SECTION XIV. Cruizing voyage to the Azores, in 1592, by Sir John Burrough, Knight388
   INTRODUCTION.
   The title of this section as here given from Astleys Collection, is by no means accurate, as the service performed by Burrough forms only one prominent portion of the present narrative. The expedition which it relates was fitted out and commanded by the memorable Sir Walter Raleigh, and the entire title of this relation, as given by Hakluyt, is as follows: "A true report of the honourable service at sea, performed by Sir John Burrough, knight, lieutenant-general of the fleet prepared by the honourable Sir Walter Raleigh, knight, lord warden of the stanneries of Cornwal and Devon. Wherein chiefly the Santa Clara of Biscay, a ship of 600 tons, was taken, and two East India Caraks, the Santa Cruz and the Madre de Dios were forced; the one burnt, and the other taken and brought into Dartmouth, the 7th September 1592."
   Even this long title does not clearly describe the narrative, as Sir Walter Raleigh actually sailed on the expedition. But it is not necessary to extend this observation, as the story will sufficiently explain itself. The editor of Astleys collection, alleges that Sir Walter Raleigh seems to have been the author of this article. –E.
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   Having received a commission from the queen for an expedition to the West Indies, Sir Walter Raleigh used the utmost diligence in making all necessary preparations, both in the choice of good ships and sufficient men and officers, as the performance sufficiently evinced. His ships were 14 or 15 in number; of which the two principal belonged to the queen, called the Garland and Foresight The rest either belonged to himself or his friends, or to the adventurers of London. As for the gentlemen who went with him as officers, they were so well qualified in courage, experience and discretion, that the greatest prince might think himself happy in being served by the like. The honour of lieutenant-general [vice-admiral] was conferred upon Sir John Burrough, a gentleman every way worthy of that command, by his many good and heroic qualities; with whom, after Sir Walter returned, was joined in commission Sir Martin Frobisher; who, for his great skill and knowledge in maritime affairs, had formerly held employments of similar or greater importance. The rest of the captains, sailors and soldiers were men of notable resolution, and who for the most part had before given sufficient proof of their valour, in sundry services of the like nature.
   With these ships thus manned, Sir Walter Raleigh departed towards the west country, there to provide such farther necessaries as were needful for the expedition. The wind blew long from the west, quite contrary to his intended course, by which he was wind-bound many weeks, the fittest season for his purpose being thereby lost, his victuals much consumed, and the minds of his people greatly changed. When her majesty came to understand how crossly all this went, she began to call the propriety of this expedition in question, as the 6th of May was come before Sir Walter could put to sea. Sir Martin Frobisher came to him the next day, in a pinnace of the lord admiral called the Disdain, and brought her majestys letters of recal, with orders to leave the fleet under the command of Sir John Burrough and Sir Martin Frobisher. But, finding his honour so far engaged, that he saw no means to save his reputation or content his friends who had adventured great sums on fitting out the expedition, Sir Walter pretended to understand the queens letters as if they had left it to his choice either to return or proceed; wherefore he would in no case leave his fleet, now under sail.
   Continuing therefore his course to sea, he met within a day or two some ships newly come from Spain, among which was a ship belonging to Monsieur Gourdon, governor of Calais, on board of which was one Mr Nevil Davies an Englishman, who had endured a long and miserable captivity of twelve years, partly in the inquisition, and had now by good fortune made his escape, and was on his way home. Among other things, this man reported that there was little good to be done or expected this year in the West Indies, as the king of Spain had sent express orders to all the ports both of the islands and the main, that no ships were to sail that year, nor any treasure to be shipt for Spain. Yet did not this unpleasant intelligence induce Sir Walter to desist from his proceedings; till, on Thursday the 11th of May, a tempest of great violence, when he was athwart Cape Finister, so scattered the greater part of his fleet, and sunk his boats and pinnaces, that Sir Walter, who was in the Garland belonging to her majesty, was in danger of foundering.
   Upon this, considering that the season of the year was too far gone for the enterprize he meditated against Panama, having been detained by contrary winds on the coast of England from February till May, in which time he had expended three months victuals, and considering that to cruize upon the Spanish coast or at the islands for the homeward bound East or West India ships, was a mere work of patience, he gave directions to Sir John Burrough and Sir Martin Frobisher, to divide the fleet in two parts. Sir Martin, with the Garland, Captain George Clifford, Captain Henry Thin, Captain Grenville and others, to lie off the south cape, on purpose to oblige the Spanish fleet to remain on their own coast; while Sir John Burrough, with Captain Robert Crosse, Captain Thomson and others, should go to cruize off the Azores for the caraks or any other Spanish ships coming from Mexico or other parts of the West Indies. These intentions took effect accordingly: For the Spanish admiral, having intelligence of the English fleet being on the coast, attended to the defence of the southern parts of Spain, keeping as near Sir Martin Frobisher as he could, to hinder the success of any thing he might undertake, and thereby neglected the safe conduct of the caraks.
   Before the fleet separated, they met with a great ship of Biscay on the coast of Spain, called the Santa Clara of 600 tons, which was taken after a stout resistance. She was freighted with all sorts of small iron ware, as horse shoes, nails, ploughshares, iron bars, spikes, bolts, locks, gimbols, &c. and valued by us at 6000 or 7000 pounds, though worth treble that value to them. This ship was on her way to San Lucar, to take in there some farther articles of freight for the West Indies; and being first rummaged, was sent off for England. Our fleet then sailed towards the south cape of St Vincent; and while near the rock of Lisbon, Sir John Burrough in the Roebuck espied a sail far off to which he gave chace. Being a fliboat and a quick sailer, she drew him far to the south before he could fetch her, but at last, she came under his lee and struck sail. The master gave information, that a great fleet was prepared at Cadiz and San Lucar, destined according to report for the West Indies; but the real object of this armament was this: Having received notice that Sir Walter Raleigh was fitted out with a strong force for the West Indies, the king of Spain had provided this great fleet to oppose him; but, in the first place, as the East India caraks were expected, this fleet was to convoy them home. But, as he persuaded himself, if Sir Walter went to the West Indies, the Azores would only have a few small ships of war to infest them, his orders to Don Alonzo de Baçan, brother to the Marquis of Santa Cruz, and general of his armada, were to pursue the fleet of Sir Walter Raleigh whatever course he went, and to attack him wherever he could find him.
   Our men soon found this to be true, for, not long after the capture of the fliboat, as Sir John Burrough sailed back again to rejoin his fleet, he discovered the Spanish fleet to seaward; which, espying him between them and the shore, made themselves sure of carrying him into a Spanish harbour. For this purpose, they spread themselves in such sort before him, that his danger was very great, as his course to seawards was utterly impeded, and the land being hostile could yield him no relief. In this extremity, putting his trust in God and his good ship, he thrust out from among them with all sail, and in spite of their force and notable cunning to intercept him, got clear off. Having thus got clear, and finding the coast so well guarded by this fleet, and knowing it were only folly to expect meeting with Sir Martin Frobisher, who knew of the armada as well as himself, and would be sure to avoid them, he began to shape his course directly for the Azores, according to the orders of Sir Walter Raleigh, and soon came in sight of St Michael, running so near the town of Villa Franca, that he could easily discern the ships that lay there at anchor. He intercepted several small vessels, both here and between St Georges and Pico in his course to Flores, but could get no intelligence from them for his purpose.
   Arriving before Flores on Thursday the 21st June towards evening, then only accompanied by captain Caufield and the master of his ship, the rest not being yet arrived, be made towards the shore in his boat, where he found all the inhabitants of Santa Cruz, a village or small town of that island, under arms, and drawn up to oppose his landing. Having no intention of committing hostilities, Sir John shewed a white flag in token of amity, which was answered by the islanders, upon which a friendly conference ensued, and hostages were taken on both sides, the captain of the town for them, and captain Caufield for us; so that whatever our people wanted and that place could supply, as fresh water, victuals, or the like, was freely granted by the inhabitants, and our people had leave to refresh themselves on shore without restraint, as long and as often as they pleased. At this place Sir John Burrough was informed, that they had no expectation of any fleet coming from the West Indies; but that only three days before his arrival, a carak had passed by from the East Indies for Lisbon, and that there were four more behind all of one convoy. Being very glad of this news, Sir John embarked immediately, having at this time in his company only a small bark of Bristol, belonging to one Mr Hopkins.
