SECTION IV. Brief relation of notable service performed by Sir Francis Drake in 1587338
   INTRODUCTION.
   The title of this article at large in Hakluyt is, A brief relation of the notable service performed by Sir Francis Drake, upon the Spanish fleet prepared in the road of Cadiz; and of his destroying 100 sail of barks; passing from thence all along the coast of Spain to Cape Sacre, where also he took certain forts; and so to the mouth of the river of Lisbon; thence crossing over sea to the isle of St Michael, where he surprised a mighty carak called the St Philip, coming from the East Indies, being the first of that kind ever seen in England.
   The editor of Astleys Collection says, that this relation seems to have been taken from a letter, written by one who was in the expedition to a friend; and thinks that it is not unlike the manner of Sir Walter Raleigh. –E.
   *****
   Being informed of mighty naval preparations in Spain for the invasion of England, her Majesty queen Elizabeth, by the good advice of her grave and prudent council, thought it expedient to use measures to prevent the same; for which purpose she caused a fleet of some thirty sail to be equipped, over which she appointed as general Sir Francis Drake, of whose many former good services she had sufficient proof. She accordingly caused four ships of her royal navy to be delivered to him, the Bonaventure, in which he went general; the Lion, under the command of Mr William Borough, comptroller of the navy; the Dreadnought, commanded by Mr Thomas Venner; and the Rainbow, of which Mr Henry Bellingham was captain339. Besides these four ships, two of her majestys pinnaces were appointed to serve as tenders or advice boats. To this fleet, there were added certain tall ships belonging to the city of London, of whose special good service the general made particular mention, in his letters to the queen.
   This fleet sailed from Plymouth Sound, towards the coast of Spain, in April 1587. The 16th of that month, in latitude of 40° N. we met two ships belonging to Middleburg, in Zealand, coming from Cadiz, by which we were acquainted that vast abundance of warlike stores were provided at Cadiz and that neighbourhood, and were ready to be sent to Lisbon. Upon this information, our general made sail with all possible expedition thither, to cut off and destroy their said forces and stores, and upon the 19th of April entered with his fleet into the harbour of Cadiz; where at our first entering we were assailed by six gallies over against the town, but which we soon constrained to retire under cover of their fortress. There were in the road at our arrival sixty ships, besides sundry small vessels close under the fortress. Twenty French ships fled immediately to Puerta Real, followed by some small Spanish vessels that were able to pass the shoals. At our first coming, we sunk a ship belonging to Ragusa of 1000 tons, very richly laden, which was armed with 40 brass guns. There came two other gallies from Port St Mary, and two more from Puerta Real, which shot freely at us, but altogether in vain, so that they were forced to retire well beaten for their pains. Before night we had taken 30 of their ships, and were entire masters of the road in spite of the gallies, which were glad to retire under the protection of the fort. Among the captured ships was one quite new, of extraordinary size, being above 1200 tons burden, belonging to the Marquis of Santa Cruz, high admiral of Spain. Five were ships of Biscay, four of which were taking in stores and provisions belonging to the king of Spain for his great fleet at Lisbon, which we burnt. The fifth was of about 1000 tons, laden with iron spikes, nails, hoops, horse shoes, and other things of a similar kind, for the West Indies, which we likewise set on fire. We also took a ship of 250 tons, laden with wines on the kings account, which ship we carried with us to sea, when we took out the wines for our own use, and then set her on fire. We took three fliboats of 300 tons each, laden with biscuit, one of which we set on fire, after taking out half her loading, and took the other two with us to sea. We likewise fired ten ships, which were laden with wine, raisins, figs, oil, wheat, and the like. The whole number of ships which we then burnt, sunk, or brought away, amounted to 30 at the least, and by our estimation to the burden of 10,000 tons. Besides these, there were about 40 ships at Puerta Real, not including those that fled from Cadiz.
   We found little ease during our stay in the road of Cadiz, as the enemy were continually firing at us from the gallies, the fortress, and the shore, being continually employed in planting new batteries against us in all convenient situations; besides which, finding they could not defend their ships any longer, they set them on fire that they might come among us, so that at the tide of flood we had much ado to defend ourselves: Yet was this a pleasant sight to behold, as we were thereby relieved from the great labour and fatigue of discharging the provisions and stores belonging to the enemy into our ships. Thus, by the assistance of the Almighty, and the invincible courage and good conduct of our general, this perilous but happy enterprize was achieved in one day and two nights, to the great astonishment of the king of Spain, and the so great vexation of the Marquis of Santa Cruz, the high admiral, that he never had a good day after, and in a few months, as may justly be supposed, he died of extreme grief. Having thus performed this notable service, we came out from the road of Cadiz on Friday morning, the 21st of April, having sustained so small loss as is not worth mentioning.
   After our departure, the ten gallies which were in the road of Cadiz came out after us, as if in bravado, playing their ordnance against us. At this time the wind scanted, upon which we cast round again, and made for the shore, coming to anchor within a league of the town; and there, for all their vapouring, the gallies allowed us to ride in quiet. Having thus had experience of a galley fight, I can assure you that the four ships of her majesty which we had with us would make no scruple to fight with twenty gallies, if all alone, and not being occupied in guarding others. There never were gallies that had better place and opportunity of advantage to fight against ships; yet were they forced to retire from us while riding at anchor in a narrow gut, which we were obliged to maintain till we had discharged and fired their ships, which we could only do conveniently upon the flood tide, at which time the burning ships might drive clear of us. Being thus provisioned for several months with bread and wine at the enemies cost, besides what we had brought with us from England, our general dispatched captain Crosse to England with his letters, giving him farther in charge to relate all the particulars of this our first enterprize to her majesty.
   We then shaped our course to Cape Sacre340, and in our way thither we took at several times near 100 ships, barks, and caravels, laden with hoops, galley oars, pipe staves, and other stores belonging to the king of Spain, intended for furthering his preparations against England, all of which we set on fire and destroyed, setting all their men on shore. We also spoiled and destroyed all the fishing boats and nets thereabouts, to their great annoyance, and as we suppose to the entire overthrow of their rich Tunny fishing for that year. We came at length to Cape Sagres, where we landed; and the better to enjoy the harbour at our ease341, we assailed the castle of Sagres and three other strong holds, some of which we took by storm and others by surrender. From thence we came before the harbour of Lisbon or mouth of the Tagus, where lay the Marquis of Santa Cruz with his fleet of gallies, who seeing us chase his ships on shore, and take and carry away his barks and caravels, was obliged to allow us to remain quietly at our pleasure, and likewise to depart, without exchanging a single shot. When our general sent him word that he was ready to combat with him, the marquis refused his challenge, saying that he was not then ready, neither had he any such commission from his sovereign.
   Thus having his challenge refused by the marquis, and seeing no more good to be done on the coast of Spain, our general thought it improper to spend any more time there; and therefore with consent of his chief officers342, he shaped his course towards the island of St Michael, within 20 or 30 leagues of which he had the good fortune to fall in with a Portuguese carak, called the San Philippo, being the same ship which had carried out to the Indies three Japanese princes who had been in Europe343. The carak surrendered without resistance, and being the first that had ever been taken on the homeward voyage from India, the Portuguese took it for a bad omen, especially as she had the kings own name. Our general put all the people belonging to this carak into certain vessels well provided with provisions, and sent them courteously home to their own country. The riches of this prize seemed so great to the whole fleet, as in truth they were, that every one expected to have sufficient reward of their labour, and thereupon it was unanimously resolved to return to England, which we happily did, and arrived safe the same summer in Plymouth with our whole fleet and this rich booty, to our own profit and due honour, and the great admiration of the whole kingdom.
   It may be here noted, that the taking of this carak wrought two extraordinary effects in England; as in the first place it taught others that caraks were no such bugbears but that they might be easily taken, as has been since experienced in taking the Madre de Dios, and in burning and sinking others; and secondly in acquainting the English nation more particularly with the exceeding riches and vast wealth of the East Indies, by which themselves and their neighbours of Holland have been encouraged, being no less skillful in navigation nor of less courage than the Portuguese, to share with them in the rich trade of India, where they are by no means so strong as was formerly supposed.

SECTION V. Brief account of the Expedition of the Spanish Armada in 1588344
   Notwithstanding the great hurt and spoil made by Sir Francis Drake in Cadiz roads the year before, by intercepting some part of the preparations intended for the great navy of the king of Spain, he used his utmost endeavours to be revenged this year, lest by longer delay his designs might be prevented as before; wherefore he arrested all ships, men, and necessaries that were wanting for his fleet, compelling every one to serve him in his great expedition. He appointed for general of this his so called Invincible Armada, the duke of Medina Sidonia, who was employed on this occasion more for his high birth and exalted rank, than for any experience in sea affairs; for so many dukes, marquises, and earls had volunteered on this occasion, that it was feared they might repine if commanded by a person of lower quality than themselves. They departed from Lisbon on the 19th of May 1588, with the greatest pride and glory, and with less doubt of victory than ever had been done by any nation. But God, angry with their insolence, turned the event quite contrary to their expectation.
   The directions given by the king of Spain to his general, the duke of Medina Sidonia, were to repair, as wind and weather might allow, to the road of Calais in Picardy, there to wait the arrival of the prince of Parma and his army, and on their meeting they were to open a letter containing their farther instructions. He was especially commanded to sail along the coasts of Brittany and Normandy in going up the channel, to avoid being discovered by the English; and, if he even met the English fleet, he was in no case to offer them battle, but only to defend himself in case of attack. On coming athwart the North Cape345 the duke was assailed with contrary wind and foul weather, by which he was forced to take shelter in the Groyne, or bay of Corunna, where part of his fleet waited for him.
   When about to depart from Corunna, the duke got intelligence from an English fisherman, that our fleet had lately been at sea, but had put back again and discharged most of their men, as not expecting the Spanish armada this year. This intelligence occasioned the duke to alter his resolutions, and to disobey the instructions given him by the king; yet this was not done without some difficulty, as the council was divided in opinion, some holding it best to observe the kings commands, while others were anxious not to lose the opportunity of surprising our fleet at unawares, when they hoped to burn and destroy them. Diego Flores de Valdes, who commanded the squadron of Andalusia, and on whom the duke most relied, because of his judgment and experience in maritime affairs, was the main cause of persuading to make the attempt upon our ships in harbour, and in that design they directed their course for England.
   The first land they fell in with was the Lizard, being the most southerly point of Cornwall, which they mistook for the Ram-head off Plymouth; and as the night was at hand, they tacked out to sea, laying their account to make an attempt upon our ships in Plymouth next morning. In the mean time, while thus deceived in the land, they were discovered by captain Fleming, a pirate or freebooter who had been roving at sea, and who knowing them to be the Spanish fleet, repaired in all haste to Plymouth, and gave notice to our fleet then, riding at anchor, as follows:
   THE ENGLISH FLEET346.
   Ships – Commanders (Tons Guns Men)
   The Ark Royal – The Lord Admiral (800 32 400)
   Revenge – Sir F. Drake, vice admiral
   Victory – Sir J. Hawkins, rear admiral (800 52 400)
   Lion – Lord Thomas Howard (500 80 250)
   Bear – Lord Sheffield (900 40 500)
   Elizabeth-Jonas – Sir Robert Southwell (900 40 500)
   Triumph – Sir Martin Frobisher (1000 40 500)
   Hope – Captain Crosse (600 30 250)
   Bonaventure – Captain Reyman (600 30 250)
   Dreadnought – Captain George Beeston (400 20 200)
   Nonparielle – Captain Thomas Fenner (500 50 250)
   Swiftsure – Captain William Fenner (400 20 200)
   Rainbow – Lord Henry Seymour
   Vauntguard – Sir William Wentworth
   Mary-Rose – Captain Fenton
   Antilope – Sir Henry Palmer (350 16 160)
   Foresight – Captain Baker (300 16 160)
   Aid – Captain John Wentworth
   Swallow – Captain Richard Hawkins (330 16 160)
   Tiger – Captain William Wentworth (200 12 100)
   Scout – Captain Ashley (120 8 66)
   Bull
   Tremontanny (– 8 70)
   Acatice (100 8 60)
   Charles, pinnace Captain Roberts
   Moon – Captain Clifford
   Spy – Captain Bradbury (50 5 40)
   Noy
   Immediately on receiving the intelligence brought by Fleming, the lord admiral got out his ships to sea with all possible expedition; so that before the Spaniards could draw near Plymouth, they were welcomed at sea by the lord admiral and his fleet, who continued to fight with them till they came to anchor at Calais. The particulars of the fight and its success I purposely omit, being things so well known347.
   While this great armada was preparing, her majesty had frequent and perfect intelligence of the designs of the Spaniards; and knowing that the king of Spain intended to invade England by means of a mighty fleet from his own coast, she caused her royal navy to be fitted out under the conduct of the lord high admiral of England, whom she stationed at Plymouth as the fittest place for attending their coming. Knowing however, that it was not the Armada alone which could endanger the safety of England, as it was too weak for any enterprise on land, without the assistance of the Prince of Parma and his army in Flanders, she therefore appointed thirty ships of the Hollanders to lie at anchor off Dunkirk, where the prince and his army were to have embarked in flat bottomed boats, which were built on purpose and all in readiness for the expedition to England. Thus by the wise precautions of the queen, the prince was effectually prevented from putting to sea with his flat boats; but in truth neither his vessels nor his army were in readiness, which caused the king of Spain to be jealous of him ever after, and is supposed to have hastened his end.
   Although her majesty had taken the most vigilant precautions to foresee and prevent all dangers that might threaten from sea, yet did she not deem herself and country too secure against the enemy by these means, and therefore prepared a royal army to receive them in case of landing. But it was not the will of God that the enemy should set foot on England, and the queen became victorious over him at sea with small hazard, and little bloodshed of her subjects. Having thus shewn the designs of the Spaniards, and the course pursued by the queen to prevent them, I propose now to consider the errors committed on both sides348.
   Nothing could appear more rational or more likely to happen, after the Duke of Medina Sidonia had got intelligence of the state of our navy, than a desire to surprise them at unawares in harbour; since he well knew, if he had taken away or destroyed our strength at sea, that he might have landed when and where he pleased, which is a great advantage to an invading enemy: Yet, admitting it to have had the effect he designed, I see not how he is to be commended for infringing the instructions he had received from his sovereign. That being the case, it is easy to appreciate what blame he deserved for the breach of his instructions, when so ill an event followed from his rashness and disobedience. It was not his want of experience, or his laying the blame on Valdes, that excused him at his return to Spain, where he certainly had been severely punished, had not his wife obtained for him the royal favour.
   Before the arrival in Spain of the ships that escaped from the catastrophe of this expedition, it was known there that Diego Flores de Valdes had persuaded the duke to infringe the royal instructions. Accordingly, the king had given strict orders in all his ports, wherever Valdes might arrive, to apprehend him, which was executed, and he was carried to the castle of Santander, without being permitted to plead in his defence, and remained there without being ever seen or heard of afterwards; as I learned from his page, with whom I afterwards conversed, we being both prisoners together in the castle of Lisbon. If the directions of the king of Spain had been punctually carried into execution, then the armada had kept along the coast of France, and had arrived in the road of Calais before being discovered by our fleet, which might have greatly endangered the queen and realm, our fleet being so far off at Plymouth. And, though the Prince of Parma had not been presently ready, yet he might have gained sufficient time to get in readiness, in consequence of our fleet being absent. Although the prince was kept in by the thirty sail of Hollanders, yet a sufficient number of the dukes fleet might have been able to drive them from the road of Dunkirk and to have possessed themselves of that anchorage, so as to have secured the junction of the armada and the land army; after which it would have been an easy matter for them to have transported themselves to England. What would have ensued on their landing may be well imagined.
   But it was the will of HIM who directs all men and their actions, that the fleets should meet, and the enemy be beaten, as they were, and driven from their anchorage in Calais roads, the Prince of Parma blockaded in the port of Dunkirk, and the armada forced to go about Scotland and Ireland with great hazard and loss: Which shews how God did marvellously defend us against the dangerous designs of our enemies. Here was a favourable opportunity offered for us to have followed up the victory upon them: For, after they were beaten from the road of Calais, and all their hopes and designs frustrated, if we had once more offered to fight them, it is thought that the duke was determined to surrender, being so persuaded by his confessor. This example, it is very likely, would have been followed by the rest. But this opportunity was lost, not through the negligence or backwardness of the lord admiral, but through the want of providence in those who had the charge of furnishing and providing for the fleet: For, at that time of so great advantage, when they came to examine into the state of their stores, they found a general scarcity of powder and shot, for want of which they were forced to return home; besides which, the dreadful storms which destroyed so many of the Spanish fleet, made it impossible for our ships to pursue those of them that remained. Another opportunity was lost, not much inferior to the other, by not sending part of our fleet to the west of Ireland, where the Spaniards were of necessity to pass, after the many dangers and disasters they had endured. If we had been so happy as to have followed this course, which was both thought of and discoursed of at the time, we had been absolutely victorious over this great and formidable armada. For they were reduced to such extremity, that they would willingly have yielded, as divers of them confessed that were shipwrecked in Ireland.
   By this we may see how weak and feeble are the designs of men, in respect of the great Creator; and how indifferently he dealt between the two nations, sometimes giving one the advantage sometimes the other; and yet so that he only ordered the battle.

SECTION VI. Account of the Relief of a part of the Spanish Armada, at Anstruther in Scotland, in 1588349
   However glorious and providential the defeat and destruction of the Invincible Armada, it does not belong to the present work to give a minute relation of that great national event. It seems peculiarly necessary and proper, however, in this work, to give a very curious unpublished record respecting the miserable fate of the Spanish armada, as written by a contemporary, the Reverend James Melville, minister of Anstruther, a sea-port town on the Fife, or northern, shore of the Frith of Forth.
   James Melville, who was born in 1556, and appears to have been inducted to the living of Anstruther only a short time before the year 1588, left a MS. history of his own life and times, extending to the year 1601. Of this curious unpublished historical document, there are several copies extant, particularly in the splendid library of the Faculty of Advocates, and in that belonging to the Writers to the Signet, both at Edinburgh. The present article is transcribed from a volume of MSS belonging to a private gentleman, communicated to the editor by a valued literary friend. It had formerly belonged to a respectable clergyman of Edinburgh, and has the following notice of its origin written by the person to whom it originally belonged.
   "The following History of the Life of James Melville, was transcribed from an old MS. lent to me by Sir William Calderwood of Poltoun, one of the Judges of the Courts of Session and Justiciary, who had it among other papers that belonged to his grand-uncle, Mr David Calderwood, author of Altare Damascenum, History, &c."
