nothing was said in favour of us poor soldiers, who had expended our property, and risked our lives in the expedition.
   As soon as our wounds were healed, I and two other soldiers, desiring to go to the town of Trinidad, agreed for our passage with an inhabitant of the Havanna, who was going there in a canoe to sell a cargo of cotton, for which he was to be paid ten crowns in gold. We accordingly embarked with him, and after coasting along for eleven days, we were driven on shore in a violent gale of wind, near an Indian town named Canarreon, the canoe being dashed to pieces, while we reached the shore with much difficulty naked, bruised, and wounded. We were forced to adopt the clothing of our first parents, and tied sandals to our feet made of bark which we cut from the trees with sharp stones, fixing them on by means of the tough flexible roots of a plant called bejucos. Travelling in this sorry plight, we came in two days to the village of Yaguarrama, where Fray Bartholome de las Casas was then parish priest, who was afterwards bishop of Chiapa. I went next day to the town of Chipiona, belonging to Alonso de Avila, where I got myself decently clothed at the house of a friend named Antonio de Medina. I then continued my journey to St Jago, where the governor, Velasquez, was preparing to fit out another expedition of discovery. Being my relation, as well as governor, I went to wait upon him, when he asked if I was willing to undertake another expedition to Yucutan. I answered, that it ought rather to be called the land of wounds and disasters. He replied, he knew that we suffered much in the last voyage, but such was often the fate of those who sought fame and honour by new discoveries, and that he would take care to inform the king of our services, that we might be rewarded according to our merits. "And now," said he, "my son, if you will try your fortune once more, I will place you in a station where you may reap honour."

SECTION II. Expedition of Juan de Grijalva in 1518
   Encouraged by the accounts of the new discoveries which had been made in the last expedition, Velasquez fitted out a new armament of four ships; two of which had been on the former voyage, and the other two he now purchased. This expedition was to be commanded in chief by his relation Juan de Grijalva, under whom Pedro de Alvarado, Francisco de Montejo, and Alonso de Avila were captains, all persons of known bravery, and proprietors of estates in these islands. For this equipment, each captain provided sailors and provisions, and the governor furnished ships, arms, and other necessaries. The accounts which had been circulated of the riches of the country, especially from the information of Melchior the native, soon collected a number of unprovided adventurers from the different islands, so that 240 companions speedily engaged for the expedition, among whom I resolved to try my fortune once more. We each deposited a certain stipulated sum, to provide various necessary articles for the voyage, and for our use when in the field. The orders given on the occasion by Velasquez to Grijalva were, to bring back as much gold and silver as he could procure, and in regard to colonization or settlements, he left him to act according to circumstances as he might think best. We had the same pilots as on the former voyage, with a fourth, whose name I do not remember; Penalosa was our veedor, and Juan Diaz our chaplain. The port of Matanzas was chosen as the most convenient rendezvous, as the colonists had many plantations and flocks of swine in that neighbourhood.
   All our preparations being made, we set sail on the 5th of April 1518, after hearing mass with great devotion, and in ten days doubled the point of Guaniguanico, which the pilots call Cape St Antonio. In eight days more we came in sight of the island of Cozumel, the currents forcing us farther down than we had been in our former voyage. On sight of our ships, the natives fled from a town on the island, but our people found two old men concealed in a field of maize who were unable to follow the rest. Our interpreters, Julianillo and Melchiorejo, whom we had made prisoners in the former voyage, understood the language of these people, as the island of Cozumel is only four leagues from their country. Grijalva treated these people well, after which he gave them some presents and dismissed them, being in hopes to induce the natives of the town to return. Some time afterwards, an Indian woman of a good person and handsome countenance joined us, who spoke the language of Jamaica, which is the same with that spoken in Cuba. She told us that she had left Jamaica two years before in a canoe, with her husband and nine other men, intending to fish at certain islands; but the currents had driven them to this place, where the natives sacrificed her husband and all her other companions. Expecting that this woman might prevail on the natives to return to the town, Grijalva sent her away for that purpose, allowing two days for her return, but she came back next day, saying that none of them could be prevailed upon to come. At this place, named Santa Cruz, we found a great deal of honey in hives, several kinds of vegetables, such as boniatos and potatoes, and many hogs of the country, having their navel on their backs. There are two smaller towns on this island, which we did not visit, being unwilling to lose time. Following the course of Cordova, we arrived in eight days at Champoton208, where we cast anchor a league from the shore, on account of the water being very shoal at low ebbs. We disembarked with half of our soldiers close to the town, and the natives remembering their former success against us, attacked us immediately with much military parade. From our former experience, we took care to be well prepared on this occasion, and accordingly had our boats armed with falconets209. Half of our men were wounded before we could reach the shore: But having formed on the beach, and being reinforced by a second disembarkation, we soon defeated them, on which they fled to the marshes; yet we lost three of our men, our captain receiving three arrows, and having two of his teeth knocked out. On entering the town after the defeat of the natives, we found it entirely deserted, the inhabitants having likewise removed all their effects. We took three prisoners, whom we endeavoured to reconcile by kind usage, and sent them with a message to bring back their countrymen; but they never returned, and we suspected our interpreters of dealing treacherously so as to counteract our wishes. The field in which we fought with these Indians was very stony, and swarmed prodigiously with locusts, and these animals sprung up in such numbers during the action, striking us in the face, that we hardly knew when to raise our shields in our defence, or whether it was locusts or arrows which flew about us, they were so mixed together.