   In the meanwhile, part of the English ships that Sir John had left on the coast of Spain drew towards the Azores; and Sir John very soon got sight of one of the caraks. The same evening he descried two or three of the earl of Cumberlands ships, whereof one Mr Norton was captain, which had descried the carak and pursued in the track she was following for the islands, but no way could be made by either party, as it was almost a dead calm. In this dilemma, on purpose to discover her force, burden, and countenance, Sir John took his boat and rowed three miles towards her, to make her out exactly; and on his return, having consulted with his officers, it was resolved to board her in the morning. A heavy storm arose in the night, which forced them to weigh anchor, yet did they bear up amain against the weather, not to lose the carak. In the morning, being very near the shore, our men could perceive the carak close to the land, and the Portuguese using their utmost endeavour to convey whatever they could from her on shore. Seeing our men making all haste to come upon her, the Portuguese forsook her, but first, that nothing might be left for our men, they set her on fire, that neither the glory of victory nor the benefit of the ship and cargo might remain to the English. And, lest the English might find means to extinguish the fire, and thereby to preserve a part of the cargo, being in number 400 well armed men, they entrenched themselves on shore as near as possible to the carak, to keep our men aloof till the fire might consume the carak and all her contents.
   Seeing this, Sir John landed with an hundred of his men, many of whom had to swim on shore or wade more than breast high; and having easily dispersed those who guarded the shore, he no sooner approached the entrenchment but the Portuguese fled, leaving as much as the fire had spared to reward the pains of our men. Among others taken at the entrenchment, were a Portuguese called Vincent Fonseca, purser of the carak, with two of her cannoneers, one a German, and the other a Hollander; who, refusing to give any account voluntarily of what was asked, were threatened with torture, and then confessed that within fifteen days three other caraks would certainly arrive at the same island, there being five caraks in the fleet at their departure from Goa, the Buen Jesus admiral, Madre de Dios, San Bernardo, San Christophoro, and Santa Cruz, that now on fire. They had especial orders from the king of Spain, not in any case to touch at St. Helena, where the Portuguese caraks used always till now to refresh on their way from the East Indies, procuring water and fresh, provisions. The reason of this order was, that the king was informed the English men of war meant to lie there in wait for them. If therefore, their necessities should drive them to seek supply any where, they were commanded to put in at Angola on the coast of Africa, and only to remain there so long as was necessary to take in water, that they might avoid the inconvenience of infections, to which that hot country is dangerously liable. The last rendezvous appointed for them was the island of Flores, where they were assured of a naval force meeting them and convoying them to Lisbon.
   On receiving this intelligence, Sir John held a council with Captains Norton, Downton, and Abraham Cocke, commanding three ships of the Earl of Cumberland, Mr Thomson of Harwich, captain of the Dainty, belonging to Sir John Hawkins, one of Sir Walter Raleighs fleet, Captain Christopher Newton of the Golden Dragon, newly come from the West Indies, and others. To these he communicated the intelligence he had just got from the foresaid examination, and what great presumptions of truth appeared in their story; and wishing, since God and their good fortune had so opportunely brought them together, that they might unite their utmost endeavours to bring these Orientals under the lee of English obedience. Upon this it was mutually agreed not to part company or leave these seas, till time and opportunity should enable them to put their consultations into execution. Next day her majestys ship Foresight, Sir Robert Cross, joined them, and he, being informed of the matter, entered heartily on this service. Then Sir John, with all these ships, went 6 or 7 leagues to the west of Flores, spreading them out in a line from north to south, each ship at least two leagues distant from each other, by which order they were able to discover two whole degrees of the sea.
   They lay in this manner from the 29th of June to the 3d of August, when Captain Thomson in the Dainty had first sight of the huge carak called the Madre de Dios, one of the greatest belonging to the crown of Portugal. Having the start of the rest, and being an excellent sailor, the Dainty began the combat something to her cost, by the slaughter and hurt of several of her men. Within a little Sir John Burrough came up to second her in the Roebuck, belonging to Sir Walter Raleigh, and saluted the Madre de Dios with great shot, continuing the fight within musket-shot, assisted by Captains Thomson and Newport, till Sir Robert Cross came up, who was vice-admiral and was to leeward, on which Sir John asked his opinion what was best to be done. Sir Robert said, if she were not boarded she would reach the shore and be set on fire, as had been done with the other. Wherefore Sir John Burrough concluded to grapple her, and Sir Robert Cross engaged to do so likewise at the same moment, which was done accordingly. After some time in this situation, Sir John Burroughs ship received a shot of a cannon perier389 under water; and, being ready to sink, desired Sir Robert to fall off, that he also might clear himself and save his ship from sinking. This was done with much difficulty, as both the Roebuck and Foresight were so entangled that they could not clear themselves.
   That same evening, finding the carak drawing near the land, Sir Robert Crosse persuaded his consorts to board her again, as otherwise there were no hopes of taking her. After many fears and excuses, he at last encouraged them, and then went athwart her bows all alone, and so hindered her sailing, that the rest had time to get up to the attack before she could make the land. So, towards evening, after Sir Robert had fought her three hours singly, two of the Earl of Cumberlands ships came up, and then they and Sir Robert Crosse carried her by boarding with very little loss, as Sir Robert by this time had broken their courage, and made the assault easy for the rest. Having disarmed the Portuguese, and bestowed them for better security as prisoners into the other ships, Sir Robert had now time to contemplate the proportions of this vast carak, which did then, and may still provoke the admiration of all men not accustomed to such a sight. But though this first view afforded our men sufficient admiration, yet the pitiful sight of so many bodies slain and mangled drew tears from their eyes, and induced them to lend aid to those miserable people, whose limbs were sore torn by the shot, and their bodies agonized by a multitude of wounds. No man could almost step but upon a dead carcass or a bloody floor, but especially about the helm, where many of them had been slain while endeavouring to steer, as it required the united strength of twelve or fourteen men at once to move the rudder, and some of our ships beating in at her stern with their ordnance, often slew four or five labouring on each side of the helm at one shot, whose places were immediately supplied by fresh hands, and as our artillery incessantly plied them with continual vollies, much blood was necessarily spilt in that place.
   Moved with compassion for their misery, our general immediately sent them his own surgeons, withholding no possible aid or relief that he or his company could supply. Among those whom this chance of war had rendered most deplorable, was Don Fernando de Mendoça, grand captain and commander of this mighty carak, descended of the house of Mendoça in Spain, but having married in Portugal, lived there as one of that nation. He was a gentleman well striken in years, of comely personage and good stature, but of hard fortune. In the course of his services against the Moors he had been twice taken prisoner, and both times ransomed by the king. In a former return voyage from the East Indies, he was driven upon the Baxos or sands of India, near the coast of Sofala, being then captain of a carak which was lost, and himself fell into the hands of the infidels on shore, who kept him in a long and rigorous captivity. Once more, having great respect for him, and willing to mend his fortune, the king had given him the conduct of this huge carak, in which he went from Lisbon as admiral of the India fleet, and had returned in that capacity, but that the viceroy embarked in the Bon Jesus, and assumed that rank in virtue of his late office. Not willing to add too severely to the affliction of this man, Sir John Burrough freely dismissed Don Fernando and most of his followers, giving them some vessels for that purpose, with all necessary provisions.
   Having dispatched this business, Sir John Burrough had leisure to take such a survey of the goods in his prize, as the convenience of the seas would admit; and seeing many inclined to commit spoil and pillage, he very prudently seized upon the whole in the name of her majesty. He then made a cursory inspection of the cargo, and perceived that the wealth would be fully answerable to expectation, and would be more than sufficient to content both the desires of the adventurers, and the fatigues and dangers of the captors. I cannot here refrain from acknowledging the great favour of God to our nation, by putting this rich prize into our hands, thereby manifestly discovering the secrets and riches of the trade of India, which had hitherto lain strangely bidden and cunningly concealed from our knowledge, only a very imperfect glimpse of it being seen by a few, while it is now turned into the broad light of full and perfect knowledge. Whence it would appear to be the will of God for our good, if only our weakness would so apprehend it, that we should participate in those East Indian treasures, by the establishment of a lawful traffic, to better our means of advancing the true religion and the holy service of God.