   This MS. so far as it contains the Life of James Melville, extends to 360 folio pages; of which the present article occupies about three pages, from near the bottom of p. 184. to nearly the same part of p. 187. The orthography seems to have been considerably modernized by the transcriber, but without changing the antiquated words and modes of expression. Such of these as appeared difficult to be understood by our English readers, are here explained between brackets. –E.
   *****
   That winter [1587-8] the King [James VI. of Scotland] was occupied in commenting of the Apocalyps, and in setting out sermons thereupon, against the papists and Spaniards; and yet, by a piece of great oversight, the papists practiced never more busily in this land, and [nor] made greater preparation for receiving of the Spaniards, nor [than] that year. For a long time, the news of a Spanish navy and army had been blazed abroad; and about the lambastyde of the year 1588, this island had found a fearful effect thereof, to the utter subversion both of kirk and policy, if God had not wonderfully watched over the same, and mightily foughen and defeat that army, by his souldiers the elements, which he made all four most fiercely till afflict them, till almost utter consumption. Terrible was the fear, peircing were the preachings, earnest zealous and fervent were the prayers, sounding were the sighs and sabs, and abounding were the tears, at that fast and general assembly keeped at Edinburgh, when the news were credibly told, sometimes of their landing at Dunbar, sometimes at St Andrews and in Tay, and now and then at Aberdeen and Cromerty firth: and, in very deed, as we knew certainly soon after, the Lord of armies, who rides upon the wings of the wind, the Keeper of his own Israel, was in the mean time convying that monstrous navy about our coasts, and directing their hulks and galliasses to the islands, rocks and sands, whereupon he had distinat their wrack and destruction.
   For, within two or three moneths thereafter, early in the morning by break of day, one of our baillies350 came to my bed side, saying, but not with fray [fear], "I have to tell you news, Sir: There is arrived within our harbour this morning, a shipfull of Spaniards, but not to give mercy; but to ask." And so shews me that the commander had landed, and he had commanded them to their ship again, and the Spaniards had humbly obeyed. He therefore desired me to rise and hear their petition with them. Up I got with diligence, and, assembling the honest men of the town, came to the tolbooth351, and after consultation taken to hear them and what answer to make, there presented us a very venerable man of big stature, and grave and stout countenance, grey haired and very humble like, who, after much and very low courtesie, bowing down with his face near the ground, and touching my shoe with his hand, began his harangue in the Spanish tongue, whereof I understood the substance; and, I being about to answer in Latin, he having only a young man with him to be his interpreter, [who] began and told over again to us in good English.
   The sum was, That king Philip his master had rigged out a navy and army to land in England, for just causes to be avenged of many intollerable wrongs which he had received of that nation. But God, for their sins, had been against them, and by storm of weather had driven the navy by [past] the coast of England, and him with certain captains, being the general of twenty hulks, upon an isle of Scotland called the Fair isle, where they had made shipwrack, and were, so many as had escaped the merciless seas and rocks, more nor [than] six or seven weeks suffered great hunger and cold, till conducting that bark out of Orkney, they were come hither as to their special friends and confederates, to kiss the kings majesties hand of Scotland, and herewith he becked [bowed] even to the yeard [ground]; and to find relief and comfort thereby to himself, these gentlemen, captains, and the poor souldiers, whose condition was for the present most miserable and pitiful.
   I answered this much in sum, That, howbeit neither our friendship, which could not be great, seeing their king and they were friends to the greatest enemy of Christ, the pope of Rome, and our king and we defied him, nor yet their cause against our neighbours and special friends of England, could procure any benefit at our hands for their relief or comfort; nevertheless they should know by experience that we were men, and so moved by human compassion, and christians of better religion nor [than] they, which should kythe [appear manifest] in the fruits and effects plain contrary to theirs: For, whereas our people, resorting among them in peaceable and lawful affairs of merchandise, were violently taken and cast in prison, their goods and gier [chattels] confiscate, and their bodies committed to the cruel flaming fire for the cause of religion, they should find nothing amongst us but Christian pity and works of mercy and alms, leaving to God to work in their hearts concerning religion as it pleased him. This being truly reported again to him by his townsmen, with great reverence he gave thanks and said, "He could not make answer for their kirk [church], and the laws and order thereof, only for himself, that there were divers Scotsmen who knew him, and to whom he had shewn courtesy and favour at Calice352, and as he supposed some of this same town of Anstruther."
   So [I] shewed him that the bailies had granted him licence, with the captains, to go to their lodging for their refreshment, but to none of their men to land, till the overlord of the town were advertised, and understood the kings majesties mind anent [concerning] them. Thus with great courtesie he departed.
   That night the laird [lord of the manor] being advertised, came; and, on the morn, with a good number of the gentlemen of the countrey round about, gave the said general and the captains presence, [audience] and after the same speeches in effect as before, received them in his house, and suffered the souldiers to come a land and ly altogether to the number of thirteen score, for the most part young beardless men, silly, [weak] travelled, and hungered; to the which, one day or two kail pottage353 and fish was given; for my advice was conform to the prophet Elizeus [Elisha] his to the king of Israel in Samaria, Give them bread and water, &c.
   The names of the commanders were Jan [Juan] Gomes de Medina, general of twenty hulks, captain Patricio, captain de Lagaretto, captain de Luffera, captain Mauretio, and Seingour Serrano. But verily all the while, my heart melted within me for desire of thankfulness to God, when I remembered the prideful and cruel natural temper of the people, and how they would have used us, in case they had landed with their forces among us, and the wonderful work of Gods mercy and justice in making us see them, the chief commanders of them, to make such due-gard [submission] and courtesie to poor seamen, and their souldiers, so abjectly, to beg alms at our doors and in our streets.
   In the mean time, they knew not of the wrack of the rest, but supposed that the rest of the army was safely returned [to Spain], till one day I got in St Andrews, in print, the wrack of the gallies in particular, with the names of the principal men, and how they were used, in Ireland and our Highlands, in Wales and other parts of England. The which, when I recorded to Jan Gomes, by particular and special names, he cried out for grief, bursted and grat [burst into tears]. This Jan Gomes shewed great kindness to a ship of our town, which he found arriested at Calais354 at home coming, rode355 to court for her, and made great russe [praise] of Scotland to his king, took the honest men to his house, and inquired for the laird of Anstruther, for the minister, and his host, and sent home many commendations: But we thanked God in our hearts, that we had seen them in that form.
 

SECTION VII. A cruising Voyage to the Azores in 1589, by the Earl of Cumberland356
   We learn from Hakluyt, II. 647, that this narrative was written by Mr Edward Wright, an eminent mathematician and engineer, who was the real author of that admirable invention for charts, commonly called Mercators projection, but unjustly, as Mr Wright complains in his work entitled Vulgar Errors, where he charges Mercator with plagiarism. From the narrative, Mr Wright appears to have been engaged in the expedition and on board the Victory357.
   *****
   The right honourable the Earl of Cumberland, intending to cruize against the enemy, prepared a small fleet of four ships only358 at his own charges, one of which was the Victory359 belonging to the queens royal navy. The others were the Meg and Margaret, two small ships, one of which was soon obliged to be sent home as unable to endure the sea, besides a small caravel. Having assembled about 400 men, sailors and soldiers, with several gentlemen volunteers, the earl and they embarked and set sail from Plymouth Sound on the 28th June 1589, accompanied by the following captains and gentlemen. Captain Christopher Lister, an officer of great resolution, Captain Edward Careless, alias Wright, who had been captain of the Hope in Sir Francis Drakes expedition to the West Indies against St Domingo and Carthagena; Captain Boswel, Mr Mervin, Mr Henry Long, Mr Partridge, Mr Norton; Mr William Monson, afterwards Sir William360, who was captain of the Meg and vice-admiral, and Mr Pigeon, who was captain of the caravel.
   About three days after our departure from Plymouth, we met with three French ships, one of which belonged to Newhaven361, and another to St Maloes; and finding them to be leaguers362, and therefore lawful prizes, we took them, and sent two of them home to England with all their loading, being mostly fish from Newfoundland, having first distributed among our ships as much of the fish as they could find stowage room for; and in the third ship we sent all the prisoners home to France. On that day and the next we met some other ships, but finding them belonging to Rotterdam and Embden, bound for Rochelle, we dismissed them. On the 28th and 29th, we met several of our English ships returning from an expedition to Portugal, which we relieved with victuals. The 13th July, being in sight of the coast of Spain in lat. 39° N. we descried eleven ships, on which we immediately prepared to engage them, sending the Meg commanded by Captain Monson to ascertain what and whence they were. On the approach of the Meg some shots were exchanged, and as their admiral and vice-admiral displayed their flags, we perceived that some fighting was likely to follow. Having therefore prepared for battle, we made all haste towards them, always taking care to get to windward, and between ten and eleven o'clock A.M. we came up with them in the Victory, when they all yielded after a slight resistance. The masters all came on board our admiral, and shewed their several passports from Hamburg, Lubeck, Bremen, Pomerania, and Calais. They had certain bags of pepper and cinnamon, which they confessed to belong to a Jew in Lisbon, which they had charge of to deliver to his factor in their country; and finding this to be lawful prize by their own confession, the same was taken and divided among our whole company, the value being estimated at L.4500, at two shillings the pound363. We dismissed these ships on the 17th of July, but seven of their men, having volunteered as sailors in our fleet, were taken to reinforce our crew. After this we held on our course for the Azores or Western islands.
   In the morning of the 1st August we got sight of St Michael, one of the eastermost of the Azores, towards which we made sail all that day; and, putting up a Spanish flag at our maintop that we might not be suspected for enemies, we approached at night to the chief town and road of the island, where we espied three ships and some other vessels at anchor, all of which we determined to take during the darkness of the night. Accordingly about ten or eleven o'clock P.M. our boats were sent well manned to cut their cables and hawsers and tow them out to sea. On coming to them, one of the largest of these ships was found to be the Falcon of London, commanded by a Scots pilot who passed her off as his own. But our men let loose three other smaller ships, which they towed towards us, most of their men leaping overboard and swimming on shore with loud outcries, which were answered from the town, which was all in an uproar on hearing what was going forwards. The castle discharged some shots at our boats, but being unable to see them by reason of the darkness, did us no harm. The Scotsman too, to make the Spaniards believe him their friend, fired a few shots in the air. Shortly after, he and some others came on board our admiral, offering their services. The three ships brought out were laden with wine and sallad oil from Seville. The same day our caravel chaced a Spanish caravel on shore, which carried letters by which we learnt that the caraks had departed from the island of Tercera eight days before.
   The 7th of August we got sight of a small ship which we chased towards Tercera with our pinnace, the weather being calm, and overtook her towards evening, when we found in her 30 tons of good Madeira wine, besides woollen cloth, silk, taffeta, and other goods. Coming on the 14th to the island of Flores, it was determined to take in fresh water, and such fresh provisions as the island afforded; wherefore manning our boats with about 120 men, we rowed towards the shore, where the inhabitants, who were assembled at the watering-place, hung out a flag of truce, and we did the like. On coming to them, the earl gave them to understand, by means of his Portuguese interpreter, that he was a friend to their king Don Antonio, and came not with any intention to injure them, meaning only to procure water and fresh provisions, by way of exchange for oil wine and pepper, to which they readily agreed, and sent off some of their people immediately for beeves and sheep. In the meantime we marched southwards to their town of Santa Cruz, whence all the inhabitants had fled and carried off every thing of value. On demanding the reason of this, they answered it proceeded from fear, and that they always did so on the appearance of any ships near their coast. That part of the island was mostly composed of large rocky hills and barren mountains, and was little inhabited, being apt to be molested by ships of war; and even Santa Cruz, one of their principal towns, was all in ruins, having been burnt about two years before by some English ships of war, according to what we were told by the inhabitants. As we were rowing towards the Victory in the evening, a huge fish pursued us for nearly two miles, mostly distant about a spear length from the stern of the boat, and sometimes so near as to touch. The tips of his fins at the gills, appearing often above water, were by estimation four or five yards asunder, and his jaws gaping a yard and half wide, put us in fear he might overset our pinnace; but God be thanked, by rowing as hard as we could, we escaped.
   When we were about the island of Flores, we got notice from a small vessel called the Drake364, that the caraks were at Tercera, of which news we were very glad, and made sail thither with all the speed we could. By the way we came to Fayal road on the 27th August after sunset, where we saw some ships at anchor, towards which Captains Lister and Monson were sent in the skiff to see what they were, and lest any mischance should befall our boat, we sent in likewise the Saucy Jack and the small caravel; but as the wind was off shore, these vessels were not able to set up to where the Spanish ships were anchored. The skiff went on however, and endeavoured to board a ship of 250 tons, which carried 14 pieces of ordnance, and continued fighting with her for an hour, till our other boats came up to the rescue and aid of the skiff. A fresh boarding was then attempted, by one boat on the quarter and another on the bow, when we entered on one side while all the Spaniards leapt overboard on the other side, except Juan de Palma the captain, and two or three more. This ship was moored close to the castle, which fired at us all the time; but the only one wounded on the occasion was the master of our caravel, who had the calf of one of his legs shot away. This ship was from St Juan de Puerto Rico, laden with sugar ginger and hides. After we had towed her clear of the castle, our boats went in again and brought out five other small ships; one laden with hides, another with elephants teeth, grains365, cocoa-nuts, and goats skins, come from Guinea; another with woad, and two with dog-fish, which two last were set adrift as of no value, but all the other four were sent for England on the 30th of August. At the taking of these prizes there were consorted with us some other small men of war, as Master John Davis, with his ship, pinnace, and boat; Captain Markesburie with his ship, whose owner was Sir Walter Raleigh; and the bark of Lyme, which also was consorted with us before.
   The last of August we came in sight of Tercera in the morning, being about nine or ten leagues from shore, when we espied a small boat under sail coming towards us, which seemed strange at such a distance from land and no ship in sight; but on coming near, we found it to contain eight Englishmen, who had been prisoners in Tercera, and had committed themselves to the sea in this open boat in hopes to escape. Their mainyard consisted of two pipe-staves tied together by the ends, and they had no other provisions than what they had been able to carry off in their pockets and bosoms. When taken on board the Victory, they gave us certain assurance that the caraks had left Tercera about a week before. Being thus without any hopes of taking the caraks, it was resolved to return for Fayal, intending to surprise the town; but till the 9th of September, we had either the wind so contrary, or such calm weather, that in all that time we scarcely made nine or ten leagues way, lingering up and down near the island of Pico.
   In the afternoon of the 10th September, we came again to Fayal road; upon which the earl sent Captain Lister, with a person from Graciosa whom Captain Monson had taken some time before, and some others, carrying a message to Fayal. He was met by some of the inhabitants in a boat, who were brought by Captain Lister to my lord, who gave them their choice, either to allow him to take possession of the platform or fort, when he and his company would remain quietly there for some space, without injury, till the inhabitants had compounded for the ransom of their town; or else to stand the chance of war. With this message they returned on shore; but those who had charge of the fort said, that it was contrary to their allegiance and the oath they had taken to king Philip, to deliver up their garrison without endeavouring to defend it. Upon this, the earl gave orders for all the boats of the different ships to be manned and armed, and he soon afterwards landed with all his men on the sandy beach under the side of a hill, about half a league from the fort. Certain troops both horse and foot were seen on the top of the hill, and two other companies appeared to oppose us with displayed ensigns, one on the shore in front of the town, which marched towards our landing place as if they meant to attack us; while the other was seen in a valley to the south of the fort, as if coming to assist in defending the town; and at the same time, the garrison in the fort fired upon us briskly from their cannon. In spite of all these demonstrations of resistance, having first marshalled his men in proper order, my lord marched along the sandy beach towards the fort, passing between the sea and the town for something more than a mile; and as the shore became rocky, so as to render any farther progress in that direction extremely difficult, he entered the town, and marched through the streets unopposed to the fort, these companies of the enemy, that seemed at first resolved to resist his progress, being soon dispersed. Those in the fort likewise fled at our approach, leaving my lord and his men to scale the walls and gain possession, without any resistance. In the meantime the ships continued to batter the town and fort, until they saw the red cross of England floating from the walls.
   Fayal is the principal town of this island, and is situated directly over against the high and mighty mountain of Pico, towards the north-west from that mountain, from which it is divided by a narrow sea or strait, which at that place is some two or three leagues broad, between the islands of Fayal and Pico. This town contained about 300 houses, which were handsomely and strongly built of stone and lime, their roofs being double covered with hollow tyles, much like those used in England, only that they are less at one end than at the other. Almost every house had a cistern or well in a garden behind, in which likewise there were vines with ripe grapes, forming pleasant arbours or shady walks; and in every garden there grew some tobacco, then hardly known, but now commonly used in England, with which the women of the place were then in use to stain their faces, to make them look young and fresh. In these gardens there likewise grew pepper, both Indian and common, fig-trees with fruit both white and red, peach-trees rather of humble growth, oranges, lemons, quinces, potatoes, and other fruits and roots. Sweet wood, which I think is cedar, is very common in that island, and is used both for building and fuel.
   Having possessed himself of the town and fort, my lord issued orders that none of the soldiers or mariners should enter into any of the houses for plunder, and was especially careful that none of the churches or religious houses should suffer injury of any kind, all of which were preserved from violation by the appointment of guards for their protection. But the rest of the town, either from the want of that precaution, or owing to the cupidity of our people, was rifled and ransacked by the soldiers and mariners, who scarcely left a single house unsearched, taking out of them every thing that struck their fancy or seemed worth carrying away, such as chests of sweet wood, chairs, clothes, coverlets, hangings, bedding, and the like; besides many of our people ranged the country in search of plunder, where some of them were wounded by the inhabitants. The friery at this place contained Franciscan friars, not one of whom was able to speak pure Latin. It was built in 1506 by a friar of that order belonging to Angra in the island of Tercera. The tables in its hall or refectory had seats only on one side, and was always covered, as if ever ready for feasting. We continued in the town from the Wednesday afternoon, at which time we took possession, until the Saturday night, when the inhabitants agreed to pay 2000 ducats for its ransom, which was mostly paid in church plate. In the fort there were 58 pieces of iron ordnance, 23 of which, according to my remembrance, were mounted upon carriages, and placed between baricadoes or merlins on a platform by the sea side. Taking away all the ordnance, we set the platform on fire. On the Sunday following, my lord had invited as many of the inhabitants as chose to dine with him on board the Victory, save only Diego Gomez the governor, who only came once to confer about the ransom. Only four came, who were well entertained, and were afterwards honourably dismissed with the sound of drums and trumpets, and a salute from our cannon. To these persons my lord delivered a letter subscribed by himself, requesting all other Englishmen to abstain from any farther molestation of the place, save only to take such water and provisions as might be necessary.
