Ја сам чуо да је он лажов и кривотворитељ, можда је Мирко Ковач поузданији извор информација...мислим ако није и он отпутовао.

mislim da su @steeevo,@aaago i @kookooo prezalili Holbruka,posto su se sad vec mahnito dali na (novo) pljuvanje po crkvi...  

toliko o lojalnosti...  

Па кад ти њима пљујеш по бенедикту, шта можеш друго и очекивати. Систем је лак на сузу. Исплакао се из срце, скинуо терет са душе, вероватно почео да верује у загробни живот и то је то. По аватару видим да је накачио црнину и мислим да му лепо стоји

ипак мислим да је коки и даље на лековима за смирење  није баш толико живахан по форуму као раније

pa,jes,vala,u pravu si... 
a i sem toga,mi njih ne razumemo,oni su u stvari svetski pravednici i samaricani,samo mi glupi pravoslavci to ne shvatamo.
ahahahahahaaa 
sa' ce to da ga prodje,cim uzme sa @aagoom da plete o gresnosti i stetnosti pravoslavlja(dok se papikan,naravno,ne dira...)

Holbrooke or Milosevic: Who is the Greater Murderer?

By DIANA JOHNSTONE

It is usually considered good form to avoid sharp criticism of
someone who has just died. But Richard Holbrooke himself set a
striking example of the breach of such etiquette. On learning of
the death in prison of Slobodan Milosevic, Holbrooke did not
hesitate to describe him as a "monster" comparable to Hitler and
Stalin.

This was rank ingratitude, considering that Holbrooke owed his
greatest career success – the 1995 Dayton Accords that ended the
civil war in Bosnia-Herzegovina – almost entirely to Milosevic.
This was made quite clear in his memoir To End a War (Random
House, 1998).

But Holbrooke’s greatest skill, made possible by media complicity,
was to dress up reality in a costume favorable to himself.

The Dayton Peace Accords were presented as a heroic victory for
peace extracted by the brilliant Holbrooke from a reluctant
Milosevic, who had to be "bombed to the negotiating table" by the
United States. In reality, the U.S. government was fully aware
that Milosevic was eager for peace in Bosnia to free Serbia from
crippling economic sanctions. It was the Bosnian Muslim leader
Alija Izetbegovic who wanted to keep the war going, with U.S.
military help.

In reality, the U.S. bombed the Serbs in order to get Izetbegovic
to the negotiating table. And the agreement reached in the autumn
of 1995 was not very different from the agreement reached in March
1992 by the three ethnic groups under European Community auspices,
which could have prevented the entire civil war, if it had not
been sabotaged by Izetbegovic, who withdrew his agreement with the
encouragement of the then U.S. ambassador Warren Zimmermann. In
short, far from being the great peacemaker in the Balkans, the
United States first encouraged the Muslim side to fight for its
goal of a centralized Bosnia, and then sponsored a weakened
federated Bosnia – after nearly four years of bloodshed which left
the populations bereft and embittered.

The real purpose of all this, as Holbrooke made quite clear in To
End a War, was to demonstrate that Europeans could not manage
their own vital affairs and that the United States remained the
"indispensable nation". His book also made it clear that the
Muslim leaders were irritatingly reluctant to end war short of
total victory, and that only the readiness of Milosevic to make
concessions saved the Dayton talks from failure -- allowing
Holbrooke to be proclaimed a hero.

The functional role of the Holbrooke’s diplomacy was to prove that
diplomacy, as carried out by Europeans, was bound to fail. His
victory was a defeat for diplomacy. The spectacle of bombing plus
Dayton was designed to show that only the threat or application of
U.S. military might could end conflicts.

Milosevic had hoped that his concessions would lead to peace and
reconciliation with the United States. As it happened, his only
reward for handing Holbrooke the victory of his career was to have
his country bombed by NATO in 1999 in order to wrest from Serbia
the province of Kosovo and prepare Milosevic’s own fall from
office. Holbrooke played a prominent role in this scenario,
suddenly posing shoeless in a tent in the summer of 1998 for a
photo op seated among armed Albanian secessionists which up to
then had been characterized by the State Department as
"terrorists", and shortly thereafter announcing to Milosevic that
Serbia would be bombed unless he withdrew security forces from the
province, in effect giving it to the ex-terrorists transformed by
the Holbrooke blessing into freedom fighters.