   This carak, in the judgment of those most experienced, was of not less than 1600 tons burden, 900 of which were stowed full of rich merchandize; the remainder being allowed partly for the ordnance, which were 32 pieces of brass cannon of all sorts, and partly to the ships company, passengers, and victuals, which last could not be a small quantity, considering the length of the voyage, and that there were between six and seven hundred persons on board. To give a taste as it were of the commodities, it may suffice to give a general enumeration of them, according to the catalogue made out at Leadenhall, London, on the 15th September 1592. After the jewels, which were certainly of great value, though they never came to light, the principal wares consisted of spices, drugs, silks, calicoes, quilts, carpets, and colours, &c. The spices were pepper, cloves, mace, nutmegs, cinnamon, green ginger. The drugs, benzoin, frankincense, gallinga, mirabolans, socotorine aloes, camphor. The silks, damasks, taffetas, sarcenets, altobassos or counterfeit cloth of gold, unwrought China silk, sleaved silk, white twisted silk, and curled cypress. The calicoes were book-calicoe, calicoe-lawns, broad white calicoes, fine starched calicoes, coarse white calicoes, brown broad calicoes, brown coarse calicoes. There were also canopies, and coarse diaper towels, quilts of coarse sarsenet, and of calico, and carpets like those of Turkey. Likewise pearls, musk, civet, and ambergris. The rest of the wares were many in number, but less in value; as elephants teeth, porcelain vessels of China, coco nuts, hides, ebony as black as jet, bedsteads of the same, curious cloth made of the rind of trees, &c. All which piles of merchandize, being valued at a reasonable rate by men of approved judgment, amounted to no less than 150,000 pounds Sterling, which being divided among the adventurers, of whom her majesty was the chief, was sufficient to content all parties.
   The cargo being taken out, and the goods reloaded on board ten of our ships to be sent to London, one Mr Robert Adams, a man of excellent skill, took the exact bigness, height, length, breadth, and other dimensions of this huge vessel, that these might be preserved according to the exact rules of geometrical proportions, both for present knowledge and transmission to posterity, omitting nothing which either his art could demonstrate, or any mans judgment think worthy of being known. After an exact survey of the whole frame, he found the extreme length, from the beak head to the stern, where a lantern was erected, 165 feet. The breadth, in the second close deck, of which she had three, but this the broadest, was 46 feet 10 inches. At her departure from Cochin in India, her draught of water was 31 feet; but at her arrival in Dartmouth, not above 26, being lightened 5 feet during her voyage by various causes. She contained 7 several stories; viz. one main orlop, three close decks, one forecastle, and a spar deck of two floors each. The length of the keel was 100 feet, of the main-mast 121 feet, and its circumference at the partners was 10 feet 7 inches. The main-yard was 106 feet long. By this accurate mensuration, the hugeness of the whole is apparent, and far beyond the mould of the largest ships used among us, either for war or cargo.
   Don Alonso de Baççan, having a greater fleet, and yet suffering these two great caraks to be lost, the Santa Cruz burnt, and the Madre de Dios taken, was disgraced by the king of Spain for his negligence.
 

SECTION XV. The taking of two Spanish Ships, laden with quicksilver and the Popes bulls, in 1592, by Captain Thomas White390
   While returning from Barbary in the Amity of London, and in the latitude of 36° N. at 4 in the morning of the 26th of July 1592, Captain White got sight of two ships at the distance of three or four leagues. Giving immediate chace, he came within gun-shot of them by 7 o'clock; and by their boldness in shewing Spanish colours, he judged them rather to be ships of war than laden with merchandize; indeed, by their own confession afterwards, they made themselves so sure of taking him, that they debated among themselves whether it were better for them to carry his ship to San Lucar or Lisbon. After waving each other amain, the Spaniards placed themselves in order of battle, a cables length before the other, when the fight began, both sides charging and firing as fast as they were able, at the distance of a cables length, for the space of five hours. In this time, the Amity received 32 great shots in her hull, masts, and sails, besides at least 500 iron muskets and arquebuses, which were counted after the fight.
   Finding them to make so stout a resistance, Captain White attempted to board the Biscaian, which was foremost; and after lying on board about an hour, plying his ordnance and small shot, he stowed all her men391. At this time, the other vessel, which was a fliboat, thinking Captain White had boarded her consort with all his men, bore room with him392, intending to have laid him close on board, so as to entrap him between both ships, and place him between two fires. Perceiving this intention, he fitted his ordnance in such sort as to get quit of her, so that she boarded her consort, and both fell from him. Mr White now kept his loof, hoisted his main-sails, and weathering both ships, came close aboard the fliboat, to which he gave his whole broadside, by which several of her men were slain, as appeared by the blood running from her scuppers. After this he tacked about, new charged all his ordnance, and coming round again upon both ships, ordered them to yield or he would sink them outright. One of them being shot between wind and water, would have complied, but the other called him a traitor; on which Captain White called out, that if he also did not presently yield, he would sink him first. Intimidated by this threat, they both hung out white flags and yielded; yet refused to strike their own sails, as they had sworn not to strike to any Englishman.
   He then commanded the captains and masters to come on board the Amity, where they were examined and placed in safe custody; after which he sent some of his own men on board both ships to strike the sails and man them. There were found in both, 126 persons alive, with eight dead bodies, besides those that had been cast overboard. This victory was obtained by 42 men and a boy, of whom two were slain and three wounded. The two prizes were laden with 1400 chests of quicksilver, marked with the arms of Castile and Leon, besides a vast quantity of bulls or indulgences, and ten packs of gilded missals and breviaries, all on the kings account. Also an hundred tons of excellent wine, intended for the supply of the royal fleet; all of which Captain White brought shortly afterwards to Blackwall in the river Thames.
   By this capture of quicksilver, the king of Spain lost for every quintal a quintal of silver, that should have been delivered to him by the mine-masters in Peru, amounting in value to L.600,000. There were likewise 2,072,000 bulls for living and dead persons, intended for the use of New Spain, Yucatan, Guatimala, Honduras, and the Philippine islands, taxed at two ryals each; besides 18,000 bulls at four ryals; amounting in all to L.107,700: So that the total loss to the king of Spain was L.707,700, not reckoning the loss and disappointment by the mass-books and wine.

SECTION XVI. Narrative of the Destruction of a great East India Carak, in 1594, written by Captain Nicholas. Downton393
   In the latter end of the year 1593, the right honourable the earl of Cumberland, at his own charges and those of his friends, fitted out three ships of equal size and rates, having each the same quantity of provisions and the same number of men. These were, the Royal Exchange, which went as admiral, commanded by Captain George Cave; the May-flower, vice-admiral, commanded by Captain William Anthony; and the Sampson, which my lord was pleased to commit to me, Nicholas Downton. In all the three ships there were embarked 420 men of all sorts, or 140 in each. Besides these, there, was a pinnace: called the Violet, or Why-not-I.
   Our instructions were sent to us at Plymouth, and we were directed to open them at sea. The 6th of April 1594, we set sail from Plymouth sound, directing our course for the coast of Spain. The 24th, being then in lat. 43° N; we divided ourselves east and west from each other, on purpose to keep a good look out, with orders from our admiral to close up again at night. In the morning of the 27th, we descried the May-flower and the little pinnace, in company with a prize they had taken belonging to Viana in Portugal, and bound for Angola. This vessel was about 28 tons burden, having 17 persons on board, with some 12 tons of wine, which we divided among our ships, together with some rusk in chests and barrels, 5 bales of coarse blue cloth, and some coarse linen for negroes shirts; all of which goods were divided among our fleet. The 4th of May, we had sight again of our pinnace and the admirals shallop, which had taken three Portuguese caravels, two of which we sent away and kept the third. The 2d June we came in sight of St Michaels. The 3d we sent off our pinnace, which was about 24 tons burden, together with the small caravel we had taken off the Burlings, to range about the anchorages of the Azores, trying to make captures of any thing they could find, appointing them to meet with us at a rendezvous 12 leagues W.S.W. from Fayal. Their going from us served no purpose, and was a misfortune, as they omitted joining us when appointed, and we also missed them when they might have been of much service.