   The day after we came to Fayal, being the 11th September, two men came to us from Pico, who had been prisoners in that island; and we also set a prisoner at liberty who had been sent thither from St Jago, being cousin to a servant of Don Antonio king of Portugal, then residing in England. On Monday we sent our boats on shore for fresh water, having now abundance running down the hills in consequence of heavy rain the night before, which otherwise had been hard to be got. Next day we sent again on shore to complete our stock of water, which was not then so easily brought off, by reason of a strong gale, which increased so much in the afternoon that we did not think it safe to ride so near the land, for which reason we weighed anchor, and stood N.W. by W. along the coast of Fayal. Some of the inhabitants came on board this day, who told us that the wind usually blew strong at W.S.W. at this time of the year on this coast. While near St Georges Island we saw a huge fish of a black colour right ahead of our ship, a little under water, or rather even with its surface, on which the sea broke in such manner that we supposed it a rock; and as we were going directly stem on, we were in great fear for a time how to avoid the seeming danger, till at length we saw it move out of our way.
   It lightened much in the night of the 16th September, which was followed by heavy rains and violent gales till the 21st. On the 23d we returned to Fayal road, to weigh an anchor which we had left in our haste to depart. We went on shore to the town, whence many of the people ran away, or were preparing to depart with their goods, till assured by my lord that they had nothing to fear, as we only came for fresh water and other necessaries, for all of which they should be paid to their satisfaction. We then went quietly about the town, purchasing such things as we needed as peaceably as if we had been in England; and the people helped us to fill our water casks, for which they received what satisfied them. We were forced by a heavy tempest to depart on the 25th, before we had completed our water; and the tempest came on so suddenly that my lord himself had to raise the people from their beds to weigh the anchors, himself assisting at the capstans, and cheering the men with wine. Next day, the caravel and the Saucy Jack were sent to the road of St Michaels to see what was there, and we followed on the 27th, plying to and fro; but by contrary winds on the 28th, 29th, and 30th, we were driven to leeward, and could not get near the island. The 1st October, we sailed along the island of Tercera, and at Cape Brazil, near Angra, the strongest town of that island, we espied some boats going towards the town, which we attempted to intercept; but being near land, they ran on shore and escaped.
   Coming near Graciosa in the afternoon, my lord sent Captain Lister on shore, to inform the islanders that he only wanted water, wine, and some fresh provisions, and would not otherwise trouble them. They sent back word that they could give no positive answer, until the governors of the island had consulted on the subject, and desired therefore to send for an answer next day. The 2d October, early in the morning, we dispatched our long-boat and pinnace, with 50 or 60 men, together with the Margaret and Captain Davis in his ship to protect them, as we now wanted our other consorts; but when our people endeavoured to land, they were fired at by the islanders, who would not permit them to go on shore, several troops of armed men being drawn up to oppose us with displayed ensigns. Our boats rowed along shore, seeking some place where they might land, without the enemy having too much advantage, our ships and boats firing all the while upon the islanders. No convenient place being found for landing, we were under the necessity of retiring without any answer, as had been promised. After some negociation and delay, they agreed to let us have sixty butts of wine, together with fresh provisions to refresh our men; but declared we could not have water, having little or none for themselves, except what they had saved in tanks or cisterns, insomuch that they would rather give us two tons of wine than one of water. They requested that our soldiers might not come on shore, as they would themselves bring all they had promised to the water side; which request was granted, one of their messengers remaining on board as an hostage for the fulfilment of their promise, while the other went ashore with our empty casks and some of our men to assist in filling them and bringing them away, with such other provision as was promised.
   The Margaret, the ship of Captain Davis, and another belonging to Weymouth remained at anchor before the town, to take in our wine and provisions. This ship of Weymouth came to us only the day before, having taken a rich prize said to be worth sixteen thousand pounds, and brought us news that the West India fleet had not yet gone past, but was shortly expected. We put to sea in the Victory, and on Saturday the 4th October, we took a French ship of St Maloes, a city belonging to the league, laden with fish from Newfoundland, which had been forced to cut away her mast in a tempest, and was now bound to Gracioso for repairs. Taking out her principal people, we put some of our own mariners and soldiers on board, and sent her off for England. At night on the following Sunday, having received all the supplies promised us at Gracioso, we parted from the islanders in a friendly manner, and saluted them with our ordnance.
   The three next days we plyed to and fro among these western islands, having very rough weather. On Thursday night, being driven to within three or four leagues of Tercera, we saw fifteen sail of the West India fleet going into the haven of Angra in that island; but, though we lay as close to windward as possible during the four following days, we were unable to get near them. At this time we lost sight of our French prize, which was not able to lay so close to the wind as our ships, and heard no more of her till our return to England, where she arrived safe. Getting at length on the fifth day near the mouth of Angra harbour, we inclined to have run among the West India fleet, on purpose to have cut out some of them if possible; but this enterprize was deemed too hazardous, considering the strength of the place, as the ships were hauled close to the town on our approach, under protection of the castle of Brazil on one side, having 25 pieces of ordnance, and a fort on the other side with 13 or 14 large brass cannon. Besides which, on nearing the land, the wind proved too scanty for the attempt.
   On Thursday the 14th October, we sent our boat into the road of Angra to take the soundings, and to endeavour to find some proper place for us to anchor, beyond the shot of the castle and within shot of some of the ships, that we might either force them to come out to us or sink them where they lay. Our boat found a fit place for us, but the wind would not suffer us to get to it; and besides, if we had anchored there, it was more likely that they would have run their ships on shore, to save their lives and liberties and some of their goods, than have resigned all to us by coming out. We therefore discharged a few guns at them, but our shot fell far short; upon which we departed, as it was not likely they would come out while we watched before the mouth of the harbour, or remained within sight. We accordingly put to sea, where we cruized for five days, sending a pinnace to watch them close in shore but out of sight, to bring us word when they set sail. After some time the pinnace brought us notice that all the ships had taken down their sails and struck their top-masts, so that we concluded they would remain till sure of our departure. Wherefore, having heard there were some Scots ships at St Michael, we sailed thither on the 20th October, and found there one Scots roader, and two or three more at Villa-franca, the next road, a league or two east from St Michaels. From these we received five or six butts of wine and some fresh water, but by no means sufficient to serve our wants. The 21st October, we sent our long-boat on shore to procure fresh water at a brook a short way west from Villa-franca; but the inhabitants came down with about 150 armed men, having two ensigns displayed, and our boat was forced to return without water, having spent all its powder in vain, and being unable to prevail against such great odds.
   Learning that the island of St Mary was a place of no great strength, we made sail for that place, intending to take in water there, and to go thence to the coast of Spain. On the Friday following, my lord sent captain Lister and captain Amias Preston, afterwards Sir Amias, with our long-boat and pinnace, with between 60 and 70 arquebusiers, carrying a friendly letter to the islanders, desiring leave to procure water, in exchange for which he engaged to do them no harm. Captain Preston had come on board the Victory not long before from his own ship, which lost company with us in the night, so that he was under the necessity of remaining with us. We departed from the Victory in our boats about nine in the morning, rowing for the land, and by three in the afternoon had got within a league or two of the shore, being then four or five leagues from the Victory, and our men sore spent with hard rowing. At this time we perceived, to our great joy, two ships at anchor close under the town; upon which we shifted six or seven of our men into the boat belonging to captain Davis, being too much crowded, and retaining about 20 arquebusiers in the pinnace, we made towards these two ships with all possible haste.
   While proceeding towards them, we saw several boats passing between the roaders366 and the shore, and many men in their shirts swimming and wading on shore, who, as we afterwards learnt, were endeavouring to get the ships fast aground; and the inhabitants were at the same time busied in preparing to defend the ships and themselves against us. On coming near them, captain Lister commanded the trumpets to be sounded, but prohibited any firing till farther orders; yet some of the people, either not hearing, or disregardful of these orders, began firing as soon as the trumpets sounded, though with small injury to the islanders, who mostly lay under the cover of trenches or other means of defence. Captain Lister then urged on the rowers, who began to shrink at the shot from the enemy which flew thick about their ears, and was himself the first to board one of the ships which lay farther from shore than the other, while we speedily followed, still plying the enemy with our shot, and having cut her cables and hawsers, we towed her out to sea. In the mean time, captain Davis came up in his boat, and boarded the other ship, both having been abandoned by their crews; but, as she was quite fast aground, he was under the necessity of quitting her, exposed to shot and stones even from the shore. At this time, the towns-people made an attempt to capture captain Davis and his boats crew, which were but few in number; but they joined us, and we jointly towed off our prize, which was a ship from Brazil laden with sugar. In this exploit we had two men slain and sixteen wounded, while it is probable that the enemy suffered small loss, as they were mostly sheltered behind stone walls, many of which were built above one another on the end of the hill on which the town stands, between two vallies. On the top of the hill they had some large cannon, from which they fired leaden bullets, one only of which went through the side of our prize, but did no other injury.
   Next day we made another attempt to get fresh water at this island, but as we were ignorant of the landing-place, where we found many inconveniences and disadvantages, we were unable to effect our purpose. Wherefore we departed on the night of the 25th October for the island of St George, in quest of fresh water, and got there on the 27th. Observing a stream of water running down into the sea, the pinnace, and long-boat were sent under captains Preston and Manson, by whom a letter was sent by my lord to the islanders, desiring leave to take water quietly, and no farther injury should be done them. On getting to the shore, our men found some of the poor islanders hid among the rocks, being afraid of us. On the 29th, our boats returned with fresh water, bringing only six tons to the Victory, alleging they could get no more; thinking, as was afterwards supposed, as he had only 12 tons of water and wine, that my lord would now return direct for England, as many of our men greatly desired. My lord, was very unwilling to do this, and meant next day to have taken in more water, but from the roughness of the sea, and the wind freshening, and owing to the unwillingness of the people, no more water was procured: yet my lord would not return with so much provision unspent, especially as the expedition had not hitherto produced such fruits as might reasonably satisfy himself and others. Wherefore, with consent of the whole ships companies, it was agreed to go for England by way of the coast of Spain, to endeavour to make more captures, the whole people being reduced to half allowance of water, except such as were sick or wounded, who were to have whole allowance. On Saturday, the 31st October, as the Margaret was very leaky, she was sent off direct for England in charge of the Brazil ship, and in them our sick and wounded men were sent home; but captain Monson was taken out of the Megge into the Victory367.
   We now shaped our course for the coast of Spain, having the wind fair and large, which had seldom been the case hitherto. On the 4th November we saw a sail right before us, to which we gave chase, and coming up with her about 3 P.M. we took possession of her, being a ship of about 110 tons burden, from Pernambucke or Fernambucco, in Brazil, bound for Portugal, having on board 410 chests of sugar, and 50 quintals of Brazil wood, each quintal being 100 pounds weight. We took her in lat. 29° N. about 200 leagues west from Lisbon. Captain Preston was sent on board the prize, who brought her principal people into the Victory, certain of our seamen and soldiers being appointed to take charge of her. The Portuguese reported, that they had seen another ship that day before them about noon; wherefore, when all things were properly disposed respecting our prize, we left her under the charge of captain Davis, with whom likewise we left our long-boat, taking his smaller boat with us, and made all sail due east after this other ship, leaving orders for captain Davis and the prize to follow us due east, and if he had not sight of us next morning, to bear away direct for England. Next morning we could not see the vessel of which we were in chase, neither was the prize or the ship of captain Davis to be seen.
   On the 6th November, being then in lat. 38° 30' N. and about 60 leagues west from Lisbon, captain Preston descried a sail early in the morning two or three leagues a-head of us, which we came up with about 8 or 9 o'clock A.M. She was lastly from St Michaels, but originally from Brazil laden with sugar. While employed shifting the prisoners into the Victory, one of our men in the main-top espied another sail some three or four leagues a-head, on which we immediately sent back our boat with men to take charge of the prize, and made all sail in chase, so that we overtook the other ship about 2 P.M. She made some preparation to resist us, hanging many hides all round her sides, so that musquetry could not have injured her; but by the time we had fired two cannon shot at her, she lowered her sails and surrendered. She was of between 300 and 400 tons, bound from Mexico and St John de Lowe, (San Juan de Ulloa) her cargo consisting of 700 dry hides; worth 10s. apiece, six chests of cochineal, every chest holding 100 pounds weight, and every pound worth L. 1, 6s. 8d., besides which she had several chests of sugar, some packages of China ware, with some wrought plate and silver in coin. The captain was an Italian, a grave, wise, and civil person, who had to the value of 25,000 ducats adventure in this ship. He and some of the principal Spanish prisoners were taken on board the Victory; and captain Lister was sent into the prize, with some 20 of our best mariners, soldiers, and sailors. In the meantime our other prize came up with us, and having now our hands full, we joyfully shaped our course for England, as we had so many Portuguese, Spanish, and French prisoners, that we could not well have manned any more prizes with safety to ourselves. Wherefore, about 6 P.M. when our other prize came up, we made sail for England. But as our two prizes were unable to keep up with us without sparing them many of our own sails, our ship rolled and wallowed so that it was both exceedingly troublesome, and put our main-mast in great danger of being carried away. Having accordingly acquainted them with these circumstances, and taken back our sails, we directed them to keep their course following us, so as to make for Portsmouth.
   We took this last prize in lat. 39° N. about 46 leagues west from the Rock of Lisbon. She was one of the 16 ships we saw going into the harbour of Angra in the island of Tercera on the 8th October. Some of the prisoners taken from this ship told us, that while we were plying off and on before that harbour in waiting for their coming out, three of the largest of these ships were unloaded of all their treasure and merchandize, by order of the governor of Tercera, and were each manned with 300 soldiers, on purpose to have come out and boarded the Victory; but by the time these preparations were made, the Victory was gone out of sight.
   We now went merrily before the wind with all the sails we could carry, insomuch that between the noons of Friday and Saturday, or in 24 hours, we sailed near 47 leagues, or 141 English miles, although our ship was very foul, and much grown with sea grass, owing to our having been long at sea. This quick sailing made some of our company expect to be present at the tilting on the queens birth-day at Whitehall, while others were flattering themselves with keeping a jolly Christmas in England from their shares in the prizes. But it was our lot to keep a cold Christmas with the Bishop and his Clerks, rocks to the westwards of Scilly; for soon after the wind came about to the east, the very worst wind for us which could blow from the heavens, so that we could not fetch any part of England. Upon this our allowance of drink, before sufficiently scanty, was now still farther curtailed, owing to the scarcity in our ship, each man being confined to half a pint of cold water at a meal, and that not sweet. Yet this was an ample allowance in comparison, as our half pint was soon reduced to a quarter, and even at this reduced rate our store was rapidly disappearing, insomuch that it was deemed necessary for our preservation to put into some port in Ireland to procure water. We accordingly endeavoured to do this, being obliged, when near that coast, to lie to all night, waiting for day light; but when it appeared we had drifted so far to leeward in the night that we could fetch no part of Ireland, we were therefore constrained to return again, with heavy hearts, and to wait in anxious expectation till it should please God to send us a fair wind either for England or Ireland.
   In the mean time we were allowed for each man two or three spoonfuls of vinegar at each meal, having now no other drink, except that for two or three meals we had about as much wine, which was wrung out of the remaining lees. Under this hard fare we continued near a fortnight, being only able to eat a very little in all that time, by reason of our great want of drink. Saving that now and then we enjoyed as it were a feast, when rain or hail chanced to fall, on which occasions we gathered up the hail-stones with the most anxious care, devouring them more eagerly than if they had been the finest comfits. The rain-drops also were caught and saved with the utmost careful attention; for which purpose some hung up sheets tied by the four corners, having a weight in the middle, to make the rain run down there as in a funnel into some vessel placed underneath. Those who had no sheets hung up napkins or other clouts, which when thoroughly wet they wrung or sucked to get the water they had imbibed. Even the water which fell on the deck under foot, and washed away the filth and soil of the ship, though as dirty as the kennel is in towns during rain, was carefully watched and collected at every scupper-hole, nay, often with strife and contention, and caught in dishes, pots, cans, and jars, of which some drank hearty draughts, mud and all, without waiting for its settlement or cleansing. Others cleaned it by filtrating, but it went through so slowly that they could ill endure to wait so long, and were loath to lose so much precious liquid. Some licked the water like dogs with their tongues from the decks, sides, rails, and masts of the ship. Others, that were more ingenious, fastened girdles or ropes about the masts, daubing tallow between these and the mast, that the rain might not run down between; and making one part of these girdles lower than the rest, fixed spouts of leather at these lower parts, that the rain running down the masts might meet and be received at these spouts. He who was fortunate enough to procure a can of water by these means, was sued to, and envied as a rich man.
   Quem pulchrum digito monstrari, et dicere hic est.
   Some of the poor Spaniards who were prisoners, though having the same allowance with our own men, often begged us for the love of God to give them as much water as they could hold in the hollow of their hands: And, notwithstanding our own great extremity, they were given it, to teach them some humanity, instead of their accustomed barbarity both to us and other nations. Some put leaden bullets into their months, to slack their thirst by chewing them. In every corner of the ship, the miserable cries of the sick and wounded were sounding lamentably in our ears, pitifully crying out and lamenting for want of drink, being ready to die, yea many dying for lack thereof. Insomuch, that by this great extremity we lost many more men than in all the voyage before; as before this, we were so well and amply provided for, that we lived as well and were as healthy as if we had been in England, very few dying among us; whereas now, some of our men were thrown overboard every day.
   The 2d of December 1589 was with us a day of festival, as it then rained heartily, and we saved some considerable store of water, though we were well wet for it, and that at midnight, and had our skins filled with it besides. This went down merrily, although it was bitter and dirty, with washing the ship, but we sweetened it with sugar, and were happy to have our fill. Besides our other extremities, we were so tossed and turmoiled with stormy and tempestuous weather, that every man had to hold fast his can or dish, and to fasten himself by the ropes, rails, or sides of the ship, to prevent falling on the deck. Our main-sail was torn from the yard, and blown away into the sea; and our other sails so rent and torn that hardly any of them remained serviceable. The raging waves and foaming surges of the sea came rolling upon us in successive mountains, breaking through the waste of the ship like a mighty river; although in fine weather our deck was near twenty feet above water. So that we were ready to cry out, with the royal prophet, Psalm 107, verses 26 and 27. "They mount up to heaven, and go down again to the depths: Their soul is melted because of trouble. They reel to and fro, and stagger like a drunken man, and are at their wits end." In this extremity of foul weather, the ship was so tossed and shaken, that, by its creaking noise, and the leaking which was now more than ordinary, we were in great fear that it would have shaken asunder, and had just cause to pray, a little otherwise than the poet, though marring the verse, yet mending the meaning:

 
Deus maris et caeli, quid enim nisi vota supersunt;
Solvere quassatae parcito membra ratis.