   After staying four days in Champoton, we pursued our voyage to what appeared the entrance of a large river; but Alaminos insisted that it was the termination of a large island, on which account this inlet was called Boca de Terminos. Grijalva went on shore with several officers and a party of soldiers, to examine the bay and the adjacent country, where they found several temples containing idols of clay and wood, some like women, and others like serpents. As the country was quite uninhabited, and we found many horns of deer at the temples, it was concluded they had been built for the accommodation of hunters, when they frequented this part of the country, which abounded in deer and rabbits. We killed ten of the former, and many rabbits, by means of a dog we had with us, which we left behind us by accident when we reimbarked; but we found him afterwards on the shore, fat and sleek, when we returned on the expedition with Cortes. Continuing along the coast to the westwards from Boca de Terminos, we arrived in three days at another inlet called the river of Tabasco, from a cacique in the neighbourhood, but which we named Rio de Grijalva, in honour of our captain. Finding this inlet shallow, we entered with the vessels of lightest draught of water, in which and our boats we embarked our whole force; as from seeing numbers of armed Indians in canoes, we concluded there was a populous town or district hard by, especially as we found nets with fish in the track by which we entered. On approaching the shore, we heard the noise of felling trees, which we concluded to be preparations for defence, and we learnt afterwards that the natives were acquainted with our transactions at Pontonchan. We landed at a point about half a league from the town, close by a grove of palm trees, to which place the natives advanced against us in martial order in about fifty canoes, all painted and prepared for battle. We fortunately addressed them by means of our interpreters, declaring that our intentions were pacific, and invited their chiefs to a conference. On this about thirty Indians landed, who were presented with beads of coloured glass, and our captain made the interpreters explain to them, that we came from a distant country, being the servants of a great prince, to whom he advised them to become subjects, and besides, that he expected they would give us a supply of provisions in return for our beads. Two these men, one a priest and another a chief, made answer that they would willingly barter with us and give us provisions, but that they had a sovereign of their own, and advised us not to repeat the unseasonable demand of submission to our prince, lest they should attack us as had been done at Pontonchan, having two xiquipils of warriors of 8000 men each: Yet, though confident in their superior force, they had come to treat with us amicably, and would report our proposal to their chiefs, after which they would bring their decision, and inform us whether it was to be peace or war between us. Grijalva embraced them in token of peace, and gave them several strings of beads, requesting them to bring a speedy answer, which they promised, and soon did, assuring us in name of their chiefs, of peace and concord; in token of which thirty Indians came soon afterwards, loaded with broiled fish, fowls, fruit, bread made of maize, and vessels with lighted coals to fumigate us with certain perfumes. They then spread a mat on the ground, which they covered with a mantle, on which they laid some golden toys made in form of birds and lizards, and three strings of gold beads, desiring us to accept these presents in a friendly manner, being all the gold they could collect, which did not exceed the value of 200 crowns. They added that there was abundance of gold to be had farther west, repeating several times Mexico and Culua, words which we did not then understand. We were well satisfied with this proof that the country produced gold; and we hastened to quit our present anchorage, as a gale from the north was likely to happen, and might have proved fatal to the expedition.
   Two days sail from Tabasco, we arrived opposite to a town called Aguayaluco, which we named la Rambla, where we observed many of the inhabitants armed with shields of tortoise-shell, which the soldiers believed to have been gold, from being polished and shining in the sun. We came next to the mouth of the river Farole, which we named St Antonio. Whence we continued our course by the mouth of the great river Coatzacualco, observing a distant range of high mountains covered with perpetual snow, and others nearer the sea, which we named the ridge of St Martin, as being first noticed by a soldier of that name. At this time Alvarado discovered a river called Papaloapan by the natives, which was afterwards called the river of Alvarado, into which he entered, and procured some fish from the inhabitants of a town named Tlacotalpan. Grijalva was much offended by the conduct of Alvarado on this occasion, as we had to wait three days for his return; and gave pointed orders that no ship should separate in future from the squadron without orders, lest any unforeseen misfortune should happen that could not be remedied by assistance from the rest. From thence, after the return of Alvarado, we proceeded to a river which we named Vanderas, because some white banners were waved by a number of Indians on the shore, as a signal of invitation for us to land.