   The 13th of June we fell in with a mighty carak from the East Indies, called Las cinquellagues, or the five wounds. The May-Flower was in sight of her before night, and I got up with her in the evening. While I had ordered our men to give her a broadside, and stood carefully examining her strength, and where I might give council to board her in the night when the admiral came up, I received a shot a little above the belly, by which I was rendered unserviceable for a good while after, yet no other person in my ship was touched that night. Fortunately, by means of one captain Grant, an honest true-hearted man, nothing was neglected though I was thus disabled. Until midnight, when the admiral came up, the May-Flower and the Sampson never desisted from plying her with our cannon, taking it in turns: But then captain Cave wished us to stay till morning, when each of us was to give her three broadsides, and then lay her on board; but we long lingered in the morning till 10 o'clock, before we attempted to board her.
   The admiral then laid her on board amid ships, and the May-Flower came up on her quarter, as if to take her station astern of our admiral on the larboard side of the carak; but the captain of the May-Flower was slain at the first coming up, on which his ship fell astern on the outlicar394 of the carak, a piece of timber, which so tore her foresail that they said they could not get up any more to fight, as indeed they did not, but kept aloof from us all the rest of the action. The Sampson went aboard on the bow of the carak, but had not room enough, as our quarter lay on the bow of the Exchange, and our bow on that of the carak. At the first coming up of the Exchange, her captain Mr Cave was wounded in both legs, one of which he never recovered, so that he was disabled from doing his duty, and had no one in his absence that would undertake to lead his company to board the enemy. My friend, captain Grant, led my men up the side of the carak; but his force being small, and not being manfully seconded by the crew of the Exchange, the enemy were bolder than they would have been, so that six of my men were presently slain, and many more wounded; which made those that remained return on board, and they would never more give the assault. Some of the Exchanges men did very well, and I have no doubt that many more would have done the like, if there had been any principal men to have led them on, and not to have run into corners themselves. But I must allow that the carak was as well provided for defence as any ship I have seen; and perhaps the Portuguese were encouraged by our slackness, as they plied our men from behind barricades, where they were out of danger from our shot. They plied us also with wildfire, by which most of our men were burnt in some parts of their body; and while our men were busied in putting out the fire, the enemy galled them sore with small arms and darts. This unusual casting of wildfire did much dismay many of our men, and caused them greatly to hang back.
   Finding that our men would not again board, we plied our great ordnance at them, elevated as much as possible, as otherwise we could do them little harm. By shooting a piece from our forecastle, we set fire to a mat at the beak head of the enemy, which kindled more and more, communicating from the mat to the boltsprit, and thence to the top-sail-yard; by which fire the Portuguese abaft were much alarmed, and began to make show of a parley: But their officers encouraged them, alleging that the fire could be easily extinguished, on which they again stood stiffly to their defence; yet at length the fire grew so strong, that I plainly saw it was beyond all help, even if she had yielded to us. We then wished to have disentangled ourselves from the burning carak, but had little hope of success; yet we plied water with great diligence to keep our ship safe. At this time I had little hope but our ship, myself, and several of our wounded men must have been all destroyed along with the carak. Most of our people indeed might have saved themselves in boats on board our consorts. When we were at the worst, by Gods providence our spritsail-yard with the sail and ropes, which were fast entangled with the spritsail-yard of the carak, were so burned that we fell away, with the loss of some of our sails. The Exchange also, being farther aft and more distant from the fire, was more easily cleared, and fell off abaft.
   As soon as God had put us out of danger, the fire caught hold of the forecastle of the carak, where I think there was great store of benzoin, or some such combustible matter, for it flamed and flowed over the carak, which was almost in an instant all over in flames. The Portuguese now leapt over-board in great numbers, and I sent captain Grant with the boat, bidding him use his discretion in saving them. He brought me on board two gentlemen. One of them was an old man named Nuno Velio Pereira, who had been governor of Mozambique and Sofala in the year 1582, and had since been governor of a place of importance in the East Indies. The ship in which he was coming home was cast away a little to the east of the Cape of Good Hope, whence he travelled by land to Mozambique, and got a passage in this carak. The other was named Bras Carrero, who was captain of a carak that was cast away at Mozambique, and came likewise as a passenger in this ship. Also three men of the inferior sort; but only these two gentlemen we clothed and brought home to England. The rest, and others which were saved by our other boats, were all set on shore on the island of Flores, except two or three negroes, one of whom was a native of Mozambique, and the other of the East Indies.
   This fight took place in the open sea, 6 leagues to the southward of the sound or channel between Fayal and Pico. The people whom we saved informed us, that the cause of the carak refusing to yield was, that she and all her goods belonged to the king, being all that had been collected for him that year in India, and that the captain of her was greatly in favour with the king, and expected to have been made viceroy of India at his return. This great carak was by no means lumbered, either within board or on deck, being more like a ship of war than a merchant vessel; and, besides her own men and guns, she had the crew and ordnance that belonged to another carak that was cast away at Mozambique, and the crew of another that was lost a little way to the east of the Cape of Good Hope. Yet, through sickness caught at Angola, where they watered, it was said she had not now above 150 white men on board, but a great many negroes. They likewise told us there were three noblemen and three ladies on board; but we found them to disagree much in their stories. The carak continued to burn all the rest of that day and the succeeding night; but next morning, on the fire reaching her powder, being 60 barrels, which was in the lowest part of her hold, she blew up with a dreadful explosion, most of her materials floating about on the sea. Some of the people said she was larger than the Madre de Dios, and some that she was less. She was much undermasted and undersailed, yet she went well through the water, considering that she was very foul. The shot we made at her from the cannon of our ship, before we laid her on board, might be seven broadsides of six or seven shots each, one with another, or about 49 shots in all. We lay on board her about two hours, during which we discharged at her about 20 sacre shots. Thus much may suffice for our dangerous conflict with that unfortunate carak.
   On the 30th of June, after traversing the seas, we got sight of another huge carak, which some of our company took at first for the great San Philippo, the admiral of Spain; but on coming up with her next day, we certainly perceived her to be a carak. After bestowing some shots upon her, we summoned her to yield, but they stood stoutly on their defence, and utterly refused to strike. Wherefore, as no good could be done without boarding, I consulted as to what course we should follow for that purpose; but as we, who were the chief captains, were partly slain and the rest wounded in the former conflict, and because of the murmuring of some disorderly and cowardly fellows, all our resolute determinations were crossed: To conclude in a few words, the carak escaped our hands. After this, we continued to cruize for some time about Corvo and Flores, in hopes of falling in with some ships from the West Indies; but, being disappointed in this expectation, and provisions falling short, we returned for England, where I arrived at Portsmouth on the 28th of August 1594.

SECTION XVII. List of the Royal Navy of England of the demise of Queen Elizabeth395
   The following list of the royal navy of England, as left in good condition by Queen Elizabeth at her death in 1603, was written by Sir William Monson, a naval officer of that and the two following reigns, "By which, he observes, she and her realm gained honour, by the exploits and victories they and her subjects obtained." It would occupy too much space to give a contrasted list of the royal navy in the present year, 1813; but which our readers can easily obtain from the monthly lists published at London.
   Names of Ships, Tonnage (Men in Harbour, Men at Sea, Of which Mariners/Sailors/Guns)
   Elizabeth-Jonas, 900 (30 500 340396/120396/40)
   Triumph, 1000 (30 500 340/120/40)
   White Bear, 900 (30 500 340/120/40)
   Victory, 800 (17 400 268/100/32)
   Ark Royal, 800 (17 400 268/100/32)
   Mere Honour, 800 (17 400 268/100/32)
   St Matthew, 1000 (30 500 340/120/40)
   St Andrew, 900 (17 400 268/100/32)
   Due Repulse, 700 (16 350 230/90/30)
   Garland, 700 (16 300 190/80/30)
   Warspite, 600 (12 300 190/80/30)
   Mary-Rose, 600 (12 250 150/70/30)
   Hope, 600 (12 250 150/70/30)
   Bonaventure, 600 (12 250 150/70/30)
   Lion, 500 (12 250 150/70/30)
   Nonpareille, 500 (12 250 150/70/30)
   Defiance, 500 (12 250 150/70/30)
   Rainbow, 500 (12 250 150/70/30)
   Dreadnought, 400 (10 200 130/50/20)
   Antilope, 350 (10 160 114/30/16)
   Swiftsure, 400 (10 200 130/50/20)
   Swallow, 380 (10 160 114/30/16)
   Foresight, 300 (10 160 114/30/16)
   Tide, 250 (7 120 88/20/12)
   Crane, 200 (7 100 76/20/12)
   Adventure, 250 (7 120 88/20/12)
   Quittance, 200 (7 100 76/20/12)
   Answer, 200 (7 100 76/20/12)
   Advantage, 200 (7 100 70/20/12)
   Tiger, 200 (7 100 70/20/12)
   Tremontain, – (6 70 52/10/8)
   Scout, 120 (6 66 48/10/8)
   Catis, 100 (5 60 42/10/8)
   Charles, 70 (5 45 32/7/6)
   Moon, 60 (5 40 30/5/5)
   Advice, 50 (5 40 30/5/5)
   Spy, 50 (5 40 30/5/5)
   Merlin, 45 (5 35 26/4/5)
   Sun, 40 (5 30 24/2/4)
   Synnet397, 20 (2 –)
   George Hoy, 100 (10 –)
   Penny-rose Hoy, 80 (8 –)

CHAPTER IX.
EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH TO THE EAST INDIES, BEFORE THE ESTABLISHMENT OF AN EXCLUSIVE COMPANY

 

SECTION I. Voyage to Goa in 1579, in the Portuguese fleet, by Thomas Stevens398
   INTRODUCTION.
   We now begin to draw towards India, the following being the first voyage we know of, that was performed to that country by any Englishman. Though Stevens was only a passenger in the ship of another nation, yet the account he gave of the navigation was doubtless one of the motives that induced his countrymen to visit India a few years afterwards in their own bottoms. Indeed the chief and more immediate causes seem to have been the rich caraks, taken in the cruizing voyages against the Spaniards and Portuguese about this time, which both gave the English some insight into the India trade, and inflamed their desire of participating in so rich a commerce.
   The account of this voyage is contained in the following letter from Thomas Stevens, to his father Thomas Stevens in London: In this letter, preserved by Hakluyt, several very good remarks will be found respecting the navigation to India, as practised in those days; yet no mention is made in the letter, as to the profession of Stevens, or on what occasion he went to India. By the letters of Newberry and Fitch399, which will be found in their proper place, written from Goa in 1584, it appears that he was a priest or Jesuit, belonging to the college of St Paul at that place; whence it may be concluded that the design of his voyage was to propagate the Romish religion in India. In a marginal note to one of these letters, Hakluyt intimates that Padre Thomas Stevens was born in Wiltshire, and was sometime of New College Oxford. He was very serviceable to Newberry and Fitch, who acknowledge that they owed the recovery of their liberty and goods, if not their lives, to him and another Padre. This is also mentioned by Pyrard de la Val, who was prisoner at Goa in 1608, at which time Stevens was rector of Morgan College in the island of Salcet400." –Astley.
   *****
   After most humble commendations to you and my mother, and craving your daily blessing, these are to certify you of my being alive, according to your will and my duty. I wrote you that I had taken my journey from Italy to Portugal, which letter I think came to your hands, in which hope I have the less need to tell you the cause of my departing, which in one word I may express, by naming obedience. I came to Lisbon towards the end of March, eight days before the departure of the ships, so late that, if they had not been detained about some important affairs, they had been gone before our arrival; insomuch that others were appointed to go in our stead, that the kings intention and ours might not be frustrated. But on our sudden arrival, these others did not go, and we went as originally intended.
   The 4th of April, five ships departed for Goa, in which, besides mariners and soldiers, there were a great number of children, who bear the sea much better than men, as also do many women. I need not tell you, as you may easily imagine the solemnity of setting out, with sound of trumpets and discharges of cannon, as they go forth in a warlike manner. The 10th of the same month we came in sight of Porto Sancto near Madeira, where an English ship set upon ours, now entirely alone, and fired several shots which did us no harm: But when our ship had run out her largest ordnance, the English ship made away from us. This English ship was large and handsome, and I was sorry to see her so ill occupied, as she went roving about the seas, and we met her again at the Canaries, where we arrived on the 13th of the same month of April, and had good opportunity to wonder at the high peaked mountain in the island of Teneriffe, as we beat about between that island and Grand Canary for four days with contrary winds, and indeed had such evil weather till the 14th of May, that we despaired of being able to double the Cape of Good Hope that year. Yet, taking our course between Guinea and the Cape de Verd islands, without seeing any land at all, we arrived at the coast of Guinea, as the Portuguese call that part of the western coast of Africa in the torrid zone, from the lat. of 6° N. to the equinoctial; in which parts they suffer so much by extreme heats and want of wind, that they think themselves happy when past it. Sometimes the ships stand quite still and becalmed for many days, and sometimes they go on, but in such a manner that they had almost as good stand still. The atmosphere on the greatest part of this coast is never clear, but thick and cloudy, full of thunder and lightening, and such unwholesome rain, that the water on standing only a little while is full of animalculae, and by falling on any meat that is hung out, fills it immediately with worms.
   All along that coast, we oftentimes saw a thing swimming in the water like a cocks comb but much fairer, which they call a Guinea ship401. It is borne up in the water by a substance almost like the swimming bladder of a fish in size and colour, having many strings from it under water, which prevent it from being overturned. It is so poisonous, that one cannot touch it without much danger. On this coast, between the sixth degree of north latitude and the equator, we spent no less than thirty days either in calms or contrary winds. The 30th of May we crossed the line with great difficulty, directing our course as well as we could to pass the promontory402, but in all that gulf of Guinea, and all the rest of the way to the Cape, we found such frequent calms that the most experienced mariners were much astonished. In places where there always used to be horrible tempests, we found most invincible calms, which were very troublesome to our ships, which being of the greatest size cannot go without good winds; insomuch that when it is almost an intolerable tempest for other ships, making them furl all their sails, those large ships display their sails to the wind and sail excellent well, unless the waves be too furious, which seldom happened in our voyage. You must understand that, when once past the line, they cannot go direct for the Cape the nearest way, but, according to the wind, must hold on as near south as they can till in the latitude of the Cape, which is 35° 30' S. They then shape their course to the east, and so get round the Cape. But the wind so served us at 33 degrees, that we directed our course thence for the Cape.
   You know that it is hard to sail from east to west, or the contrary, because there is no fixed point in all the sky by which they can direct their course, wherefore I shall tell you what help God hath provided to direct them. There is not a fowl that appeareth, neither any sign in the air or in the sea, that have not been written down by those who have formerly made these voyages; so that partly by their own experience, judging what space the ship was able to make with such and such a wind, and partly by the experience of others recorded in the books of navigations which they have, they guess whereabouts they may be in regard to longitude, for they are always sure as to latitude. But the greatest and best direction of all is, to mark the variation of the needle or mariners compass; which, in the meridian of the island of St Michael, one of the Azores in the same latitude with Lisbon, points due north, and thence swerveth so much towards the east, that, between the foresaid meridian and the extreme south point of Africa, it varieth three or four of the thirty-two points. Again, having passed a little beyond the cape called das Agulias, or of the Needles, it returneth again towards the north; and when it hath attained that, it swerveth again toward the west proportionally, as it did before eastwards.
   In regard to the first mentioned signs from fowls: The nearer we came to the coast of Africa, the more kinds and greater number of strange fowls appeared; insomuch that, when we came within not less than thirty leagues, almost 100 miles, and 600 miles as we thought from any other land, as good as 3000 fowls of sundry kinds followed our ship; some of them so great, that, when their wings were opened, they measured seven spans from point to point of their wings, as the sailors said. It is a marvellous thing to think how God hath so provided for these fowls in so vast an expanse of sea, that they are all fat. The Portuguese have named them all, according to some obvious property. Thus they call some rushtails, because their tails are small and long like a rush, and not proportionate to their bodies; some fork-tails, because their tails are very broad and forked; others again velvet-sleeves, because their wings are like velvet, and are always bent like a mans elbow. This bird is always welcome, as it appears nearest the Cape. I should never have an end, were I to tell you all particulars, but shall touch on a few that may suffice, if you mark them well, to give cause for glorifying God in his wonderful works, and in the variety of his creatures.