 

   Yet it pleased God of his infinite goodness to deliver us out of this danger. We made a new main-sail, which we fastened to the yard, and repaired our other damages as well as we could. This was hardly done when we were reduced to as great extremity as before, so that we had almost lost our new main-sail, had not William Antony, the master of our ship, when no one else would venture for fear of being washed overboard, by crawling along the main-yard, then lowered close down upon the rails, and with great danger of drowning, gathered it up out of the sea and fastened it to the yard; being in the mean time often ducked overhead and ears in the sea. So terrible were these storms, that some of our company, who had used the sea for twenty years, had never seen the like, and vowed, if ever they got safe to land, that they would never go to sea again.
   At night on the last day of November, we met with an English ship, and because it was too late that night, it was agreed that they were to give us two or three tons of wine next morning, being, as they said, all the provision of drink they had, save only a butt or two which they must reserve for their own use: But, after all, we heard no more of them till they were set on ground on the coast of Ireland, where it appeared they might have spared us much more than they pretended, as they could very well have relieved our necessities, and had sufficient for themselves remaining to bring them to England. The first of December we spoke with another English ship, and had some beer out of her for our urgent necessities, but not sufficient to carry us to England, wherefore we were constrained to put into Ireland, the wind so serving. Next day we came to an anchor under the land, not far from the S. Kelmes, under the land and wind, where we were somewhat more quiet. But as that was not a safe place to ride in, we endeavoured next morning to weigh our anchor, when having some of our men hurt at the capstan, we were forced to leave it behind, holding on our course for Ventrie Haven, [Bantry Bay?] where we safely arrived the same day, and found that place a safe and convenient harbour for us, so that we had just cause to sing with the Psalmist, They that go down to the sea in ships, &c.
   As soon as we had anchored, my lord went forthwith on shore, and presently after brought off fresh provisions and water; such as sheep, pigs, fowls, &c. to refresh his ships company, though he had lately been very weak himself, and had suffered the same extremity with the rest: For, in the time of our former want, having only a little water remaining by him in a pot, it was broken in the night and all the water lost. The sick and wounded were soon afterwards landed and carried to the principal town, called Dingenacush368, about three miles distant from the haven, and at which place our surgeons attended them daily. Here we well refreshed ourselves, while the Irish harp sounded sweetly in our ears, and here we, who in our former extremity were in a manner half dead, had our lives as it were restored.
   This Dingenacush is the chief town in all that part of Ireland, consisting but of one street, whence some smaller ones proceed on either side. It had gates, as it seemed, in former times at either end, to shut and open as a town of war, and a castle also. The houses are very strongly built, having thick stone walls and narrow windows, being used, as they told us, as so many castles in time of troubles, among the wild Irish or otherwise. The castle and all the houses in the town, except four, were taken and destroyed by the Earl of Desmond; these four being held out against him and all his power, so that he could not win them. There still remains a thick stone wall, across the middle of the street, which was part of their fortification. Some of the older inhabitants informed us, that they were driven to great extremities during their defence, like the Jews of old when besieged by the Roman emperor Titus, insomuch that they were constrained by hunger to feed on the carcasses of the dead. Though somewhat repaired, it still remains only the ruins of their former town. Except in the houses of the better sort, they have no chimnies, so that we were very much incommoded by the smoke during our stay at that place. Their fuel is turf, which they have very good, together with whins or furze. As there grows little wood hereabout, building is very expensive; as also they are in want of lime, which they have to bring from a far distance. But they have abundance of stone, the whole country appearing entirely composed of rocks and stones, so that they commonly make their hedges of stone, by which each mans ground is parted from his neighbour. Yet their country is very fruitful, and abounds in grass and grain, as appears by the abundance of cattle and sheep; insomuch that we had very good sheep, though smaller than those of England, for two shillings, or five groats a-piece, and good pigs and hens for threepence each.
   The greatest want is of industrious and husbandly inhabitants, to till and improve the ground; for the common sort, if they can only provide sufficient to serve them from hand to mouth, take no farther care. Good land was to be had here for fourpence an acre of yearly rent. They had very small store of money among them, for which reason, perhaps, they doubled and trebled the prices of every thing we bought, in proportion to what they had been before our arrival. They have mines of alum, tin, brass, and iron; and we saw certain natural stones, as clear as crystal, and naturally squared like diamonds. That part of the country is full of great mountains and hills, whence run many pleasant streams of fine water. The native hardiness of the Irish nation may be conceived from this, that their young children, even in the midst of winter, run about the streets with bare legs and feet, and often having no other apparel than a scanty mantle to cover their nakedness. The chief officer of their town is called the sovereign, who hath the same office and authority among them with our mayors in England, having his Serjeants to attend upon him, and a mace carried before mm as they have. We were first entertained at the sovereigns house, which was one of the four that withstood the Earl of Desmond in his rebellion.
   They have the same form of common prayer, word for word, that we have, only that it is in Latin. On Sunday, the sovereign goeth to church having his Serjeant before him, and accompanied by the sheriff and others of the town. They there kneel down, every one making his prayers privately by himself. They then rise up and go out of the church again to drink. After this, they return again to church, and the minister makes prayers. Their manner of baptising differs somewhat from ours, part of the service belonging to it being in Latin and part in Irish. The minister takes the child on his hands, dipping it first backwards and then forwards, over head and ears into the cold water even in the midst of winter. By this the natural hardiness of the people may appear, as before specified. They had neither bell, drums, nor trumpet, to call the parishioners together, but wait for the coming of the sovereign, when those that have devotion follow him. Their bread is all baked in cakes, and the bakers bake for all the town, receiving a tenth part for their trouble. We had of them some ten or eleven tons of beer for the Victory; but it acted as a severe purge upon all who drank it, so that we chose rather to drink water.
   Having provided ourselves with fresh water, we set sail from thence on the 20th December, accompanied by Sir Edward Dennie and his lady, with two young sons. In the morning of that day, my lord went on shore to hasten the dispatch of some fresh water for the Victory, and brought us news that sixty Spanish prizes were taken and brought to England. For two or three days after we sailed, we had a fair wind; but it afterwards scanted, so that we were fain to keep a cold Christmas with the bishop and his clerks, as I said before. After this, meeting with an English ship, we received the joyful news that ninety-one Spanish prizes were come to England; and along with that, the sorrowful intelligence that our last and best prize was cast away on the coast of Cornwal, at a place the Cornish men call Als-efferne, that is Hell-cliff, where Captain Lister and all the people were drowned, except five or six, half English and half Spaniards, who saved their lives by swimming. Yet much of the goods were saved and preserved for us, by Sir Francis Godolphin and other worshipful gentlemen of the country. My lord was very sorry for the death of Captain Lister, saying that he would willingly have lost all the fruits of the voyage to have saved his life.
   The 29th December we met another ship, from which we learned that Sir Martin Frobisher and Captain Reymond had taken the admiral and vice-admiral of the fleet we had seen going into the haven of Tercera; but that the admiral had sunk, in consequence of much leaking, near the Eddystone, a rock over against Plymouth sound, all the people however being saved. We were likewise informed by this ship, that Captain Preston had captured a ship laden with silver. My lord took his passage in this last ship to land at Falmouth, while we held on our course for Plymouth.
   Towards night we came near the Ram-head, the next cape westwards from Plymouth sound, but we feared to double it in the night, by reason of the scantness of the wind: so we stood out to seawards for half the night, and towards morning had the wind more large. But we made too little to spare thereof; partly for which reasons and partly mistaking the land, we fell so much to leeward that we could not double the cape. For this reason we turned back again and got into Falmouth haven, where we grounded in 17 feet water; but as it was low ebb, the sea ready again to flow, and the ground soft, we received no harm. Here we gladly set our feet again on the long desired English ground, and refreshed ourselves by keeping part of Christmas on our native soil.
 

SECTION VIII. Valiant Sea Fight, by Ten Merchant Ships of London against Twelve Spanish Gallies in the Straits of Gibraltar, on the 24th April 1590369
   In 1590, sundry ships belonging to the merchants of London, some freighted for Venice, some for Constantinople, and some to divers other parts, met on their homeward course within the Straits of Gibraltar, having escaped all danger hitherto. The first of these was the Salomon, belonging to Mr Alexander Barnam of London, and Messrs Bond and Tweed of Harwich, which had sailed on the first of February last. The second was the Margaret and John, belonging to Mr Wats of London. The third was the Minion; the fourth the Ascension; the fifth the Centurion, belonging to Mr Cordal; the sixth the Violet; the seventh the Samuel; the eighth the Crescent; the ninth the Elizabeth; the tenth the Richard belonging to Mr Duffield. All these ships, being of notable and approved service, and coming near the mouth of the Straits hard by the coast of Barbary, they descried twelve tall gallies bravely furnished, and strongly provided with men and ammunition of war, ready to intercept and seize them. Being perceived by our captains and masters, we made speedy preparation for our defence, waiting the whole night for the approach of the enemy.
   Next morning early, being Tuesday in Easter week, the 24th of April 1590, we had service according to our usual custom, praying to Almighty God to save us from the hands of the tyrannous Spaniards, whom we justly imagined and had always found to be our most mortal enemies on the sea. Having finished our prayers, and set ourselves in readiness, we perceived them coming towards us, and knew them indeed to be the Spanish gallies, commanded by Andrea Doria, viceroy for the king of Spain in the Straits of Gibraltar, and a notable enemy to all Englishmen. When they came near us, they waved us amain for the king of Spain, and in return we waved them amain for the Queen of England370; at which time it pleased the Almighty so to encourage our hearts, that the nearer they came we the less feared their great strength and huge number of men; they having to the amount of two or three hundred in each galley. It was concluded among us, that our four largest and tallest ships should be placed in the rear, the weaker and smaller ships going foremost; and so it was performed, every one of us being ready to take part in such successes as it should please God to send.
   The gallies came upon us very fiercely at the first encounter, yet God so strengthened us that, even if they had been ten times more, we had not feared them at all. The Salomon, being a hot ship with sundry cast pieces in her, gave the first shot in so effectual a manner on their headmost galley, that it shared away so many of the men that sat on one side of her, and pierced her through and through, insomuch that she was ready to sink: Yet they assaulted us the more fiercely. Then the rest of our ships, especially the four chiefest, the Salomon, Margaret and John, Minion, and the Ascension, gave a hot charge upon them, and they on us, commencing a hot and fierce battle with great valour on both sides, which continued for the space of six hours. About the commencement of this fight, our fleet was joined by two Flemish vessels. Seeing the great force of the gallies, one of these presently struck his sails and yielded to the enemy; whereas, had they exerted themselves on our side and in their own defence, they needed not to have been taken in this cowardly manner. The other was ready also to have yielded immediately, and began to lower his sails: But the trumpeter of that ship drew his faulcion, and stepping up to the pilot at the helm, vowed that he would put him instantly to death, if he did not join and take part with the English fleet: This he did, for fear of death, and by that means they were defended from the tyranny which they had otherwise assuredly found among the Spaniards.
   When we had continued the fight somewhat more than six hours, God gave us the upper hand, so that we escaped the hands of so many enemies, who were constrained to flee into harbour to shelter themselves from us. This was the manifest work of God, who defended us in such sort from all danger, that not one man of us was slain in all this long and fierce assault, sustaining no other damage or hurt than this, that the shrouds and back-stays of the Salomon, which gave the first and last shot, and sore galled the enemy during the whole battle, were clean shot away. When the battle ceased, we were constrained for lack of wind to stay and waft up and down, and then went back again to Tition [Tetuan] in Barbary, six leagues from Gibraltar, where we found the people wondrously favourable to us; who, being but Moors and heathen people, shewed us where to find fresh water and all other necessaries. In short, we had there as good entertainment as if we had been in any place in England. The governor favoured us greatly, to whom we in return presented such gifts and commodities as we had, which he accepted of very graciously: And here we staid four days.
   After the cessation of the battle, which was on Easter Tuesday, we remained for want of wind before Gibraltar till the next morning, being all that time becalmed, and therefore expected every hour that they would have sent out a fresh force against us: But they were in no condition to do so, all their gallies being so sore battered that they durst not come out of harbour, though greatly urged thereunto by the governor of that town; but they had already met with so stout resistance, that they could not be prevailed on to renew the fight.
   While we were at Tetuan, we received a report of the hurt we had done the gallies; as we could not well discern any thing during the fight, on account of the great smoke. We there heard that we had almost spoiled those twelve gallies, which we had shot clean through, so that two of them were on the point of sinking; and we had slain so many of their men, that they were not able to fit out their gallies any more all that year. After going to Tetuan, we attempted three several times to pass the straits, but could not: Yet, with the blessing of God, we came safely through on the fourth attempt; and so continued on our voyage with a pleasant breeze all the way to the coast of England, where we arrived on the beginning of July 1590.
 

SECTION IX. A valiant sea fight in the Straits of Gibraltar, in April 1591, by the Centurion of London, against five Spanish gallies
   In the month of November 1590, sundry ships belonging to different merchants of London sailed with merchandise for various ports within the Straits of Gibraltar; all of which, having fair wind and weather, arrived safe at their destined ports. Among these was the Centurion of London, a very tall ship of large burden, yet but weakly manned, as appears by the following narrative.
   The Centurion arrived safe at Marseilles, on her outward bound voyage, where, after delivering her goods, she remained better than five weeks, taking in lading, and then intended to return to England. When she was ready to come away from Marseilles, there were sundry other ships of smaller burden at that place, the masters of which intreated Robert Bradshaw of Limehouse, the master of the Centurion, to stay a day or two for them till they could get in readiness to depart, saying that it were far better for them all to go in company for mutual support and defence, than singly to run the hazard of falling into the hands of the Spanish gallies in the Straits. On which reasonable persuasion, although the Centurion was of such sufficiency as might have been reasonably hazarded alone, yet she staid for the smaller ships, and set out along with them from Marseilles, all engaging mutually to stand by each other, if they chanced to fall in with any of the Spanish gallies.
   Thus sailing altogether along the coast of Spain, they were suddenly becalmed upon Easter-day in the Straits of Gibraltar, where they immediately saw several gallies making towards them in a very gallant and courageous manner. The chief leaders and soldiers in these gallies, were bravely apparelled in silken coats, with silver whistles depending from their necks, and fine plumes of feathers in their hats. Coming on courageously, they shot very fast from their calivers upon the Centurion, which they boarded somewhat before ten o'clock A.M. But the Centurion was prepared for their reception, and meant to give them as sour a welcome as they could; and having prepared their close quarters with all other things in readiness, called on God for aid, and cheered one another to fight to the last. The Centurion discharged her great ordnance upon the gallies, but the little ships her consorts durst not come forward to her aid, but lay aloof, while five of the gallies laid on board the Centurion, to whom they made themselves fast with their grappling irons, two on one side and two on the other, while the admiral galley lay across her stern. In this guise the Centurion was sore galled and battered, her main-mast greatly wounded, all her sails filled with shot holes, and her mizen mast and stern rendered almost unserviceable. During this sore and deadly fight, the trumpeter of the Centurion continually sounded forth the animating points of war, encouraging the men to fight gallantly against their enemies; while in the Spanish gallies there was no warlike music, save the silver whistles, which were blown ever and anon. In this sore fight, many a Spaniard was thrown into the sea, while multitudes of them came crawling up the ships sides, hanging by every rope, and endeavouring to enter in: Yet as fast as they came to enter, so courageously were they received by the English, that many of them were fain to tumble alive into the sea, remediless of ever getting out alive. There were in the Centurion 48 men and boys in all, who bestirred themselves so valiantly and so galled the enemy, that many a brave and lusty Spaniard lost his life. The Centurion was set on fire five several times, with wild-fire and other combustibles thrown in for that purpose by the Spaniards; yet by the blessing of God, and the great and diligent foresight of the master, the fire was always extinguished without doing any harm.
   In every one of these five gallies there were about 200 soldiers; who, together with the great guns, spoiled, rent, and battered the Centurion very sorely; shot her mainmast through, and slew four of her men, one of whom was the masters mate. Ten other persons were hurt by splinters. But in the end, the Spaniards had almost spent their shot, so that they were obliged to load with hammers and the chains of their galley-slaves, yet, God be praised, the English received no more harm. At length, sore galled and worn out, the Spaniards were constrained to unfasten their grapplings and sheer off; at which time, if there had been any fresh ship to aid and succour the Centurion, they had certainly sunk or taken all those gallies. The Dolphin lay aloof and durst not come near, while the other two small ships fled away. One of the gallies from the Centurion set upon the Dolphin; which ship went immediately on fire, occasioned by her own powder, so that the ship perished with all her men: But whether this was done intentionally or not, was never known. Surely, if she had come bravely forward in aid of the Centurion, she had not perished.
   This fight continued five hours and a half, at the end of which time both parties were glad to draw off and breathe themselves; but the Spaniards, once gone, durst not renew the fight. Next day, indeed, six other gallies came out and looked at the Centurion, but durst on no account meddle with her. Thus delivered by the Almighty from the hands of their enemies, they gave God thanks for the victory, and arrived not long after safe at London. Mr John Hawes merchant, and sundry others of good note were present in this fight.

SECTION X. Sea-fight near the Azores, between the Revenge man of war, commanded by Sir Richard Granville, and fifteen Spanish men of war, 31st August 1591. Written by Sir Walter Raleigh371
   PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE372.