In his long career from Vietnam to Afghanistan, Holbrooke was
active on many fronts. In 1977, after Indonesia invaded East Timor
and set about massacring the people of that former Portuguese
colony, Holbrooke was dispatched by the United States supposedly
to promote "human rights" but in reality to help arm the Suharto
dictatorship against the East Timorese. Sometimes the government
is armed against rebels, sometimes rebels are armed against the
government, but despite appearances of contradiction, what is
consistent throughout is the cynical exploitation and exacerbation
of tragic local conflicts to extend U.S. imperial power throughout
the world.

Holbrooke and Milosevic were born in the same year, 1941. When
Milosevic died in 2006, Holbrooke gave a long statement to the BBC
without a single syllable of human kindness. "This man wrecked the
Balkans," said Holbrooke.

"He was a war criminal who caused four wars, over 300,000 deaths,
2.5million homeless. Sometimes monsters make the biggest impacts
on history - Hitler and Stalin - and such is the case with this
gentleman."

Holbrooke presented himself as goodness dealing with evil for a
worthy cause. When negotiating with Milosevic, "you're conscious
of the fact that you're sitting across the table from a monster
whose role in history will be terrible and who has caused so many
deaths."

Who was the monster? Nobody, including at the Hague tribunal where
he died for lack of medical treatment, has ever actually proved
that Milosevic was responsible for the tragic deaths in the wars
of Yugoslav disintegration. But Holbrooke was never put on trial
for all the deaths in Vietnam, East Timor, Afghanistan, Iraq and,
yes, former Yugoslavia, which resulted at least in part from the
U.S. policies he carried out.

From his self-proclaimed moral heights, Holbrooke judged the
Serbian leader as an opportunist without political convictions,
neither communist nor nationalist, but simply "an opportunist who
sought power and wealth for himself."

In reality, there has never been any proof that Milosevic sought
or obtained wealth for himself, whereas Holbrooke was, among many
other things, a vice chairman of Credit Suisse First Boston,
managing director of Lehman Brothers, vice chairman of the private
equity firm Perseus LLC, and a member of the board of directors of
AIG, the American International Group, at a time when, according
to Wikipedia, "the firm engaged in wildly speculative credit
default insurance schemes that may cost the taxpayer hundreds of
billions to prevent AIG from bringing down the entire financial
system."

Milosevic was on trial for years without ever being to present his
defense before he died under troubling circumstances. Holbrooke
found that outcome perfectly satisfying: "I knew as soon as he
reached The Hague that he'd never see daylight again and I think
that justice was served in a weird way because he died in his
cell, and that was the right thing to do."

There are many other instances of lies and deceptions in
Holbrooke’s manipulation of Balkan woes, as well as his totally
cynical exploitation of the tragedies of Vietnam, East Timor, Iraq
and Afghanistan. But still, his importance should not be
overstated. Moral monsters do not always make a great impact on
history, when they are merely the vain instruments of a
bureaucratic military machine running amok.

Diana Johnstone is the author of Fools Crusade: Yugoslavia, NATO
and Western Delusions.She can be reached at diana.josto@yahoo.fr

http://www.marxmail.org/msg85550.html

Да није псету прорадила анеуризма од стресова изазваних сазнањем о садржају извештаја Дика Мартија...
Или су га можда макле крупније рибе из његовое баруштине по систему: ''Мртва уста не говоре''

Дејтонска књижевна награда за мир преименована у част Ричарда Холбрука
   PDF    Штампа    Ел. пошта
среда, 03. август 2011.

Награда којом се обележава снага књижевности у промовисању мира која се додељује у америчком граду Дејтону, преименована је у част преминулог америчког дипломате Ричарда Холбрука.

Дејтонска књижевна награда за мир (Dayton Literary peace Prize) која се додељује за животно дело први пут је додељена 2006. године. Она је инспирисана Дејтонским мировним споразумом којим је после преговора у ваздушној бази Рајт-Петерсон 1995. године окончан рат у БиХ.

Оснивач Шерон Реб рекла је да је организација која додељује награде желела да ода почаст улози Холбрука у постизању мира и његов посебан значај за Дејтон.

Ричард Холбрук је преминуо у децембру 2010. у 70. години.

Прва добитница награде која ће носити Холбруково име биће Барбара Кингсолвер, којој ће награда бити доделејна 13. новембра за романе "Тhe Poisonwood Bible" анд "Тhe Lacuna".

(Бета)

Желим његовим потомцима све знане и незнане болесчуге...