   To say something of fishes: In all the places of calms, and especially in the burning zone near the line, there continually waited on our ship certain fishes, called tuberones403 by the Portuguese, as long as a man, which came to eat such things as might fall from the ship into the sea, not even refusing men themselves if they could light upon any, and if they find any meat hung over into the sea, they seize it. These have waiting upon them continually six or seven, small fishes, having blue and green bands round their bodies, like finely dressed serving men. Of these two or three always swim before the shark, and some on every side, [whence they are called pilot fish, by the English mariners]. They have likewise other fishes [called sucking fish] which always cleave to their bodies; and seem to feed on such superfluities as grow about them, and they are said to enter into their bodies to purge them, when needful. Formerly the mariners used to eat the sharks, but since they have seen them devour men, their stomachs now abhor them; yet they draw them up with great hooks, and kill as many of them as they can, thinking thereby to take a great revenge. There is another kind of fish almost as large as a herring, which hath wings and flieth, and are very numerous. These have two enemies, one in the sea and the other in the air.
   That in the sea is the fish called albicore, as large as a salmon, which follows with great swiftness to take them; on which this poor fish, which cannot swim fast as it hath no fins, and only swims by the motion of its tail, having its wings then shut along the sides of its body, springeth out of the water and flieth, but not very high; on this the albicore, though he have no wings, giveth a great leap out of the water, and sometimes catcheth the flying fish, or else keepeth in the water, going that way as fast as the other flieth. When the flying fish is weary of the air, or thinketh himself out of danger, he returneth to the water, where the albicore meeteth him; but sometimes his other enemy, the sea-crow, catcheth him in the air before he falleth.
   With these and the like sights, but always making our supplications to God for good weather and the preservation of our ship, we came at length to the south cape of Africa, the ever famous Cape of Good Hope, so much desired yet feared of all men: But we there found no tempest, only immense waves, where our pilot was guilty of an oversight; for, whereas commonly all navigators do never come within sight of land, but, contenting themselves with signs and finding the bottom, go their course safe and sure, he, thinking to have the winds at will, shot nigh the land; when the wind, changing into the south, with the assistance of the mountainous waves, rolled us so near the land that we were in less than 14 fathoms, only six miles from Capo das Agulias, and there we looked to be utterly lost. Under us were huge rocks, so sharp and cutting that no anchor could possibly hold the ship, and the shore was so excessively bad that nothing could take the land, which besides is full of tigers and savage people, who put all strangers to death, so that we had no hope or comfort, but only in God and a good conscience. Yet, after we had lost our anchors, hoisting up our sails to try to get the ship upon some safer part of the coast, it pleased God, when no man looked for help, suddenly to fill our sails with a wind off the land, and so by good providence we escaped, thanks be to God. The day following, being in a place where they are always wont to fish, we also fell a fishing, and caught so many, that they served the whole ships company all that day and part of the next. One of our lines pulled up a coral of great size and value; for it is said that in this place, which indeed we saw by experience, that the corals grow on the rocks at the bottom of the sea in the manner of stalks, becoming hard and red.
   Our day of peril was the 29th of July. You must understand that, after passing the Cape of Good Hope, there are two ways to India, one within the island of Madagascar, or between that and Africa, called the Canal of Mozambique, which the Portuguese prefer, as they refresh themselves for a fortnight or a month at Mozambique, not without great need after being so long at sea, and thence in another month get to Goa. The other course is on the outside of the island of St Lawrence or Madagascar, which they take when they set out too late, or come so late to the Cape as not to have time to stop at Mozambique, and then they go on their voyage in great heaviness, because in this way they have no port; and, by reason of the long navigation, and the want of fresh provisions and water, they fall into sundry diseases. Their gums become sore, and swell in such a manner that they are fain to cut them away; their legs swell, and all their bodies become sore, and so benumbed that they cannot move hand nor foot, and so they die of weakness; while others fall into fluxes and agues, of which they die. This was the way we were forced to take; and, although we had above an hundred and fifty sick, there did not die above seven or eight and twenty, which was esteemed a small loss in comparison with other times. Though some of our fraternity were diseased in this sort, thanks be to God I had good health the whole way, contrary to the expectation of many: May God send me as good health on the land, if it may be to his glory and service. This way is full of hidden rocks and quicksands, so that sometimes we dared not sail by night; but by the goodness of God we saw nothing all the way to hurt us, neither did we ever find bottom till we came to the coast of India.
   When we had again passed the line to the northward, and were come to the third degree or somewhat more, we saw crabs swimming that were as red as if they had been boiled; but this was no sign of land. About the eleventh degree, and for many days, more than ten thousand fishes continually followed, or were round about our ship, of which we caught so many that we eat nothing else for fifteen days, and they served our turn well; for at this time we had no meat remaining, and hardly any thing else to eat, our voyage drawing nigh to seven months, which commonly is performed in five, when they take the inner passage. These fishes were no sign of land, but rather of deep sea. At length two birds were caught of the hawk tribe, which gave our people great joy, thinking they had been birds of India, but we found afterwards that they were from Arabia; and when we thought we had been near India, we were in the latitude of Socotoro, an island near the mouth of the Red Sea. Here God sent us a strong wind from the N.E. or N.N.E. on which they bore away unwillingly toward the east, and we ran thus for ten days without any sign of land, by which they perceived their error. Hitherto they had directed their course always N.E. desiring to increase their latitude; but partly from the difference of the needle, and most of all because the currents at that time carried us N.W. we had been drawn into this other danger, had not God sent us this wind, which at length became more favourable and restored us to our right course.
   These currents are very dangerous, as they deceive most pilots, and some are so little curious, contenting themselves with ordinary experience, that they do not take the trouble of seeking for new expedients when they swerve, neither by means of the compass nor by any other trial. The first sign of approaching land was by seeing certain birds, which they knew to be of India; the second was some sedges and boughs of palm-trees; the third was snakes swimming at the surface of the water, and a certain substance which they called money, as round and broad as a groat-piece, and wonderfully printed or stamped by nature, as if it had been coined money. These two last signs are so certain, that they always see land next day, if the wind serve; which we did next day, when all our water, for you know they have no beer in these parts, and victuals began to fail us.
   We came to Goa the 24th day of October, and were there received in a most charitable manner. The natives are tawny, but not disfigured in their lips and noses, like the Moors and Kafrs of Ethiopia. The lower ranks go for the most part naked, having only a clout or apron before them of a span long and as much in breadth, with a lace two fingers breadth, girded about with a string, and nothing more; and thus they think themselves as well dressed as we, with all our finery. I cannot now speak of their trees and fruits, or should write another letter as long as this; neither have I yet seen any tree resembling any of those I have seen in Europe, except the vine, which here grows to little purpose, as all their wines are brought from Portugal. The drink used in this country is water, or wine made from the coco palm-tree. Thus much must suffice for the present; but if God send me health, I shall have opportunity to write you once again; but the length of this letter compelleth me now to take my leave, with my best prayers for your most prosperous health. From Goa, the 10th November 1579.-Your loving Son,
   THOMAS STEVENS.
 

SECTION II. Journey to India over-land, by Ralph Fitch, Merchant of London, and others, in 1583404
   INTRODUCTION
   We learn from the following journal, that the present expedition was undertaken at the instigation, and chiefly at the expence of Sir Edward Osborne, Knight, and Mr Richard Staper, citizens and merchants of London. Besides Fitch, the author of the narrative, Mr John Newbery, merchant, William Leedes jeweller, and James Story painter, were engaged in the expedition. The chief conduct of this commercial enterprize appears to have been confided to John Newbery; and its object appears to have been, to extend the trade, which the English merchants seem to have only recently established through Syria, by Aleppo, Bagdat and Basora, to Ormus and perhaps to Goa, in imitation of the Italians, so as to procure the commodities of India as nearly as possible at first hand. In the prospect of being able to penetrate into India, and even into China, Newbery was furnished with letters of credence or recommendation, from Queen Elizabeth to Zelabdim Echebar, stiled king of Cambaia, who certainly appears to have been Akbar Shah, emperor of the Mogul conquerors of Hindostan, who reigned from 1556 to 1605; and to the emperor of China. The promoters of this enterprise, seem to have been actuated by a more than ordinary spirit of research for those times, by employing a painter to accompany their commercial agents. It is farther presumable that the promoters of the expedition, and their agents, Newbery and Fitch, were members of the Turkey company; and though the speculation turned out unsuccessful, owing to causes sufficiently explained in the narrative and its accompanying documents, it is obviously a prelude to the establishment of the English East India Company; which, from small beginnings, has risen to a colossal height of commercial and sovereign grandeur, altogether unexampled in all history.