   Because the rumours are diversely spread, as well in England as in the Low Countries and elsewhere, of this late encounter between her majestys ships and the armada of Spain; and that the Spaniards, according to their usual manner, fill the world with their vain-glorious vaunts, making great shew of victories, when on the contrary themselves are most commonly and shamefully beaten and dishonoured, thereby hoping to possess the ignorant multitude by anticipating and forerunning false reports: It is agreeable with all good reason, for manifestation of the truth, to overcome falsehood and untruth, that the beginning, continuance, and success of this late honourable encounter by Sir Richard Grenville, and others her majestys captains, with the armada373 of Spain, should be truly set down and published, without partiality or false imaginations. And it is no marvel that the Spaniards should seek, by false and slanderous pamphlets, advisos, and letters, to cover their own loss, and to derogate from others their due honours, especially in this fight being far off; seeing they were not ashamed, in the year 1588, when they purposed the invasion of this land, to publish in sundry languages in print, great victories in words, which they pretended to have obtained against this realm, and spread the same in a most false sort over all parts of France, Italy, and other countries. When, shortly after it was happily manifested in very deed to all nations, how their navy, which they termed invincible, consisting of 140 sail of ships, not only of their own kingdom, but strengthened with the greatest argosies, Portugal caraks, Florentines, and huge hulks of other countries, were by 80 of her majestys own ships of war, and a few belonging to our own merchants, by the wise, valiant, and advantageous conduct of the lord Charles Howard, high admiral of England, beaten and shuffled together, even from the Lizard in Cornwall, first to Portland where they shamefully left Don Pedro de Valdes with his mighty ship: from Portland to Calais, where they lost Hugo de Moncado with the gallies of which he was captain: and from Calais driven by squibs from their anchors, were chased out of sight of England, round about Scotland and Ireland. Where for the sympathy of their barbarous religion, hoping to find succour and assistance, a great part of them were crushed against the rocks, and those others that landed, being very many in number, were notwithstanding broken, slain, and taken, and so sent from village to village, coupled in halters, to be shipped for England. Where her majesty, of her princely and invincible disposition, disdaining to put them to death, and scorning either to retain or entertain them, they were all sent back again into their countries, to witness and recount the worthy achievements of their invincible and dreadful navy: of which, the number of soldiers, the fearful burden of their ships, the commanders names of every squadron, with all their magazines of provisions were put in print, as an army and navy irresistible and disdaining prevention. With all which so great and terrible ostentation, they did not, in all their sailing about England, so much as sink or take one ship, bark, pinnace, or cock-boat of ours, or ever burnt so much as one sheep-cot of this land. When, as on the contrary, Sir Francis Drake, with only 800 soldiers, not long before landed in their Indies, and forced San Jago, Santo Domingo, Carthagena, and the forts of Florida.
   And after that, Sir John Norris marched from Peniche in Portugal with a handful of soldiers to the gates of Lisbon, being above 40 English miles: Where the earl of Essex himself, and other valiant gentlemen, braved the city of Lisbon, encamping at the very gates: from whence, after many days abode, finding neither promised parley nor provision wherewith to batter, they made their retreat by land, in spite of all their garrisons both of horse and foot. In this sort I have a little digressed from my first purpose, only by the necessary comparison of their and our actions: the one covetous of honour, without vaunt or ostentation; the other so greedy to purchase the opinion of their own affairs, and by false rumours to resist the blasts of their own dishonours, as they will not only not blush to spread all manner of untruths, but even for the least advantage, be it but for the taking of one poor adventurer of the English, will celebrate the victory with bonefires in every town, always spending more in faggots than the purchase they obtained was worth. Whereas, we never thought it worth the consumption of two billets, when we have taken eight or ten of their Indian ships at one time, and twenty of their Brazil fleet. Such is the difference between true valour and vain ostentation, and between honourable actions and frivolous vain-glorious boasting. But to return to my purpose:
   NARRATIVE.
   The Lord Thomas Howard, with six of her majestys ships, six victuallers of London, the bark Raleigh, and two or three pinnaces, riding at anchor near Flores, one of the western islands called the Azores, on the last of August 1591, in the afternoon, had intelligence by one captain Middleton, of the approach of the Spanish armada. This Middleton, being in a very good sailing ship, had kept them company for three days before, of good purpose, both to discover their force, and to give the lord admiral advice of their approach. He had no sooner communicated the news, when the Spanish fleet hove in sight; at which time, many belonging to our ships companies were on shore in the island of Flores, some providing ballast for the ships, others filling water, and others refreshing themselves from the land with such things as they could procure either for money or by force. Owing to this, our ships were all in confusion, pestered, rummaging, and every thing out of order, very light for want of ballast; and what was most of all to their disadvantage, the half of the men in every ship was sick and unserviceable. For in the Revenge, there were ninety sick; in the Bonaventure, not so many in health as could hand her mainsail, insomuch, that unless twenty men had been taken from a bark of Sir George Careys which was sunk, and appointed into her, she had hardly been able to get back to England. The rest of the ships for the most part were in little better state.
   The names of her majestys ships were as follows: The Defiance, admiral, the Revenge, vice-admiral, the Bonaventure commanded by captain Crosse, the Lion by George Fenner, the Foresight by Thomas Vavasour, and the Crane by Duffild. The Foresight and Crane were small ships, the other four were of the middle size. All the others, except the bark Raleigh, commanded by captain Thin, were victuallers, and of small or no force. The approach of the Spanish fleet being concealed by means of the island, they were soon at hand, so that our ships had scarce time to weigh their anchors, and some even were obliged to slip their cables and set sail. Sir Richard Grenville was the last to weigh, that he might recover the men who were a land on the island, who had otherwise been lost. The lord Thomas Howard, with the rest of the fleet, very hardly recovered the wind, which Sir Richard was unable to do; on which his master and others endeavoured to persuade him to cut his main sail and cast about, trusting to the swift sailing of his ship, as the squadron of Seville was on his weather bow. But Sir Richard absolutely refused to turn from the enemy, declaring he would rather die than dishonour himself, his country, and her majestys ship, and persuaded his company that he would be able to pass through the two squadrons in spite of them, and force those of Seville to give him way. This he certainly performed upon divers of the foremost, who, as the sailors term it, sprang their luff, and fell under the lee of the Revenge. The other course had certainly been the better, and might very properly have been adopted under so great impossibility of prevailing over such heavy odds; but, out of the greatness of his mind, he could not be prevailed on to have the semblance of fleeing.
   In the meantime, while Sir Richard attended to those ships of the enemy that were nearest him and in his way, the great San Philip being to windward of him, and coming down towards him, becalmed his sails in such sort that his ship could neither make way nor feel the helm, so huge and high was the Spanish ship, being of fifteen hundred tons, and which presently laid the Revenge on board. At this time, bereft of his sails, the ships that had fallen under his lee, luffed up and laid him on board also, the first of these that now came up being the vice-admiral of the Biscay squadron, a very mighty and puissant ship, commanded by Brittandona. The San Philip carried three tier of ordnance on a side, and eleven pieces in each tier, besides eight pieces in her forecastle chase, and others from her stern-ports. After the Revenge was thus entangled by the huge San Philip, four others laid her on board, two to larboard and two to starboard. The fight thus began at three in the afternoon, and continued very terribly the whole of that evening. But the great San Philip, having received a discharge from the lower tier of the Revenge, loaded with cross-bar shot, shifted herself with all diligence from her side, utterly disliking this her first entertainment. Some say the San Philip foundered, but we cannot report this for a truth, not having sufficient assurance. Besides the mariners, the Spanish ships were filled with companies of soldiers, some having to the number of two hundred, some five hundred, and others as far even as eight hundred. In ours, there were none besides the mariners, except the servants of the commanders, and some few gentlemen volunteers.
   After interchanging many vollies of great ordnance and small shot, the Spaniards deliberated to enter the Revenge by boarding, and made several attempts, hoping to carry her by the multitudes of their armed soldiers and musketeers, but were still repulsed again and again, being on every attempt beaten back into their own ships or into the sea. In the beginning of the fight, the George Noble of London being only one of the victuallers, and of small force, having received some shot through her from the Spanish armadas, fell under the lee of the Revenge, and the master of her asked Sir Richard what he was pleased to command him; on which Sir Richard bad him save himself as he best might, leaving him to his fortune. After the fight had thus continued without intermission, while the day lasted, and some hours of the night, many of our men were slain and hurt; one of the great galeons of the armada and the admiral of the hulks both sunk, and a great slaughter had taken place in many of the other great Spanish ships. Some allege that Sir Richard was very dangerously hurt almost in the beginning of the fight, and lay speechless for a time ere he recovered: But two men belonging to the Revenge, who came home in a ship of Lyme from the islands, and were examined by some of the lords and others, affirmed, that he was never so much wounded as to forsake the upper deck till an hour before midnight, and being then shot in the body by a musket ball, was shot again in the head as the surgeon was dressing him, the surgeon himself being at the same time wounded to death. This also agrees with an examination of four other returned mariners of the same ship, taken before Sir Francis Godolphin, and sent by him to master William Killegrue of her majestys privy chamber.
   To return to the fight: As the Spanish ships which attempted to board the Revenge were wounded and beaten off, so always others came up in their places, she never having less than two mighty galeons by her sides and close on board her; so that ere morning, from three o'clock of the day before, she had been successively assailed by no less than fifteen several armadas or great ships of war; and all of them had so ill approved their entertainment, that, by break of day, they were far more willing to hearken to a composition, than hastily to make any more assaults or entries for boarding. But as the day advanced, so our men decreased in number, and as the light grew more and more, by so much more increased the discomforts of our men. For now nothing appeared in sight but enemies, save one small ship called the Pilgrim, commanded by Jacob Whiddon, who hovered all night to see what might be the event; but, bearing up towards the Revenge in the morning, was hunted like a hare among so many ravenous hounds, yet escaped.
   All the powder of the Revenge was now spent to the very last barrel, all her pikes broken, forty of her best men slain, and most part of the rest wounded. In the beginning of the fight, she had 90 of her men lying sick on the ballast in the hold, and only 100 capable of duty, a small crew for such a ship, and a weak garrison to resist so mighty an army. By this brave hundred was the whole of this hot fight sustained, the volleys, boardings, assaults, and entries, from fifteen great ships of war all full of men, besides those which had cannonaded her from a distance. On the contrary, the Spanish ships were always supplied with fresh soldiers from the several squadrons of this vast fleet, and had all manner of arms and powder at will; while to our men there remained no hope or comfort, no supply either of ships, men, weapons, or powder. The masts were all beaten overboard; all her tackle was cut asunder; her upper works all battered to pieces, and in effect evened with the water, nothing but the hull or bottom of the ship remaining, nothing being left over-head for flight or for defence.
   Finding his ship in this distress, and altogether unable for any longer resistance, after fifteen hours constant fighting against fifteen great ships of war which assailed him in turns, having received by estimation 800 shot of great ordnance, besides many assaults and entries; and considering that he and his ship must now soon be in possession of the enemy, who had arranged their ships in a ring round about the Revenge, which was now unable to move any way, except as acted on by the waves; Sir Richard called for his master gunner, whom he knew to be a most resolute man, and commanded him to split and sink the ship, that nothing of glory or victory might remain to the enemy, who with so great a navy, and in so long a time, were unable to take her. They had fifty-three ships of war, and above 10,000 men, and had been engaged against this single ship for fifteen hours. At the same time, Sir Richard endeavoured to prevail upon as many of the company as he could influence, to commit themselves to the mercy of God, and not of their enemies, since they had like valiant men repulsed so many enemies, urging them not now to obscure their honour and that of their nation, for the sake of prolonging their lives a few days. The master gunner and various others of the crew readily assented to this desperate resolution; but the captain and master were quite of an opposite opinion, and conjured Sir Richard to desist from his desperate proposal; alleging that the Spaniards would be as ready to agree to a capitulation as they to offer it; and begged him to consider, that there still were many valiant men still living in the ship, and others whose wounds might not be mortal, who might be able to do acceptable service to their queen and country hereafter. And, although Sir Richard had alleged that the Spaniards should never have the glory of taking one ship of her majesty, which had been so long and valiantly defended; they answered, that the ship had six feet water in her hold, and three shot holes under water, which were so weakly stopped, that she must needs sink with the first labouring of the sea, and was besides so battered and bruised, that she could never be removed from the place.
   While the matter was thus in dispute, Sir Richard refusing to listen to any reasons, the captain won over the most part to his opinion, and the master was conveyed on board the Spanish general, Don Alfonso Baçan. Finding none of his people very ready to attempt boarding the Revenge again, and fearing lest Sir Richard might blow up both them and himself, as he learned from the master his dangerous disposition; Don Alfonso agreed that all their lives should be saved, the ships company sent to England, and the better sort to pay such reasonable ransom as their estate could bear, all in the meantime to be free from prison or the gallies. He so much the rather consented to these terms, lest any farther loss or mischief might accrue to themselves, and for the preservation of Sir Richard, whose notable valour he greatly honoured and admired. On receiving this answer, in which the safety of life was promised; the common sort, now at the end of their peril, mostly drew back from the proposal of Sir Richard and the master gunner, it being no hard matter to dissuade men from death to life. Finding himself and Sir Richard thus prevented and mastered by the majority, the master gunner would have slain himself with his sword, but was prevented by main force, and locked up in his cabin.
   Then the Spanish general sent many boats on board the Revenge, and several of her men, fearing Sir Richards disposition, stole away on board the general and other ships. Thus constrained to submit, Sir Richard was desired by a message from Alfonso Baçan to remove from the Revenge, as it was filled with blood and the bodies of the slain, and with wounded men, like a slaughter-house. Sir Richard gave for answer, that he might do now with his body what he pleased; and while removing from the ship, he fainted away, and on recovering he requested the company to pray for him. The Spanish general used Sir Richard with all humanity, leaving no means untried that tended towards his recovery, highly commending his valour and worthiness, and greatly bewailing his dangerous condition; seeing that it was a rare spectacle, and an instance of resolution seldom met with, for one ship to withstand so many enemies, to endure the batteries and boardings of so many huge ships of war, and to resist and repel the assaults and entries of such numbers of soldiers. All this and more is confirmed, by the recital of a Spanish captain in that same fleet, who was himself engaged in this action, and, being severed from the rest in a storm, was taken by the Lion, a small ship belonging to London, and is now prisoner in London.
   The general commanding this great armada, was Don Alphonso Baçan, brother to the Marquis of Santa Cruz. Britandona was admiral of the squadron of Biscay. The Marquis of Arumburch [Aremberg] commanded the squadron of Seville. Luis Coutinho commanded the hulks and flyboats. There were slain and drowned in this fight, as the before-mentioned Spanish captain confessed, near a thousand of the enemy, with two special commanders, Don Luis de San Juan, and Don George de Prunaria de Mallaga, besides others of special account whose names have not yet been reported. The admiral of the hulks and the Ascension of Seville were both sunk at the side of the Revenge. One other ship, which got into the road of San Miguel, sank there also; and a fourth ship had to run on shore to save her men. Sir Richard, as it is said, died the second or third day on board the general, much bewailed by his enemies; but we have not heard what became of his body, whether it were committed to the sea or buried on land. The comfort remaining to his friends is, that he ended his life honourably, having won great reputation for his nation and his posterity, and hath not outlived his honour.
   For the rest of her majestys ships, that entered not into the fight like the Revenge, the reasons and causes were these: There were of them only six in all, two whereof were only small ships; and they could be of no service, as the Revenge was engaged past recovery. The island of Flores was on one side; 53 sail of Spanish ships were on the other, divided into several squadrons, all as full of soldiers as they could contain. Almost one half of our men were sick and unable to serve; the ships were grown foul, unroomaged374, and hardly able to bear any sail for want of ballast, having been six months at sea. If all the rest of the ships had entered into the action, they had been all lost; for the very hugeness of the Spanish ships, even if no other violence had been offered, might have crushed them all into shivers between them; by which the loss and dishonour to the queen had been far greater, than any injury the enemy could have sustained. It is nevertheless true, that the Lord Thomas Howard would have entered between the squadrons of the enemy, but the others would on no account consent; and even the master of his own ship threatened to leap into the sea, rather than conduct the admirals ship and the rest to be a certain prey to the enemy, where there was no hope or possibility of victory or even of defence. In my opinion, such rashness would have ill assorted with the discretion and trust of a general, to have committed himself and his charge to assured destruction, without any hope or likelihood of prevailing, thereby to have diminished the strength of her majestys navy, and to have increased the pride and glory of the enemy.
   The Foresight, one of her majestys vessels, commanded by Thomas Vavasour, performed a very great service, and staid two hours as near the Revenge as the weather would permit, not forsaking the fight till well nigh encompassed by the squadrons of the enemy, and then cleared himself with great difficulty. The rest gave diverse vollies of shot, and engaged as far as the place and their own necessities permitted, so as to keep the weather-gage of the enemy, till night parted them.
   A few days after this fight, the prisoners being dispersed among the Spanish ships of war and ships from the Indies, there arose so great a storm from the W. and N.W. that all the fleet was dispersed, as well the fleet of the Indies then come to them as the rest of the armada that had attended their arrival, of which 14 sail, together with the Revenge having 200 Spaniards on board of her, were cast away upon the island of St Michael. Thus they honoured the obsequies of the renowned Revenge, for the great glory she had achieved, not permitting her to perish alone. Besides these, other 15 or 16 of the Spanish ships of war were cast away in this storm upon the other islands of the Azores: And, of an 100 sail and more of the fleet of the Indies, which were expected this year in Spain, what with the loss sustained in this tempest, and what before in the bay of Mexico and about the Bermuda islands, above 70 were lost, including those taken by our London ships; besides one very rich ship of the Indies, which set herself on fire being boarded by the Pilgrim, and five others taken by the ship belonging to Mr Wats of London between the Havannah and Cape St Antonio. On the 4th of November this year, we had letters from Tercera, affirming that 3000 dead bodies had been thrown upon that island from the perished ships, and that the Spaniards confessed to have lost 10,000 men in this storm, besides those who perished between the main and the islands. Thus it hath pleased God to fight for us, and to defend the justice of our cause, against the ambitious and bloody pretences of the Spaniards, who seeking to devour all nations are themselves devoured: A manifest testimony how unjust and displeasing are their attempts in the sight of God, who hath been pleased to witness, by the evil success of their affairs, his mislike of their bloody and injurious designs, purposed and practised against all Christian princes, over whom they seek unlawful and ungodly rule and supreme command.
   A day or two before this terrible catastrophe, when some of our prisoners desired to be set on shore on the Azores islands, hoping to be thence transported into England, and which liberty had been formerly promised by the Spanish general; one Morice Fitz John, (son of old John of Desmond, a notable traitor, who was cousin-german to the late earl of Desmond,) was sent from ship to ship to endeavour to persuade the English prisoners to serve the king of Spain. The arguments he used to induce them were these. Increase of pay to treble their present allowance; advancement to the better sort; and the free exercise of the true catholic religion, ensuring the safety of all their souls. For the first of these, the beggarly and unnatural behaviour of those English and Irish rebels that served the king of Spain in that action was a sufficient answer; for so poor and ragged were they, that, for want of apparel, they stripped the poor prisoners their countrymen of their ragged garments, worn out by six months service, not even sparing to despoil them of their bloody shirts from their wounded bodies, and the very shoes from their feet; a noble testimony of their rich entertainment and high pay. As to the second argument, of hope of advancement if they served well and continued faithful to the king of Spain; what man could be so blockishly ignorant ever to expect promotion and honour from a foreign king, having no other merit or pretension than his own disloyalty, his unnatural desertion of his country and parents, and rebellion against his true prince, to whose obedience he is bound by oath, by nature, and by religion? No! such men are only assured to be employed on all desperate enterprizes, and to be held in scorn and disdain even among those they serve. That ever a traitor was either trusted or advanced I have never learnt, neither can I remember a single example. No man could have less becomed the office of orator for such a purpose, than this Morice of Desmond: For, the earl his cousin, being one of the greatest subjects in the kingdom of Ireland, possessing almost whole counties in his large property, many goodly manors, castles, and lordships, the county palatine of Kerry, 500 gentlemen of his own family and name ready to follow him, all which he and his ancestors had enjoyed in peace for three or four hundred years: Yet this man, in less than three years after his rebellion and adherence to the Spaniards, was beaten from all his holds, not so many as ten gentlemen of his name left living, himself taken and beheaded by a gentleman of his own nation, and his lands given by parliament to her majesty and possessed by the English. His other cousin, Sir John Desmond, taken by Mr John Zouch; and his body hung up over the gates of his native city to be devoured by ravens. The third brother, Sir James, hanged, drawn, and quartered in the same place. Had he been able to vaunt of the success of his own house, in thus serving the king of Spain, the argument might doubtless have moved much and wrought great effect: the which, because he happened to forget, I have thought good to remember in his behalf.