   It is now universally known that the city of Mexico is as large as Venice, and is built in like manner in the water, and also that it is the capital of a large empire, containing many extensive provinces, then ruled over by a powerful monarch named Montezuma210, whose thirst for conquest led him to extend the boundaries of the empire in every direction. Having received intelligence of our first appearance on this coast under Cordova, and of the battle at Champoton; that our force was very small, and that our object was to procure gold in exchange for articles which we had along with us, all of which circumstances had been faithfully communicated to him by means of paintings transmitted to his residence by expresses; he issued orders, on receiving notice of our second arrival on his coast, to procure our green glass beads in exchange for gold, as they set great value on these baubles, not knowing they were artificial; and he likewise directed his officers to make minute inquiries as to our persons and intentions. We have likewise been told that he was greatly influenced in regard to us, by an old tradition or prophesy, by which it was said that men were to come from the rising sun who were to acquire the dominion of his country. It was in compliance with these orders, that the officers of Montezuma were now on the coast, and had made signs inviting us to come on shore. Induced by the signals, Grijalva sent a party to land, under the charge of Montejo, the weather being unusually favourable for the purpose. On landing, we found the governor of the province attended by many natives, having with them a quantity of provisions, such as fowls, bread, pines, sapotes, and other fruit. They were reclining on mats under the shade of some trees, and made signs for us to sit down by them, and as on former occasions, perfumed us with fragrant gums. On this occasion our whole intercourse was by signs, as our interpreters from Cotoche in Yucutan, did not understand the Mexican language. Our friendly reception being reported to Grijalva, he immediately landed with all the rest of the soldiers, and on his rank being made known to the Indians, he was treated with extraordinary respect, which he returned with much politeness, ordering beads and cut glass to be distributed among them, and expressing a desire to obtain gold in return. On this occasion he procured gold in various articles of workmanship, to the value of 15,000 crowns. On this occasion, also, he made a formal act of possession of these territories for his majesty, under the governor of Cuba; and, having distributed some European shirts among the principal natives, we all returned on board. We were accompanied by one of the natives, who was baptized by the name of Francisco, whom I saw settled and married at the town of Santa Fe, after the conquest of Mexico.
   After remaining six days at this place, we proceeded along the coast, passing a low island about three leagues from the main which we named Isla blanca, or the White Island. About a league and a half farther on, we came to a larger island, where Grijalva landed with a party of soldiers. On this island there were two well constructed buildings of stone and lime, having each steps to ascend to the top, on each of which there was an altar placed before certain hideous idols, where were also the bodies of five miserable persons who had been sacrificed the night before, having their hearts cut out, their limbs separated from their bodies, and their blood sprinkled on the walls and altars. We named this Isla de los Sacrificios, or Sacrifice Island. We landed on the coast opposite to this island, where we built huts for ourselves and remained for some days, expecting the natives to trade with us for gold. Many of them came to visit us, but they brought very little of that metal, and seemed very shy and timid, on which account we reimbarked and continued our voyage.
   When we arrived at that part of the coast which is opposite the island of St Juan de Ulua, where Vera Cruz now stands, we lodged ourselves in huts on the sand hills, having discovered good anchorage at this place, defended from the north winds. Grijalva, with about thirty of us, went over to examine the island, where we found a temple containing a large and hideous image of a god called Tezcatepuca211. We found at this place four Indian priests in long black mantles, like Dominicans, who had that day sacrificed two boys, offering up their hearts to that accursed idol. They offered to perfume us with their incense pots, but we were completely disgusted at the horrible cruelty of their sacrifices, and rejected their proferred compliment with horror. Our interpreter, who seemed a person of intelligence, being questioned as to the reason of immolating these human victims, said that it was done by order of the Indians of Culva or Culchua212, by which he meant the Mexicans. As he pronounced the word Ulua, we named the island St Juan de Ulua, which it still bears; partly in compliment to Juan de Grijalva, and partly because this happened to be St John's Day. We remained seven days at this place, terribly distressed by mosquitos, during which time we procured an inconsiderable quantity of gold from the natives. Being now quite satisfied that the land we were on was part of the continent, our wounded men declining in their health, our number being too small for attempting to establish a colony, and our bread growing bad; it was determined to send Alvarado to Cuba for a reinforcement, as Grijalva was exceedingly desirous of making a settlement on the coast, always shewing himself a most valiant officer, quite contrary to what might be supposed from the aspersions thrown upon his character and conduct by Gomara. In consequence of this determination, Alvarado was sent to Cuba with an account of all our proceedings, and in the mean time we determined to extend our discoveries as far as possible.