   Hakluyt gives the following descriptive title of this uncommonly curious and interesting narrative: "The voyage of Mr Ralph Fitch, merchant of London, by the way of Tripolis in Syria to Ormus, and so to Goa in the East India, to Cambaia, and all the kingdom, of Zelabdim Echebar the great Mogor, to the mighty river Ganges, and down to Bengala, to Bacola and Chonderi, to Pegu, to Imahay in the kingdom of Siam, and back to Pegu, and from thence to Malacca, Zeilan, Cochin, and all the coast of the East India; begun in the year of our Lord 1583, and ended in 1591: wherein the strange rites, manners, and customs of those people, and the exceeding rich trade and commodities of those countries, are faithfully set down and diligently described, by the foresaid Mr Ralph Fitch."
   Hakluyt has prefaced this journal, by several letters respecting the journey, from Mr Newbery, and one from Mr Fitch, and gives by way of appendix an extract from Linschoten, detailing the imprisonment of the adventurers at Ormus and Goa, and their escape, which happened while he was at Goa, where he seems to have materially contributed to their enlargement from prison. These documents will be found in the sequel to the narrative of Mr Fitch.
   It must not however be concealed, that the present journal has a very questionable appearance in regard to its entire authenticity, as it has obviously borrowed liberally from that of Cesar Frederick, already inserted in this work, Vol. VII. p. 142-244. It seems therefore highly probable, that the journal or narrative of Fitch may have fallen into the hand of some ingenious book-maker, who wished to increase its interest by this unjustifiable art. Under these circumstances, we would have been led to reject this article from our collection, were not its general authenticity corroborated by these other documents, and by the journal of John Eldred, who accompanied Newbery and Fitch to Basora. A part of the striking coincidence between the journals of Cesar Frederick and Ralph Fitch might have arisen from their having visited the same places, and nearly by the same route, only at the distance of 20 years; Frederick having commenced his journey in 1563, and Newbery and Fitch theirs in 1588. Some of the resemblances however could only have been occasioned by plagiarism.
   It is very difficult to conceive how Fitch, after his imprisonment at Goa, and escape from thence under surety to the Portuguese viceroy, should have ventured in the sequel to visit the Portuguese settlements in Ceylon, Cochin, Calicut, Goa even, Chaul, and Ormuz, on his way home again by Basora, Bagdat, Mosul, &c. to Aleppo and Tripoli. These parts of his journal, and his excursions to the north of Pegu, certainly have a suspicious appearance. It is possible that he may have described these several routes, historically, in his own journal; and that some book-maker, into whose hands his papers may have fallen, chose to give these a more interesting appearance, by making Fitch the actor in what he only described on the authority of others. It is strange that these circumstances should not have occurred to Hakluyt, as the narrative of Fitch is inserted in his collection immediately following that of Cesar Frederick. Yet with these obvious faults, the relation of Fitch is interesting, as the first direct attempt of the English to open a trade with India; and so far at least, its authenticity is unquestionable, being corroborated by other documents that are not liable to the smallest suspicion. –E.
   *****
   In the year 1583, I Ralph Fitch of London, merchant, being desirous to see the countries of the Eastern India, went in company with Mr John Newbery, merchant, who had been once before at Ormus, together with William Leedes, jeweller, and James Story, painter; being chiefly set forth by the right worshipful Sir Edward Osburn, knight, and Mr Richard Staper, citizens and merchants of London. We shipped ourselves in a ship called the Tiger of London, in which we went to Tripoly in Syria, whence we went with the caravan to Aleppo in seven days. Finding good company at Aleppo, we went from thence to Birra [Bir], which is two days and a half journey with camels.
   Bir is a small town, but abounding in provisions, near which runs the river Euphrates. We here purchased a boat, and agreed with a master and boatmen to carry us to Babylon [Bagdat]. These boats serve only for one voyage, as the stream is so rapid that they cannot return. They carry passengers to a town called Felugia [Feluchia], where the boat has to be sold for very little money, what cost fifty pieces at Bir bringing only seven or eight at that place. From Bir to Feluchia is a journey of sixteen days; but it is not good for one boat to go alone, as if it should chance to break, it would be difficult to save the goods from the Arabs, who are always robbing thereabouts, and it is necessary to keep good watch in the night, when the boat is made fast, as the Arabs are great thieves, and will swim on board to steal your goods, and then flee away. Against them a musket is a good weapon, as they are much afraid of fire-arms. Between Bir and Feluchia, there are certain places on the Euphrates where you have to pay custom, being so many medins for a some or camels load, together with certain quantities of raisins and soap, which are for the sons of Aborise, who is lord of the Arabs and of that great desert, and hath some villages on the river. Feluchia, where the goods coming from Bir are unladed, is a small village, from whence you go to Bagdat in one day.
   Babylon, or Bagdat, is not a very large town, but is very populous, and much frequented by strangers, being the centre of intercourse between Persia, Turkey, and Arabia, caravans going frequently from it to these and other countries. It is well supplied with provisions, which are brought from Armenia down the river Tigris, upon rafts made of goat skin bags blown full of wind, over which boards are laid, on which the goods are loaded. When these are discharged, the skin bags are opened and emptied of air, and are then carried back to Armenia on camels to serve again. Bagdat belonged formerly to Persia, but is now subject to the Turks. Over against Bagdat, on the other side of the Tigris, is a very fair village, to which there is a passage across from Bagdat by a long bridge of boats, connected by a vast iron chain made fast at each side of the river. When any boats have to pass up or down the river, a passage is made for them by removing some of the boats of this bridge.
   The Tower of Babel is on this side of the Tigris towards Arabia, about seven or eight miles from Bagdat, being now ruined on all sides, and with the ruins thereof hath made a little mountain, so that no shape or form of a tower remains. It was built of bricks dried in the sun, having canes and leaves of the palm-tree laid between the courses of bricks. It stands in a great plain between the Tigris and Euphrates, and no entrance can be any where seen for going into it.
   Near the river Euphrates, two days journey from Bagdat, in a field near a place called Ait, there is a hole in the ground which continually throws out boiling pitch accompanied by a filthy smoke, the pitch flowing into a great field which is always full of it. The Moors call this opening the mouth of hell; and on account of the great abundance of the pitch, the people of the country daub all their boats two or three inches thick with it on the outside, so that no water can enter them. These boats are called danec. When there is plenty of water in the Tigris, the boats may go down from Bagdat to Basora in eight or nine days; but when the water is low it requires a longer time.
   In times past, Basora belonged to the Arabs, but is now subject to the Turks. Yet there are some Arabs that the Turks cannot subdue, as they occupy certain islands in the great river Euphrates, which the Turks have never been able to conquer. These Arabs are all thieves, and have no settled dwelling, but remove from place to place with their camels, horses, goats, wives, children, and household goods. They wear large blue gowns; their wives having their ears and noses full of copper and silver rings, and wear copper rings on their legs. Basora is near the head of the gulf of Persia, and drives a great trade in spiceries and drugs, which come from Ormus. The country round produces abundance of white rice and dates, with which they supply Bagdat and all the country, sending likewise to Ormus and India. I went from Basora to Ormus, down the gulf of Persia, in a ship made of boards sewed together with cayro, which is a thread made of the husks of coco-nuts, and having certain canes, or leaves, or straw, sewed upon the seams between the boards, so that these vessels leak very much. Having Persia on our left hand, and Arabia on our right, we passed many islands, and among others the famous isle of Baharin, or Bahrain, from which come the best and roundest orient pearls.
   Ormus is an island about 25 or 30 miles in circuit, which is perhaps the most arid and barren island in the world, as it produces nothing but salt, all its water, wood, provisions, and every other necessary, coming from Persia, which is about 12 miles distant; but all the other islands thereabout are very fertile, and from them provisions are sent to Ormus. The Portuguese have here a castle near the sea, with a captain and a competent garrison, part of which dwell in the castle and part In the town; in which likewise dwell merchants from all nations, together with many Moors and Gentiles. This place has a great trade in spices, drugs, silk, cloth of silk, fine tapestry of Persia, great store of pearls from Bahrain, which are the best of all pearls, and many horses from Persia which supply all India. Their king is a Moor, or Mahomedan, who is chosen by the Portuguese, and is entirely under subjection to them. Their women are very strangely attired, wearing many rings set with jewels on their ears, noses, necks, arms, and legs, and locks of gold and silver in their ears, and a long bar of gold upon the sides of their noses. The holes in their ears are worn so wide with the weight of their jewels, that one may thrust three fingers into them.