   As for the matter of religion, to which he adverted, it would require a separate volume, were I to set down how irreligiously they cover their greedy and ambitious pretences with that veil of pretended piety. But sure I am, there is no kingdom or commonwealth in all Europe that they do not invade, under pretence of religion, if it be reformed. Nay if it even be what they term catholic, they pretend a title, as if the kings of Castile were the natural heirs of all the world. Thus between both, no kingdom is exempted from their ambition. Where they dare not invade with their own forces, they basely entertain the traitors and vagabonds of all nations; seeking by their means, and by their runagate Jesuits, to win other parts to their dominion, by which they have ruined many noble houses and others in this land, extinguishing their lives and families. What good, honour, or fortune, any one hath ever yet achieved through them, is yet unheard of. If our English papists will only look to Portugal, against which they have no pretence of religion; how their nobility are imprisoned and put to death, their rich men made a prey, and all sorts of people reduced to servitude; they shall find that the obedience even of the Turk is ease and liberty, compared to the tyranny of Spain. What have they done in Sicily, in Naples, in Milan, in the low countries? Who hath there been spared even for religion? It cometh to my remembrance of a certain burgher at Antwerp, whose house was entered by a company of Spanish soldiers when they sacked that city. He besought them to spare him and his goods, being a good catholic, and therefore one of their own party and faction. The Spaniards answered, they knew him to be of a good conscience in himself; but his money, plate, jewels, and goods, were all heretical, and therefore good prize. So they abused and tormented the foolish Fleming, who thought that an Agnus Dei had been a sufficient safeguard against all the force of that holy and charitable nation.
   Neither have they at any time, as they protest, invaded the kingdoms of Mexico and Peru and elsewhere, being only led thereto to reduce the people to Christianity, not for gold or empire: Whereas, in the single island of Hispaniola, they have wasted and destroyed thirty hundred thousand of the natives, besides many millions else in other places of the Indies: a poor and harmless people, created of God, and might have been won to his service, as many of them were, even almost all whom they endeavoured to persuade thereto. The story of these their enormities, has been written at large by Bartholomew de las Casas375, a bishop of their own nation, and has been translated into English and many other languages, under the title of The Spanish Cruelties. Who therefore would repose trust in such a nation of ravenous strangers, and more especially in those Spaniards, who more greedily thirst after the blood of the English, for the many overthrows and dishonours they have received at our hands; whose weakness we have discovered to the world, and whose forces, at home, abroad, in Europe, in the Indies, by sea and by land, even with mere handfuls of men and ships on our sides, we have overthrown and dishonoured? Let not therefore any Englishman, of what religion soever, have other opinion of these Spaniards or their abettors, but that those whom they seek to win of our nation, they esteem base and traiterous, unworthy persons, and inconstant fools; and that they use this pretence of religion, for no other purpose but to bewitch us from the obedience due to our natural prince, hoping thereby to bring us in time under slavery and subjection, when none shall be there so odious and despised, as those very traitors who have sold their country to strangers, forsaking their faith and obedience, contrary to the laws of nature and religion, and contrary to that humane and universal honour, not only of Christians but of heathen and unbelieving nations, who have always sustained every degree of labour, embracing even death itself, in defence of their country, their prince, and their commonwealth.
   To conclude, it hath ever to this day pleased God to prosper and defend her majesty, to break the purposes of her malicious enemies, to confound the devices of forsworn traitors, and to overthrow all unjust practices and invasions. She hath ever been held in honour by the worthiest kings, served by faithful subjects, and shall ever, by the favour of God, resist, repell, and confound all attempts against her person and kingdom. In the mean time, let the Spaniards and traitors vaunt of their success; while we, her true and obedient subjects, guided by the shining light of her virtues, shall always love, serve, and obey her, to the end of our lives.
 

SECTION XI. Note of the Fleet of the Indies, expected in Spain this year 1591; with the number that perished, according to the examination of certain Spaniards, lately taken and brought to England376
   The fleet of New Spain, at their first gathering together, consisted of 52 sail. The admiral and vice-admiral ships were each of 600 tons burden. Four or five of the ships were of 900 and 1000 tons each; some were of 400 tons, and the smallest of 200. Of this fleet 19 were cast away, containing by estimation 2600 men, which happened along the coast of New Spain, so that only 33 sail came to the Havannah.
   The fleet of Terra Firma, at its first departure from Spain, consisted of 50 sail, bound for Nombre de Dios, where they discharged their loading, and returned thence for their health sake to Carthagena, till such time as the treasure they were to take in at Nombre de Dios were ready. But before this fleet departed, some were gone by one or two at a time, so that only 23 sail of this fleet arrived at the Havannah.
   There met at the Havannah,
   33 sail from New Spain,
   23 from the Terra Firma,
   12 belonging to San Domingo,
   9 from Honduras.
   Thus 77 ships joined and set sail from the Havannah, on the 17th of July 1591, according to our account, and kept together till they arrived in the lat. of 35° N. which was about the 10th of August. There the wind, which had been at S.W. changed suddenly to N. so that the sea coming from the S.W. and the wind violent from the N. they were put in great extremity, and then first lost the admiral of their fleet, in which were 500 men; and within three or four days after, another storm rising, five or six others of their largest ships were cast away with all their men, together with their vice-admiral.
   In lat. 38° N. and about the end of August, another great storm arose, in which all their remaining ships, except 48, were lost. These 48 ships kept together till they came in sight of the islands of Corvo and Flores, about the 5th or 6th of September, at which time they were separated by a great storm; and of that number, 15 or 16 sail were afterwards seen by three Spanish prisoners, riding at anchor under Tercera, while 12 or 14 more were observed to bear away for San Miguel. What became of them after these Spaniards were taken, cannot yet be certified; but their opinion is, that very few of this fleet escaped being either taken or cast away. It has been ascertained of late by other means of intelligence, that of this whole fleet of 123 sail, which should have come to Spain this year, there have only 25 yet arrived. This note was extracted from the examinations of certain Spanish prisoners, brought to England by six of the London ships, which took seven of these men from the before-mentioned fleet of the Indies near the islands of the Açores.

SECTION XII. Report of a Cruizing Voyage to the Azores in 1591, by a feet of London ships sent with supplies to the Lord Thomas Howard. Written by Captain Robert Flicke377
   PRELIMINARY REMARKS378.
   The following voyage is extracted from a letter, dated at Plymouth the 24th of October 1591, and sent thence by Captain Flicke to Messrs Thomas Bromley, Richard Staper, and – Cordall, three of the contractors, as we apprehend, for the ships, and is titled, "Concerning the success of a part of the London supplies sent to the isles of the Azores to my Lord Thomas Howard." In this letter no mention is made of the number of ships employed, nor of the names of more than two captains besides Flicke, namely, Brothus and Furtho, the latter of whom was bearer of the letter. We also find the name of four of the ships; the Costly, Centurion, Cherubim, and the Margaret and John, but not the names of their commanders, neither the name of the ship in which Flicke sailed, and which, for distinctions sake, we call the admiral. These omissions may be excuseable in a private letter, written only to acquaint the merchants of particulars they had not before learnt, and not designed as a formal narrative of the voyage to be laid before the public. As these, however, are essential to narratives of this kind, it might have been expected of Mr Hakluyt to have supplied such defects. We may judge, however, that the number of ships was seven, as in the preceding account of the fleet of the Indies, six London ships are mentioned as having fallen in with it, which were probably those separated from the admiral or commodore, which ship will make the seventh. –Astley.
   NARRATIVE379.
   Worshipful, my hearty commendations to you premised.-By my last letter, dated 12th August from this place, I advertised you particularly of the accidents which had befallen our fleet till then. It now remains to relate our exertions for accomplishing our orders for endeavouring to join my Lord Thomas Howard, and the success we have had. We departed from hence on the 17th August, the wind not serving before. Next day I summoned a council by signal, on which the captains and masters of all the ships came on board, when I acquainted them with my commission, confirmed by the lords of her majestys council, and with the advertisement of Sir Edward Denny, that my lord had determined to remain 60 leagues west of Fayal, spreading his squadron north and south between 37° 30' and 38° 30' north. But, if we did not there find him, we were to repair to the islands of Flores and Corvo, where a pinnace would purposely wait our coming till the last day of August; with the intent, after that day, to repair to the coast of Spain, about the heighth of the rock [of Lisbon?], some twenty or thirty leagues off shore. This being advisedly considered, and having regard to the shortness of time occasioned by our long delay at this place, and the uncertainty of favourable weather for us, it was generally concluded, as the best and surest way to meet my lord, to bear up for the heighth of the rock, without making any stay upon the coast, and thence to make directly for the foresaid islands, which was accordingly fully agreed to and performed.
   The 28th of August we had sight of the Burlings, and being on the 29th athwart of Peniche, and having a favourable wind, we directed our course west for the Azores, without making any stay off the coast of Portugal. The 30th we met the Red Rose, Captain Royden, formerly called the Golden Dragon, which had separated from my lord in a storm. He informed us of 50 sail of the king of Spains armada having sailed for the islands, but could not give us any intelligence of my lord, otherwise than supposing him to remain about the islands, wherefore we continued our course, the wind remaining favourable. The 4th of September we had sight of Tercera, and ranged along all the islands, both on their south, and north sides, for the space of four days, during which time we met with no ships whatever, so that we could learn no intelligence, either of my lord or of the fleet of the Indies; wherefore we directed our course to the west of Fayal, according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny. When plying to the westwards on the 11th, we descried a sail from our main-top, and by two or three in the afternoon raised her hull, but the weather fell so calm that we could not fetch her. I therefore sent off my skiff well manned, and furnished with shot and swords, the Cherubim and the Margaret and John doing the like. Upon this the sail stood off again, and on the approach of night our boats lost sight of her and so returned. During this pursuit the Centurion was left astern, so that we missed her next morning, and spent all that day plying up and down in search of her: And, as all our ships were directed, in case of separation by stress of weather or other mischance, to meet and join at Flores, we, according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny, proceeded for the purpose of finding my Lord Thomas Howard, and being in the heighth appointed, and not able to remain there in consequence of extreme tempests, which forced us to the isles of Flores and Corvo, which we made on the 14th in the morning, and there rejoined the Centurion. She informed us, that on the 12th day, being the same on which she lost us, she had met 45 sail of the fleet of the Indies.
   The same night, in consequence of this intelligence, we came to anchor between Flores and Corvo, and next morning at day-break, I convened a council of all the captains and masters on board my ship, by a signal flag. For satisfying our desire to learn some intelligence of my lord, as also for the purpose of procuring a supply of water, it was thought good to send our boats on shore armed, under the command of Captain Brothus; besides which, it was agreed, after our departure thence, to range along the south sides of the islands, that we might either procure some intelligence of my lord, or fall in with the fleet of the Indies; and, in case of missing both objects, to direct our course for Cape St Vincent. The boats being sent on shore, according to this determination, it chanced that the Costely, which rode outermost at our anchoring ground, having weighed to bring herself nearer among us to assist in protecting our boats, discovered two sail in opening the land, which we in the road-stead could not perceive. Upon this she fired a shot of warning, which caused us to wave all our boats back; and before they could recover their ships, the two ships seen by the Costely appeared to us, on which we made all sail towards them, and in a happy hour as it pleased God. We had no sooner cleared the land and spoken one of them, which was a bark belonging to Bristol, also seeking my lord ineffectually at the place appointed, when so violent a storm arose that we had been in great danger of perishing if we had continued in the road. This storm continued in its utmost violence for sixty hours, during which I was separated from all our fleet except the Cherubim, and Costely, which continued in company. After it subsided, sailing in among the islands, I viewed the road of Fayal, and finding no roaders there, I went thence for the isle of Tercera.
   On the 19th day of September in the morning, coming to Tercera, and intending to edge into the road, a tempest arose and so scanted the wind that we could not get in. Being accordingly driven to leeward, we fell in among some of the fleet of the Indies, which had been dispersed by the storm, and driven from the road. Upon this our ship and the two others then with me gave several chases, by which we parted company. Following up my chase, we made her strike and yield about noon, when she turned out to be a Portuguese, laden with hides, sarsa-parilla, and anile [Indigo]. At this instant we espied another, and taking our prize with us, followed and captured her before night. She was called the Conception, commanded by Francisco Spinola, and was laden with cochineal, raw hides, and certain raw silk: And as the sea was so tempestuous that we could in no way board her, neither by boats nor from the ship, so we kept her under our lee till a fit opportunity. That same night, a little before day, another ship joined company with us, supposing us and our two prizes to belong to their fleet, which we dissembled till morning.
   In the morning of the 20th, this new sail being somewhat shot a-head of us, and being anxious for the safe keeping of the two former, we purposed to cause our two prizes put out more sail, so as to keep near us while chasing the third, as our master insisted that they would follow us; owing to which, by the time we had caused this new one to yield, and had sent men on board to take possession, the Conception being far astern, and having got the wind of us, stood off with all her sails, so that we were forced to make a new chase after her, and had not the wind enlarged upon us we had lost her. The whole of this day was spent in this new pursuit, before we recovered her, and brought ourselves again in company with our other prizes; by which we lost the opportunity of that day, during which the weather served for boarding the Portuguese prize, which was in great distress, making request of us to take them on board, as they were ready to sink, as we could well perceive by their pumping incessantly, and in our judgment she went down that night.
   On the 21st the Conception sprung a leak also, which gained upon her notwithstanding every effort at the pumps, so that she could not be kept long above water. So I took out of her 42 chests of cochineal and silk, leaving her to the sea with 11 feet water in her hold, and 4700 hides. The other prize, which we have brought into harbour, is the Nuestra Sennora de los Remedios, Francisco Alvares captain, laden with 16 chests of cochineal, certain fardels [or bales] of raw silk, and about 4000 hides. Upon the discharge of the goods, your honours shall be particularly advertised of the same. In boarding our prizes, such was the disorder of our men, that, besides rifling the persons of the Spaniards, they broke open the chests and purloined what money was in them; although I had given notice of my intention of going on board in person, to have taken a just account thereof in presence of three or four witnesses, putting the whole in safe custody, pursuant to the articles made in this behalf. And whereas certain sums of money taken from our men, which they had thus purloined and embezzled, together with other parcels brought on board my ship, amounting to 2129 pesos and a half, all of which the company demanded to have shared among them as due pillage, I refused this demand, and read to them openly at the mast the articles confirmed by my lord treasurer and my lord admiral, by which they ought to be directed in these things, declaring that it was not in my power to dispose thereof until the same were finally determined at home. Thereupon they mutinied, and grew at length to such fury, that they declared they would have it or else would break down the cabin. Seeing them ready to execute this threat, I was forced to yield, lest the great number of Spaniards we had on board might have taken the opportunity of rising against us; which, indeed, after the brawls of our men were appeased, they actually endeavoured to have done.
   By the last advice from Castile, the general of the king of Spains armada, lately put to sea, is ordered to join his fleet with that of the Indies, and to remain at Tercera till the 15th of October, waiting for six pataches with seven or eight millions of the royal treasure expected by that time: otherwise they are to wait their coming from the Havannah till January next, or until the kings farther pleasure shall be made known. These pataches are said to be of 300 tons burden each, carrying 30 pieces of brass cannon, and are also reported to sail in a superior manner to any other ships. Before their coming to Flores, there perished of the fleet of the Indies eleven sail, among which was the admiral, and not one roan saved. It is likewise supposed by the Spaniards, that the storms we encountered at Flores and Tercera must have destroyed many more of them, of which indeed we were partly eye-witnesses. On the whole, therefore, what by the seas and our men of war, of the 75 sail that came from the Havannah, I presume one half will not arrive in Spain.
   On the night of the 11th October, we came to anchor in Plymouth sound, and got up next morning with our prize into Catwater, for which God be praised: For so vehement a storm arose, that our prize was forced to cut away her main-mast, otherwise, her ground tackle being bad, she had been driven on shore by the violence of the storm. This was the main cause which induced me to put in here, where I now propose to discharge the goods without farther risk, and have certified thus much to my lord admiral, and therewith desire to receive the directions of my lords of the council together with yours, as my lord Thomas Howard is not yet returned. How the rest of our consorts, which separated from us, may have sped, or what prizes they may have taken, of which there is much hope by reason of the scattering of the West India fleet, I am as yet unable to say any thing. And thus, waiting your answer, and referring for all other matters to captain Furtho, the bearer hereof, I make an end, at Plymouth this 24th of October 1591.
   Your Worships loving Friend,
   ROBERT FLICKE.
 

SECTION XIII. Exploits of the English in several Expeditions and cruizing Voyages from 1589 to 1592; extracted from John Huighen van Linschoten380
   PRELIMINARY REMARKS.
   The entire title of this article in Hakluyts Collection is, "A large testimony of John Huighen van Linschoten, Hollander, concerning the worthy exploits achieved by the right honourable the Earl of Cumberland, by Sir Martine Frobisher, Sir Richard Grenville, and diverse other English captains, about the isles of the Azores, and upon the coasts of Spain and Portugal, in the years 1589, 1590, 1591, &c. recorded in his excellent discourse of voyages to the East and West Indies, cap. 96, 97, and 99." Of this article, the Editor of Astley gives the following account.