   From the time that our expedition left Cuba, Velasquez was always exceeding anxious about our success, and at length became so uneasy that he sent a vessel in search of us, commanded by a gallant officer named Christopher de Oli; who, after sailing for some time in our track, had his ship so much injured in a storm, that he was under the necessity of returning to Cuba without being able to procure any intelligence respecting us. This disappointment added greatly to the anxiety of Velasquez, from which he was relieved by the arrival of Alvarado. The display of gold which he produced astonished the governor and all who saw it; and Alvarado was feasted and honoured above measure, as the bearer of such agreeable tidings. The fame of the new and wealthy country which we had discovered was soon spread abroad and blazoned among the islands, and even reached to Castile.
   After the departure of Alvarado, we continued our progress of discovery along the coast, and passing the mountains of Tusta and Tuspa, we approached the province of Panuco, which is full of populous towns three or four leagues from the coast. Farther on, we arrived at the River of Canoes, so named from the following incident. While at anchor off its mouth, ten canoes full of Indians made a sudden attack on our smallest ship, which Alonzo de Avila commanded, and cut her cable for the purpose of carrying her off, although the people in that ship made a very gallant defence. But on receiving assistance from the other ships, the enemy was beat off with considerable loss. Proceeding farther along the coast, we came to a very bold cape, which our pilot believed we were unable to weather, on account of a violent adverse current. It was then determined in a council of the officers to return to the island of Cuba, though Grijalva earnestly wished to have established a colony in some eligible situation of the coast which we had explored. But in this proposal he was opposed by the majority, on account of the lateness of the season, the scarcity of provisions, and the hardships we had already undergone. We therefore began our voyage back to Cuba, in which we made rapid progress, as we were much assisted by the current; but had to stop at the river Tonala, on purpose to repair one of our ships, which struck the ground three times in going over the bar at the mouth of that river. While we remained here, the natives came to us in a very friendly manner, bringing bread, fish, and fruit, for which we gave them beads and cut glass. On our desire of procuring gold being made known in the neighbouring country, the inhabitants of Guacacualco and other places brought us all they had.
   The Indians in this part of the country were all in use to carry small hatchets of very bright copper, with highly painted handles, intended both for ornament and defence. These were mistaken by us for gold, and we were consequently eager to purchase them, so that in the course of three days we procured about six hundred of them in exchange for green beads. One of our seamen having procured seven of these, thought he had made his fortune. While at this place, a soldier named Bartholomew Pardo, happened to go into a temple on the top of a hill, where he found in a chest some coronets and collars of gold, along with two idols. He secreted the gold for his own use, but gave the idols to Grijalva; who afterwards learnt the circumstances of the gold, which he ordered Pardo to surrender, but gave it back to the poor man, only reserving the fifth for the king, the whole not exceeding the value of eighty crowns. Being much infested with mosquitos, I used to sleep while here in a temple to avoid these intolerable insects, near which I sowed seven or eight seeds of oranges which I had brought from Cuba. These happened to grow, and being noticed as uncommon plants by the priests of this temple, they took care of them, being the first that ever grew in New Spain. As after the conquest, this province was understood to offer great advantages for settlements, many of the principal conquerors chose it for their residence. I was one of the number; and on my arrival, I went in search of the produce of my seeds, and finding the young orange trees in a flourishing state, I had them transplanted, and they throve amazingly well. After our ship was repaired, we set sail for Cuba, leaving the natives very well satisfied with our behaviour, and arrived safe in forty-five days. Velasquez was much pleased with the gold, which amounted to the value of 20,000 crowns; but we were much laughed at on producing our six hundred copper axes to be assayed. On the whole, Velasquez was well satisfied with the conduct of this expedition; though he appeared at first displeased with Grijalva, owing to the unjust aspersions which were thrown upon him by Avila and Montejo.
   After receiving a full account of our voyage, Velasquez sent over his chaplain, Benito Martinez, to make a report of these discoveries to the court of Spain, with letters for Fonseca bishop of Burgos his patron, and to the licentiate Juan Zapata, and the secretary Lope Conchillos, both of whom were employed in conducting the affairs of the West Indies. Velasquez had secured a powerful interest with all these three, by assigning them rich districts in the island of Cuba, thus forwarding his own advantage at the expence of the crown. Martinez was instructed to solicit a commission, authorizing Velasquez to procure gold from the new discovered country, or to make conquests and settlements, as he might see fit; and in this he so effectually succeeded, that he brought back a commission for Velasquez as adelantado of the island of Cuba, so well pleased was the court with his conduct in regard to the discoveries, and the proofs which he had transmitted of the wealth of those countries which he had discovered.