   "The author, John Huighen van Linschoten, left Goa with a fleet of ships, viz. The Santa Maria, Nuestra Sennora de la Concepçao, the San Christopher admiral, the San Thome which was the largest and most richly laden, and the Santa Cruz in which Linschoten sailed. It was extracted by Hakluyt from the 96th, 97th, and 99th chapters of the first book of Linschotens Voyages in English, beginning at p. 171. This section is intended as a supplement to the English cruizing voyages already inserted, which fall within the period mentioned in the title; and is the more material, as the memoirs it contains not only confirm the most material facts related in these preceding voyages, but give a satisfactory account of many things which are there but imperfectly related, often continuing the history which in these breaks off abruptly, and bringing to light some remarkable achievements of our countrymen, of which otherwise no mention could be found in our voluminous naval transactions.
   "We are persuaded the reader will feel a secret joy in contemplating the great figure this nation made in these heroic times; owing to that universal zeal to promote the commerce and glory of England, which then prevailed among the ministers of the crown, as well as the people at large. We presume likewise, that this pleasure will be not a little enhanced by the consideration that these particulars were written by a foreigner, who is held in great reputation for his judgment and fidelity, and who has sounded the praise of our countrymen even beyond what has been done by our own historians. On the other hand, the reader will be no less concerned to find what immense treasures some of our adventurers lost, by unaccountably missing the fleets of which they went in search, when at the same time they were so near them, that it seemed almost impossible they should escape. This shews, after all, how uncertain is the meeting of ships at sea, and that two great fleets may sail almost close to one another, without having the least suspicion." –Astley.
   *****
   The 22d of July 1589, about evening, being near the islands of Flores and Corvo, we perceived three ships making towards us, which came from under the land and put us in great fear, for they came close to our admiral and shot diverse times at him and at another ship of our company, whereby we perceived them to be English, for they bore the English flag at their main-tops, but none of them seemed above 60 tons burden. About evening they followed after us, and all night bore lanterns with candles burning at their sterns, although the moon shined. That night we passed hard by the island of Fayal; and next morning, being between the isle of St George on our right and the small isle of Graciosa on our left, we espied the three English ships still following us. They consulted together, upon which one of them sailed backwards, as if one ship had followed after us without company, and for a time that ship was out of sight; but in no long time afterwards, it returned to the other two, when they consulted again, and came all three together against our ship, because we were to leeward of all our ships, having the island of St George on one side instead of a sconce, [fort] thinking so to deal with us as to force us to run on shore, to which we were very near. In that manner they came bravely towards us, with their flags displayed, sounding their trumpets, and sailed at least three times about us, discharging at us their muskets and calivers and some pieces of great ordnance, doing us no harm in the hull of our ship, but spoiled all our sails and ropes, and so plagued us that no man durst put forth his head. When we shot off a piece of ordnance, we had at the least an hours work to load it again, there being a great noise and cry in our ship, as if we had been all cast away, whereupon the English began to mock us, calling out to us with many taunting words.
   In the mean time, the other ships that were in company with us hoisted all their sails, doing their best to bear away for Tercera, and not looking once behind them to help us, as not caring for us, but doubting they would be too late thither, and thinking they did enough if they could save themselves, whereby it may be easily seen what kind of company they keep with each other, and what kind of order is among them. In the end, finding small advantage against us, and little knowing in what fear we were, and also because we were not far from Tercera, the English left us; on which we were not a little rejoiced, as thinking ourselves risen from death to life, though we were not yet well assured nor void of fear, till we got to anchor in the road of Tercera, under the protection of the Portuguese fort, towards which we made all possible sail. On the other hand, we were still in great doubt, not knowing the situation of the island, or whether they were our friends or enemies; and we were so much the more doubtful, because we found no man of war there, nor any caravels of advice from Portugal as we expected, to have convoyed us home, or given us intelligence, as they usually do in that country. And, because the English had been so victorious in those parts, we suspected that it went not well with Spain. The inhabitants of Tercera were no less fearful than we, for on seeing our fleet they thought us to have been English, and that we came to over-run the island, because the three English ships came in along with us and had wound up their flags; upon which the islanders sent out two caravels to us that lay there, with advice from the king for such India ships as should come there.
   Those caravels came to view us, and perceiving what we were made after us; upon which the English ships left us and made towards the caravels, because the caravels thought them friends and shunned them not, as supposing them of our company: But we shot three or four times, and made signs to them that they should make towards the island, which they presently did. On perceiving that, the Englishmen made out to sea: and then the caravels sent on board us, saying that the people of the island were all in arms, having received advice from Portugal, that Sir Francis Drake was in readiness, and meant to come to the islands. They likewise brought us news of the overthrow of the Spanish armada which had gone against England, and that the English had been at the gates of Lisbon; for which reason it win the king's commands that we should put into the island of Tercera, and remain there under the protection of its castle, till we received further orders, as it was then thought too dangerous for us to continue our voyage to Lisbon. These news put all our fleet in great fear, making us look upon each other as not knowing what to do or say; as it was dangerous for us to put into the road, which lies open to the sea, so that although they had the kings commands for so doing, the India ships durst not anchor there, but only used to come thither, standing off and on, and sending their boats a-land for such necessaries as they wanted, without coming to anchor. But now necessity compelled us to this measure, owing to our fears for the three small English ships, also because of the kings orders, and because we understood that the Earl of Cumberland was not far from these islands with sundry ships of war. We made therefore a virtue of necessity, and entering the road of Tercera, anchored close under the castle, in waiting for orders from the king to pursue our voyage, it being then the 24th of July or St Jameses day.
   The 12th of August, the Earl of Cumberland, with six or seven ships of war, sailed past the island of Tercera; and to our great good fortune passed out of sight. We then set out in all haste, and, for our greater security, took along with us 400 Spaniards of those who were in garrison in the island, and made sail for Lisbon with a favourable wind, so that in eleven days we arrived in the river Tagus with great joy and triumph. For, had we been one day longer of getting into the river, we had all been taken by Captain Drake, [Sir Francis Drake] who came before Cascais with 40 ships, at the very time when we cast anchor in the Tagus under the guard of several gallies.
   While I remained in Tercera, the Earl of Cumberland came to St Marys to take in fresh water and other victuals; but the inhabitants would not suffer him to have it, and wounded both the earl himself and several of his men, so that they were forced to depart without having any thing. Likewise, while I was at Tercera, the same earl came to the island of Graciosa, where he went to land in person with seven or eight others, demanding certain beasts, poultry, and other victuals, with wine and fresh water, which they willingly gave him, after which he departed without doing any injury, for which the inhabitants were very thankful, praising his courtesy and faithfulness to his promise. The earl came likewise at that time to Fayal, where at the first they begun to resist him; but by reason of some controversy among themselves, they let him land, when he razed the castle, throwing all the cannon into the sea, and took with him certain caravels and ships that lay in the road, with all such provisions as he wanted, and then departed. Thereupon, the king caused the principal actors in that transaction to be punished, and went thither a company of soldiers, which went from Tereera, with all kind of warlike ammunition and great shot, rebuilding the cattle the better to defend the island, and no more trusting to the Portuguese inhabitants.
   The 9th of October 1589381, there arrived in Tereera fourteen ships from the Spanish West Indies, laden with cochineal, hides, gold, silver, pearls, and other rich wares. When they departed from the harbour of the Havannah, they were fifty in company; of which eleven sunk in the channel [of Florida] by reason of foul weather, and all the rest were scattered and separated from each other in a storm. Next day there came another ship of the same fleet, which sailed close under the island endeavouring to get into the road; when she was met by an English whip that had not above three cast pieces [of ordnance], while the Spaniards had twelve. They fought a long while together, which we in the island could distinctly see. The governor of the island sent out two boats filled with musketeers to aid the Spanish ship; but before they could get up to her assistance; the English had shot her below water, so that we saw her sink into the sea with all her sails up, and she entirely disappeared. The Englishmens boat saved the Captain and about thirty others, but not one pennyworth of the goods, which were to the value of 200,000 ducats, in gold, silver, and pearls. All the rest of the crew were drowned, to the number of about fifty persons, among whom were some friars and women, whom the English could not save. The English set all the people they had saved on shore, and then sailed away. The 27th of the same month of October 1589, these fourteen ships sailed from Tercera, for Seville; and on coming to the coast of Spain, they were all taken by some English ships that watched for them, two only excepted which made their escape, all the rest being carried to England.
   About this time, the earl of Cumberland, with one of the queens ships and five or six others, kept hovering about the islands, and came oft-times close to the island of Tercera, and to the road of Angra, so near that the people on land could easily count all the men on his decks, and could even distinguish one from another; they of the island not once shooting at them, which they might easily have done, as they were often within musket-shot of the town and fort. He continued in these parts for the space of two months, sailing round about the islands, and landed in Graciosa and Fayal, as I have already mentioned. He took several ships and caravels, which he sent off to England, so that the people of the islands durst not put forth their heads. At one time, about three or four days after the earl had been at the island of Fayal, and was departed from thence, there arrived there six ships of the Indies, the general of which was one Juan Dorives, which landed in that island four millions of gold and silver382. Then, being much in fear of the English, and having refreshed themselves with all speed, they set sail and arrived safe at San Lucar, without meeting an enemy, to the great good luck of the Spaniards and bad fortune of the English; for, within less than two days after the gold and silver was again laden into the Spanish ships, the earl of Cumberland sailed past the island again; so that if he had once got sight of these valuable ships, without doubt he had got them all, as the Spaniards themselves confessed.
   In the month of November, two great ships arrived in Tercera, being the admiral and vice-admiral of the fleet laden with silver, which had been separated from the fleet in a great storm, and were in great jeopardy and distress, ready to sink, being forced to use all their pumps, and so terrified, that they wished a thousand times to have met the English, to whom they would willingly have given all the silver, and every thing they had on board, only to preserve their lives. Although the earl still hovered about the islands, yet did he not meet with these ships, which got with much labour and difficulty into the road of Angra, where with all speed they unladed and landed about five millions in silver, all in great pieces or ingots of 8 or 12 great pounds, so that the whole quay lay covered with plates and chests of silver, full of pieces of eight rials, most wonderful to behold: Each million being worth ten hundred thousand ducats, besides gold, pearls, and other precious stones, which were not registered. The admiral and chief commander of these ships, and of the whole fleet to which they belonged, was Alvaro Flores de Quin Quiniones, who was sick of the Neapolitan disease, and was brought to land; and of which malady he died soon afterwards at Seville. He had with him the kings commission under the great seal, giving him full authority as general and commander in chief upon the seas, over all fleets and ships, and in all places, lands, and islands, on shore wherever he came; wherefore the governor of Tercera shewed him much honour, and between them it was concerted, seeing the weakness of the ships and the danger from the English, that they should send the ships first empty of treasure to Seville or Lisbon, under a guard of soldiers, when the king might give orders afterwards to fetch the silver home under safe convoy. The said admiral Alvaro Flores staid there, under colour of taking care of the silver, but chiefly because of his disease and fear of the English. He had for his part alone, above the value of 50,000 ducats in pearls, which he shewed us, and sought to sell or barter them with us for spices or bills of exchange. These two ships sailed from Tercera with three or four hundred men, including those who came with them from the Indies and soldiers; but while at sea in a storm, the admiral split and sunk outright, not one man being saved; and the vice-admiral, after cutting away her masts, ran aground hard by Setubal, where she broke in pieces, some of the men saving themselves by swimming, who brought the news of all the rest being drowned.
   In the same month of November 1589, there came two great ships out of the Spanish Indies, and when within half a mile of the road of Tercera, they were met with by an English ship which fought them both together for a long while, and took them both. About seven or eight months before, there came an English ship to Tercera, pretending to be a Frenchman come for traffic, and began to load woad, but being discovered was confiscated to the king, both ship and cargo, and the men all made prisoners, yet were allowed to roam up and down to get their livings, by labouring like slaves, being considered in as safe custody in the island at large as if in a prison. But at length, upon a Sunday, they all went behind the hills called Bresil, where they found a fishing boat, in which they rowed out to sea to the ships of the Earl of Cumberland, who chanced for their good fortune to come to the island, and anchored with his ships about half a mile from the road of Angra, close to two small islands about a bare shot from the shore of Tercera, which are full of goats, deer, and sheep, belonging to the inhabitants of Tercera. These sailors knew this well, wherefore they rowed to these islands in their boats, whence they took as many goats and sheep as they needed, which was well seen by those of the town and main island, but they durst not go forth to hinder them. By this exploit, there only remained behind the master and merchant of the detained English ship. This master had a brother-in-law in England, who, on hearing of his brothers imprisonment, got a licence from the queen to fit out a ship, with which to endeavour to recover his losses by cruizing against the Spaniards, by which to redeem his brother from imprisonment in Tercera, and it was he who took the two Spanish ships before the town: The before-mentioned merchant, who was my intimate acquaintance, was standing on the shore along with me, looking at them at the time. When these ships were taken, which were worth 300,000 ducats, the brother sent all the men on shore, except only two of the principal gentlemen, whom he kept to give in exchange for his brother; and by the pilot of one of the captured ships he sent a letter to the governor of Tercera, offering to send the two gentlemen on shore if his brother were delivered up, otherwise he would carry them prisoners into England, which indeed he did, as the governor would not deliver up his brother, saying the gentlemen might make that suit to the king of Spain. We invited that Spanish pilot to supper with us, and the Englishmen likewise, when he related to us the particulars of the fight, much commending the order and manner in which the English fought, as also their courteous behaviour to him: But, in the end, the English merchant stole away in a French ship, without paying any ransom.
   In January 1590, there arrived one ship alone at Tercera from the Spanish West Indies, bringing news that a fleet of an hundred sail, which had set out from the Indies, were driven by a storm on the coast of Florida, where they were all cast away, vast riches and many men being lost, and she alone had escaped with the news. Thus by account, of 200 ships which were certainly known to have sailed out of New Spain, San Domingo, Havannah, Cabo Verde, Brazil, Guinea, &c. in the year 1589, for Spain and Portugal, not above 14 or 15 of them arrived safe, all the rest having either been foundered, cast away, or taken. In the same month of January, there came to Tercera from Seville, 15 or 16 ships, mostly fliboats of the Low Countries, and some ships of Britanny, that were arrested in Spain. These came out full of soldiers and well provided with guns and ammunition, to lade home the silver that lay in Tercera, and to bring home Alvaro Flores into Spain, by order of the king. As at this time of the year there are always great storms about these islands, the above-mentioned ships durst not enter the road of Tercera, for it then blew so great a storm that some of the ships, which had entered the road, had been forced to cut away their masts, and were in much danger of being lost, and among these a ship of Biscay was actually driven upon the coast and dashed to pieces, but all the men were saved. The other ships were obliged to keep to sea and to separate from each other, allowing themselves to drive at the mercy of the winds and waves till the 15th of March, as in all that time they had not one day of good weather in which to anchor, so that they endured much distress, heartily cursing both the silver and the island.
   When this storm was passed, they fell in with an English ship of about 40 tons, which by reason of the heavy wind could not hoist all her sails, so that they took her. Hoisting her English ensign on the stern of their admiral, the ships came now as proudly into the road-stead of Tercera as if they had defeated the whole navy of England: But, just as their admiral was entering the road, trickt out with the English flag on his stern, there came by chance two English ships past the island, which paid her so well for her bravity, that she had to cry out misericordia. Had she been a mile farther out, the English ships doubtless would have taken her; but getting under the guns of the fortress, which began to play upon the English ships, they were forced to leave her and put farther out to sea, after having slain five or six of the Spaniards.
   The Englishmen taken in the small ship were put under hatches, coupled together in irons; and, after they had been three or four days prisoners, a Spanish ensign in the ship, who had a brother slain in the armada that went against England, took a fancy to revenge his brothers death, and to shew his own manhood on these captives; whereupon, taking a poinard, he stabbed six of them to the heart as they sat below in irons. Two others of them perceiving this atrocious action, clasped each other about the body, and leapt into the sea, where they were drowned. This infamous act was much disliked by all the Spaniards, so that the assassin was carried prisoner to Lisbon; upon which the king of Spain commanded him to be sent to England, that the queen might use him according to her pleasure; which sentence, at the earnest request of the friends of the murderer, was commuted to an order for his being beheaded; but on Good Friday, when the cardinal was going to mass, the captains and commanders made such intercession for him, that he was finally pardoned. I thought good to note this incident, that the bloody and dishonourable minds of the Spaniards to those who were under subjection to them, might be made manifest.
   The same two English ships, which followed the Spanish admiral till he took shelter under the guns of the fort, put out to sea, where they met with the only remaining vessel of that fleet which had been scattered in the storm, all the rest being now in the road. This small ship they took, sending all me men on shore unhurt; but it they had known what had been done to the English captives, I believe they would have taken vengeance, as many an innocent soul afterwards paid for the atrocity of the Spanish ensign. The ship now taken by the English, was the same which had been formerly confiscated at Tercera, and was sold to the Spaniards that then came from the Indies, who sailed in her to San Lucar; where it also was arrested by the duke, and appointed to go along with the others, to fetch the silver from Tercera, as it was a good sailer; but it was the meanest of all that fleet. By this means, it was taken from the Spaniards and carried to England, where the owners got it again when they least expected.
   On the 19th March 1590, having laden the kings silver and received Alvaro Flores with his company, and good provision of necessaries, warlike ammunitions and soldiers, the before-mentioned 19 ships sailed from Tercera, firmly resolved, as they set forth, to fight valiantly to the last man, before they would yield or lose their riches. Though they intended to make for San Lucar, the wind forced them to Lisbon, as if willing to keep them there in safety, although Alvaro Flores would have persisted in forcing his way to San Lucar against the wind and weather. But, constrained by adverse wind, and importunately urged by the mariners, who protested they would require their losses and damages from him, he consented to put in at Lisbon, whence the silver was conveyed by land to Seville. At this time, there lay 20 English ships off Cape St Vincent, to watch for this fleet; so that if they had gone forwards for Sun Lucar, which they certainly had done if the wind had been fair, they must have fallen into the hands of the English: They may say, therefore, that the wind lent them a fortunate voyage on this occasion. If the English had met them, they had surely been in great danger, and possibly few of them had escaped, on account of the fear which they were then in of the English; as fortune, or God rather, was then wholly against them, which was enough to make the Spaniards out of heart, and to inspire the English with the greater boldness; for being victorious, they were stout and valiant, and seeing all their enterprizes successful, they were become lords and masters of the sea, and needed to care for no man, as well appears from this short narrative.
   On the 7th of August 1590, a fleet of 20 English ships appeared off Tercera, five of them being ships belonging to the queen, of which one Martin Frobisher was general, as we afterwards learnt. They came purposely to watch for the fleet of the Spanish West Indies, and for the India ships, and the ships of the other countries in the West. This put the islanders in great fear, especially those of Fayal, where the English sent a trumpeter to the governor, to ask certain supplies of wine, flesh, and other provisions for their money. This request was not only refused, but they shot the messenger and slew him, which gave the English much displeasure, so that they sent another message desiring them to look to themselves and keep sure guard, as they meant to come and visit them per force. The governor sent back for answer, that he was there in behalf of the king of Spain, and would do his best to keep them out, as in duty bound; but nothing was done after all, though the people of Fayal were in great fear, sending to Tercera for aid, whence they had some barks with powder and other ammunition of war, with some Biscuit and other necessary provisions.
   The 30th of August, certain news came from Portugal, that 80 ships had sailed from the Groin, (Corunna) laden with victuals, ammunition of war, money, and soldiers, bound for Britanny in aid of the catholic leaguers of France against the king of Navarre. At this time likewise, two Netherland hulks, when half seas over on their way from Portugal to Tercera, were met by four English ships belonging to the queen, commanded by Sir John Hawkins, by whom they were stopped; but he let them go again uninjured. According to the report of these Netherlanders, each of these ships carried 80 pieces of ordnance. They reported likewise, that Captain Drake (Sir Francis) lay with 40 English ships in the channel, watching for the fleet from Corunna; and that ten other English ships lay off Cape St Vincent, that if any ships escaped Frobisher at the islands, they might intercept them. These tidings greatly alarmed the islanders, lest if the English failed of catching the Spanish fleet, and got nothing by them, they might fall upon the islands, that they might not go home empty handed; whereupon they held strict watch, sending home advice to the king of what intelligence they had.
   The 1st September, there came a Portuguese ship from Pernambuco in Brazil to the island of St Michael, with news, that the admiral of the Portuguese fleet from the East Indies, having missed St Helena, was forced to put into Pernambuco, though expressly forbidden by the king under a heavy penalty, because of the worms in that haven which greatly spoil the ships. The same ship, in which was the Admiral Bernardin Ribero, sailed the former year 1589 from Lisbon for India with five ships in her company, four only of which got to India, the fifth being never heard of, so that she was believed lost. The other four returned safe into Portugal, though the admiral was much spoiled, as he met two English ships, which fought him a long while and slew many of his men, yet he escaped from them at last. The 5th of the same month, there arrived at Tercera a caravel belonging to Corvo, bringing 50 men who had been spoiled by the English, who set them ashore on the island of Corvo. They had been taken in a ship coming from the Spanish West Indies, and reported that the English had taken four other West India ships, and a caravel having the king of Spains letters of advice for the Portuguese ships coming from the East Indies; and that, including those they had taken, the English had at least 40 ships together, so that nothing could escape them; therefore, that the Portuguese ships coming from India durst not put into the islands, but took their course between 40° and 42° of N. latitude, whence they shaped their course for Lisbon, shunning likewise Cape St Vincent, as otherwise they could not look for safety, the sea being quite full of English ships. Wherefore, the king advised that the fleet now at Havannah in the Spanish West Indies, and ready to sail for Spain, should remain till the next year, because of the great danger of falling into the hands of the English. This was no small charge and hindrance to the fleet, as the ships that remain long at the Havannah consume themselves and in a manner eat up one another, from the great number of their people, and the great scarcity and dearness of every thing at that place; wherefore many of the ships adventured rather to hazard themselves singly for the voyage than to stay there; all of which fell into the hands of the English, and many of their men were brought to Tercera: So that we could see nothing else for a whole day but spoiled men set on shore, some from one ship and some from another, it being pitiful to see and hear them all, cursing the English and their own bad fortunes, with those who had been the cause of provoking the English to war, and complaining of the small remedy and order taken therein by the officers of the king of Spain.
   The 19th of the same month of September, a caravel arrived at Tercera from Lisbon, bringing one of the kings officers to cause lade the goods that were saved from the Malacca ship, and for which we had so long tarried there, and to send them to Lisbon. At the same time Don Alonso de Baçan sailed from Corunna for the Azores with 40 great ships of war, to wait for the fleets from the Spanish and Portuguese Indies, which, along with our Malacca goods when laden, he was to convoy to the Tagus. But, when he had been some days at sea, always with a contrary wind, only two of his ships could get to the islands, all the rest being scattered. When these two ships arrived at Tercera and did not find the fleet, they immediately returned in search of it. In the mean time the king changing his mind, sent orders for the commercial ships to remain in the Indies, and for Don Alonso Baçan to return to Corunna, which he did accordingly, never once coming near the Azores except the two ships already mentioned; for he well knew that the English lay near Corvo, but would not visit them, and so returned to Corunna. Thus our goods from Malacca remained unshipped, and were trussed up again, having to wait some other opportunity.
   The 23d October in this same year 1590, a caravel came from Portugal to Tercera, bringing advice that of the five ships which sailed in that year from Lisbon for the East Indies, four of them had returned to Portugal after being four months at sea: the admiral ship, in which was the viceroy Mathias de Albuquerque, having only got to India after being eleven months at sea without ever seeing land, as was afterwards learnt by news over-land, having arrived in great misery at Malacca. In this ship there died 280 men during the voyage out, according to a note sent by the viceroy to the cardinal at Lisbon, with the names and sirnames of every man, likewise giving a narrative of the voyage, and the misery they had endured. This obstinate perseverance was entirely occasioned by the anxiety of Albuquerque not to lose the government of Portuguese India, as he had sworn to lose his life or arrive in India, which indeed he did to the great danger and loss of his company, many of whom paid with their lives, and that chiefly owing to want of provisions. Albuquerque knew well, however, if he had returned to Portugal with the other ships, that he would have been deprived of his government, as the people began already to murmur at his proud and lofty demeanour. Among other instances of his pride, he caused to be painted over his gallery, the figure of Fortune and his own picture, with a staff standing by, as if threatening Fortune, with this motto, Quero que vencas; that is, I will have thee to overcome383. When this was read by the cardinal and other gentlemen, who accompanied him on board out of respect, they thought it an instance of foolish arrogance: But this is no strange matter among the Portuguese, as they above all others must let the fool peep out of their sleeves, especially when in authority. I knew Mathias de Albuquerque in India, when a military officer, then beloved of all men and behaving himself courteously to all, so that he was unanimously desired to be their viceroy. But, having received his patent with full power and authority, he so much changed from his former behaviour, that, by reason of his pride, all began to fear and curse him, even before his departure from Lisbon, such charges being often seen in many men, when advanced to high state and dignity384.
   The 20th January 1591, news was brought from Portugal to Tercera, that the English had taken a ship sent by the king to the Portuguese Indies, carrying advice to the viceroy of the return of the four ships to Portugal; which captured ship was stuffed full of goods, in consequence of their return, besides having 500,000 ducats in ryals of eight. It sailed from Lisbon in November 1590, and fought the English a long time, but had at length to yield, and was carried to England, where all the men were set free and returned to Lisbon, at which place the captain was thrown into prison, but afterwards justified himself and was released, as he told me personally. The English took, at the same time, a ship coming from the Mina, laden with gold, and two ships laden with pepper and other spices, bound for Italy, their pepper only being worth 170,000 ducats. All these rich prizes were carried clear off into England.
   In July 1591, an earthquake commenced in the island of Tercera, which continued from the 26th of that month to the 12th of August, or 18 days, during all which time no person durst remain within a house, but all fled into the fields in terrible consternation, fasting and praying almost incessantly. Many houses fell down, and in particular a town called Villa Franca was almost utterly destroyed, all its houses and cloisters thrown down, and several people slain. In some places the ground rose up, the cliffs were removed from their places, and even some hills were thrown down and levelled with the adjoining plains. The earthquake was so violent, that the ships in the road and in the adjoining sea, were shaken as if the whole earth had been agitated to its centre. In one place a fountain sprung from the ground, whence clear water flowed in abundance for four days, and then ceased. All this time a noise was heard under ground as of thunder, or as if all the devils in hell had been assembled there, by which many died of fear. Four several times the island of Tercera shook with such violence as if it had turned upon its foundations, yet was it not overwhelmed. Earthquakes are common in these islands, as about 20 years before there happened just such an earthquake, when a hill, close to the town of Villa Franca, fell down and buried all the town with earth, by which many people were overwhelmed and slain.
   The 25th of August, the kings armada from Ferrol arrived in Tercera, consisting of 30 ships of war belonging to Biscay, Portugal, and Spain, together with 10 Dutch fliboats that were pressed at Lisbon into the service, besides other small vessels and pataxos to serve as advice-boats, and to scour the seas for intelligence. This fleet came to wait for and convoy the ships from the Spanish Indies; and the fliboats were for the purpose of bringing home to Lisbon our goods that were saved in the lost ship from Malacca. This fleet arrived at the island of Corvo on the 13th of September385, where the English then lay waiting for the fleet from the Spanish Indies, with a squadron of about 16 ships. Some or most of the Spanish ships were already come to the Azores, and the English were in great hopes to have taken them: But, on perceiving the Spanish fleet of war to be so strong, the lord Thomas Howard, who was admiral of the English, gave orders to his fleet not to assail the Spaniards, and on no account to separate from him without special orders386. Yet the vice-admiral, Sir Richard Grenville, in his ship the Revenge, bore into the Spanish fleet, and shot among them doing much harm, thinking that the rest of the English ships would have followed him, which they did not, but left him there and sailed away, the reason of which could not be known. Perceiving this, the Spaniards boarded the Revenge with 7 or 8 ships, but she bravely withstood them all, fighting with them at the least 12 hours without ceasing, and sunk two of them, one a double fliboat of 600 tons, and admiral of the fliboats, the other a ship of Biscay. In the end, however, in consequence of the overwhelming number that came against her, the Revenge was taken, but to the heavy loss of the Spaniards, who lost in the fight, either slain or drowned, above 400 men, while 100 of the English were slain. Sir Richard was himself wounded in the brain, of which he afterwards died.
   Sir Richard, after the Revenge yielded, was carried on board the San Paulo, the ship in which was Don Alonso de Baçan, the admiral of the Spanish fleet, where his wounds were dressed by the Spanish surgeons, but Don Alonso would neither see nor speak to him. All the other captains went to visit and comfort him in his hard fortune, wondering at his courage and constancy, as he shewed no signs of faintness, not even changing colour: But, feeling his death approaching, he spoke in Spanish to the following purport: "Here die I Richard Grenville, with a joyous and quiet mind, having ended my life as a true soldier ought to do, fighting for my country, my queen, my religion, and my honour: so that my soul most joyfully departeth from this body, and shall always leave behind the everlasting fame of a true and valiant soldier, having done my duty as became me." When he had finished these, or such like words, he gave up the ghost with great and unshaken courage, no man being able to perceive the least sign of concern. This sir Richard Grenville was a great and rich gentleman of England, having large yearly revenues, but of a daring and intrepid disposition, and much affected to warlike enterprize; insomuch that he voluntarily offered his services to the queen. He had performed many valiant deeds, and was greatly feared among the islands, his intrepidity being well known to all. He was, however, of a severe and rigid character, so that his own people feared and hated him for his fierceness, and spoke very hardly of him. For, when they in the Revenge first fell in among the Spanish fleet, they had their mainsail in readiness, and might possibly have got away, as it was one of the best sailing ships of the English; and, as the master perceived that the rest of the squadron had left them, and did not follow up to their support, he gave orders to cut the mainsail, that they likewise should make off: But sir Richard threatened him and all the rest of the crew, that if any man laid hold of the mainsail with that intent, he would cause him to be hung up immediately; so that in fact they were compelled to fight, and in the end were taken. He was of so hardy a complexion, that, while among the Spanish officers, while at dinner or supper with them, he would swallow three or four bumpers of wine, and then by way of bravado, crush the glasses between his teeth and swallow them, so that the blood ran out of his mouth, yet without any apparent harm to him. This was told me by several credible persons, who had often stood by and beheld him.
   The Englishmen who remained alive in the Revenge, as the captain of the soldiers, the master, and others, were distributed among the different ships by which she was taken. On taking possession of her, a fight had almost taken place between the Biscaineers and Portuguese who boarded her, both claiming the honour of having boarded first, so that there grew a great noise and quarrel among them, one seizing the chief ensign, and the other the flag, the captains and every one holding their own. The ships which had laid her on board were altogether out of order, and sore shattered, having many of their men hurt, so that they had to come to Tercera to be repaired. On their arrival, I and my chamber companion, desirous to hear the news, went on board one of the twelve apostles, or great ships of Biscay, whose captain was Bartandono387, who had been general of the Biscaineers in the great armada that went against England. On seeing us, he called us into his gallery, where he received us courteously, being then at dinner along with the English captain, who was dressed in a suit of black velvet, but could not tell us any thing, as he could speak no other language but English and Latin, which last Bartandono could speak a little. The English captain was permitted by the governor of Tercera to land with his sword by his side, and was in our lodging visiting the Englishman who belonged to the ship of which the sailors escaped, as I related before. This captain wrote a letter, in which he related all the particulars of the fight, and left it with that English merchant who resided in the lodging with us, to forward it to the lord admiral of England. The captain went afterwards to Lisbon, where he was honourably received, and sent, to Setubal, whence he sailed for England with the other prisoners. The master likewise of the Revenge came on shore, with licence from Bartandono, and lived in the same lodgings with us. He had at the least 10 or 12 wounds, in his head and body, of which he afterwards died on his voyage from the islands to Lisbon.
   The Spanish navy remained at the Azores till the end of September, to assemble all the fleet together, which in the end amounted to the number of 140 sail in all, including the ships of war and those of the Indies. When all ready to sail, there arose suddenly so violent a storm, that the islanders declared nothing like it had been seen in the memory of man. The sea raged with such fury as if it would have swallowed up the islands, the waves rising higher than the cliffs, so that it was amazing to behold them, and living fish were thrown upon the land. The storm lasted for seven or eight successive days, veering about to every point of the compass at least twice or three times during its continuance, with a continual tempestuous force most terrible to behold, even by us who were on shore, much more to those who were on the sea, and exposed to its fury. During this dreadful storm, above 12 ships were dashed to pieces on the coasts and rocks of the island of Tercera all round about, so that nothing was to be heard but weeping, lamenting, and wailing, now a ship being broken in pieces in one place, then another at a different place, and all the men drowned. For 20 days after the storm, nothing else was done but fishing for dead men that were continually driving on shore. Among the rest, the Revenge was cast away on a ledge of rocks near the isle of Tercera, where she split to pieces and sunk, having in her 70 men, Gallegos and Biscaineers and others, with some of the captive English, one only of whom got upon the rock alive, having his head and body all wounded. Being brought on shore, he told us the sad tidings, and desired to be shriven, after which he presently died. The Revenge had in her several fine brass pieces of artillery, which were all sunk in the sea; but the islanders had great hopes of weighing them up next summer.
   Among those ships that were cast away about Tercera, was one of those fliboats which had been arrested in Portugal for the kings service, named the White Dove, the master of which was one Cornelius Martenson of Schiedam in Holland, having in her 100 soldiers, as was the case in all the rest. Being overruled by the Spanish captain, so that he could not be master of his own ship, he was sailing about at the mercy of the winds and waves, and came at length in sight of Tercera, whereupon the Spaniards, thinking all their safety consisted in putting into the roads, compelled the master and pilot to make towards the island; and when they remonstrated, saying they would certainly be cast away and all destroyed, the Spanish captain called him a drunkard and heretic, and striking him with a staff, commanded him to do as he was ordered. Seeing this, the master said, "Well then, since it is your desire to be cast away, I can lose but one life." He then made sail for the land, which was on that side of the island where there is nothing but rocks and stones as high as mountains, most terrible to behold. Several of the inhabitants stood on the cliffs with long ropes, having bundles of cork fastened to one end, to throw down to the men, that they might lay hold of them and save their lives. Few of them, however, got near enough for this, as most of them were dashed to pieces before they could reach the rocks forming the wall-like shore. At this time, when approaching the rocks, the master, who was an old man, called his son who sailed with him, and having embraced and taken a last farewell, the good old father desired his son to take no note of him, but to seek and save himself. "Son, said he, thou art young, and mayst have some hope of saving thy life; but I am old and it is no great matter what becomes of me." Thus, shedding many tears, as may well be conceived in such a situation, the ship struck the rocks and went in pieces, the father and son falling into the sea on different sides of the vessel, each laying hold on what came first to hand, but to no purpose. The sea was so high and furious, that all were drowned, except fourteen or fifteen who saved themselves by swimming, with their legs and arms half broken and sore hurt. Among these was the Dutch masters son and four other Dutch boys; all the rest of the Spaniards and sailors, with captain and master, being drowned. What heart so hard as not to melt at so grievous a sight, especially considering the beastly and ignorant insolence of the Spaniards? From this instance, it may be conceived how the other ships sped, as we indeed partly beheld, and were informed by those few who were saved, some of whom were our countrymen.
   On the other islands the loss was no less than at Tercera, two ships were cast away on the island of St George; two on Pico; three on Graciosa. Besides those, there were seen everywhere round about, many pieces of broken ships and other things, floating towards the islands, with which the sea was everywhere covered, most pitiful to behold. Four ships were cast away on the island of St Michael, and three more were sunk between Tercera and St Michael, from which not one man was saved, though they were seen and heard to cry out for aid. All the rest were dismasted and driven out to sea, all torn and rent; so that of the whole armada and merchant ships, 140 in all, only 32 or 33 arrived in Spain and Portugal, and these with great pain, misery and labour, not any two together, but this day one, to-morrow another, and next day a third. All the rest were cast away about the Azores islands, or foundered at sea, whereby may be judged what loss was incurred; as the loss was esteemed greater by many, than had been sustained in the great armada that went against England. It may very well be considered that this terrible disaster was a just judgment of God against the Spaniards; and it may truly be said that the taking of the Revenge was justly revenged against them, not by the force of men, but by the power of God. Some of the people in Tercera said openly, that they verily believed God would consume them, and that he had taken part with the Lutherans and heretics. They alleged farther, that so soon as they had thrown the body of Sir Richard Grenville overboard, they verily believed, as he had a devilish faith and religion, therefore all the devils loved him: For he instantly sunk to the bottom of the sea, and down into hell, where he raised up all the devils to revenge his death; and that they brought these great storms and tempests upon the Spaniards, because they only maintained the Catholic and true Romish religion. Such and the like blasphemies did they utter openly and continually, without being reproved of any one for their false opinions.
   Of their fleet which sailed from New Spain, 50 in all, 35 were cast away or foundered at sea, so that 15 only escaped. Of the San Domingo fleet, 14 were cast away coming through the channel from Havannah, the admiral and vice-admiral being of the number. Two ships, coming from the Terra Firma, laden with gold and silver, were taken by the English; and before the fleet under Don Alonso de Baçan came to Corvo, at the least 20 ships, coming from San Domingo, India, Brazil, &c. had been taken at different times by the English, all of which were sent to England.