   Very shortly after our arrival at Ormus we were put into prison, by order of Don Mathias de Albuquerque, the governor of the castle, and had part of our goods taken from us; and on the 11th October, he shipped us from thence, sending us to the viceroy at Goa, who at that time was Don Francisco de Mascarenhas. The ship in which we were embarked belonged to the captain, who carried in it 124 horses for sale. All goods carried to Goa in a ship wherein there are horses pay no duties; but if there are no horses, you then pay eight in the hundred for your goods. The first city of India at which we arrived on the 5th November, after passing the coast of Zindi, [Sindi] was named Diu, which stands in an island on the coast of the kingdom of Cambaia, or Gujrat, and is the strongest town belonging to the Portuguese in those parts. It is but small, yet abounds in merchandise, as they here load many ships with different kinds of goods for the straits of Mecca or the Red Sea, Ormus, and other places; these ships belong both to Christians and Moors, but the latter are not permitted to pass unless they have a Portuguese licence. Cambaietta, or Cambay, is the chief city of that province, being great and populous and well built for a city of the gentiles. When there happens a famine the natives sell their children for a low price. The last king of Cambaia was sultan Badur, who was slain at the siege of Diu, and shortly after the capital city was reduced by the great Mogor, [Mogul] who is king of Agra and Delhi, forty days journey from thence. Here the women wear upon their arms, a vast number of ivory rings, in which they take so much pride that they would rather go without their meat than want their bracelets.
   Going from Diu, we came to Damaun, the second town of the Portuguese in the country of Cambaia, forty leagues from Diu. This place, which has no trade but in corn and rice, has many villages under its jurisdiction, which the Portuguese possess quietly during peace, but in time of war they are all occupied by the enemy. From Damaun we passed to Basaim, [Baseen] and from thence to Tanna in the island of Salsette, at both which places the only trade is in rice and corn. The 10th November we arrived at Chaul on the firm land, at which place there are two towns, one belonging to the Portuguese and the other to the Moors. That of the Portuguese is nearest the sea, commanding the bay, and is walled round; and a little above it is the Moors town, subject to a king called Xa-Maluco. At this place is a great trade for all Kinds of spices, drugs, silk, raw and manufactured, sandal-wood, elephants teeth, much China work, and a great deal of sugar made from the nut called gagara, [coco]. The tree on which it grows is called the palmer, and is the most profitable tree in the world. It always bears fruit, and yields wine, oil, sugar, vinegar, cordage, coals, or fuel; of the leaves are made thatch for houses, sails for ships, and mats to sit or lie on; of the branches are made houses, and brooms wherewith they sweep them; of the wood ships. The wine issues from the top of the tree, and is procured thus: They cut a branch, binding it hard, and hang an earthen pot under the cut end, which they empty every evening and morning; and still405 the juice, putting raisins into it, by which it becometh strong wine in a short time. Many ships come here from all parts of India, and from Ormus and Mecca, so that there are many Moors and Gentiles at this place. The natives have a strange superstition, worshipping a cow, and having cows dung in great veneration, insomuch that they paint or daub the walls of their houses with it. They kill no animal whatever, not so much as a louse, holding it a crime to take away life. They eat no flesh, living entirely on roots, rice, and milk. When a man dies, his living wife is burnt along with his body, if she be alive; and if she will not, her head is shaven, and she is ever after held in low esteem. They consider it a great sin to bury dead bodies, as they would engender many worms and other vermin, and when the bodies were consumed these worms would lack sustenance; wherefore they burn their dead. In all Guzerat they kill nothing; and in the town of Cambay they have hospitals for lame dogs and cats, and for birds, and they even provide food for the ants.
   Goa is the chief city of the Portuguese in India, in which their viceroy resides and holds his court. It stands in an island about 25 or 30 miles in circumference, being a fine city and very handsome for an Indian town. The island is fertile and full of gardens and orchards, with many palmer trees, and several villages. Here are many merchants of all nations. The fleet which sails every year from Portugal, consisting of four, five, or six great ships, comes first here, arriving mostly in September, and remaining there forty or fifty days. It then goes to Cochin, where the ships take in pepper for Portugal. Often one ship loads entirely at Goa, and the rest go to Cochin, which is 100 leagues to the south. Goa stands in the country of Adel Khan, which is six or seven days journey inland, the chief city being Bisapor [Bejapoor].
   On our arrival in Goa we were thrown into prison, and examined before the justice, who demanded us to produce letters, [of licence?] and charged us with being spies; but they could prove nothing against us. We continued in prison till the 22d December, when we were set at liberty, putting in surety for 2000 ducats not to depart from the town. Our surety was one Andreas Taborer, who was procured for us by father Stevens, an English Jesuit whom we found there, and another religious man, a friend of his. We paid 2150 ducats into the hands of Andreas Taborer, our surety, who still demanded more; on which we petitioned the viceroy and justice to order us our money again, seeing they had it near five months, and could prove nothing against us. But the viceroy gave us a sharp answer, saying, we should be better sifted ere long, and that they had other matter against us. Upon this we determined to attempt recovering our liberty, rather than run the risk of remaining as slaves for ever in the country, and besides it was said we were to have the strapado. Wherefore, on the 5th of April 1585 in the morning, we removed secretly from Goa; and getting across the river, we travelled two days on foot in great fear, not knowing the way, as having no guide, and not daring to trust any one.
   One of the first towns we came to is called Bellergan? where there is a great market of diamonds, rubies, sapphires, and many other precious stones. From thence we went to Bejapoor, a very large city, where the king keeps his court, in which there are many Gentiles, who are gross idolaters, having their idols standing in the woods, which they call pagodas. Some of these are like a cow, some like a monkey, some like a buffalo, others resemble a peacock, and others like the devil. In this country are many elephants, which they employ in their wars. They have great abundance of gold and silver, and their houses are lofty and well built. From thence we went to Galconda, the king of which is called Cutub de lashach. In this country, in the kingdom of Adel Khan, and in the Decan, those diamonds are found which are called of the old water. Golconda is a pleasant fair town, having good and handsome houses of brick and timber, and it abounds with excellent fruits and good water. It is here very hot, and both men and women go about with only a cloth bound about their middles, without any other clothing. The winter begins here about the last of May.
   About eight days journey from thence is a sea port called Masulipatan, toward the gulf of Bengal, to which many ships come out of India, Pegu, and Sumatra, richly laden with spiceries, pepper, and other commodities. The country is very fruitful. From thence I went to Servidone? which is a fine country, its king being called the king of bread. The houses here are all built of loam and thatched. The country contains many Moors and Gentiles, but there is not much religion among them. From thence I went to Bellapore, and so to Barrampore, which is in the country of Zelabdim Echebar the great Mogor. In this place their money is of silver, round and thick, to the value of twenty-pence. It is a great and populous country; and in their winter, which is in June, July, and August, there is no passing the streets except on horseback, the waters are so high. In this country they make great quantities of cotton cloth, both white and painted, and the land produces great abundance of corn and rice. In the towns and villages through which we passed, we found many marriages celebrated between boys of eight or ten years old, and girls of five or six. These youthful couples did ride both on one horse, very bravely dressed, and were carried about the streets with great piping and playing, after which they returned home and banqueted on rice and fruits, dancing most of the night, and so ended the marriage, which is not consumated till the bride be ten years old. We were told they married their children thus young, because when a man dies his wife is burnt along with him; and by this device they secure a father-in-law, in case of the fathers death, to assist in bringing up the children that are thus early married, thus taking care not to leave their sons without wives, or their daughters without husbands.
   From thence we went to Mandoway? a very strong town, which was besieged for twelve years by Echebar before he could reduce it. It stands on a very great high rock, as do most of their castles, and is of very great circuit. From thence we went to Vgini? and Serringe? where we overtook the ambassador of Zelabdim Echebar, attended by a prodigious retinue of men, elephants, and camels. In this district there is a great trade carried on in cotton, and cloths made of cotton, and great store of drugs. From thence we went to Agra, passing many rivers which were much swollen by the rains, so that in crossing them we had often to swim for our lives406.
   Agra is a very great and populous city built of stone, having large and handsome streets, upon a fine river which falls into the gulf of Bengal, and has a strong and handsome castle with a broad and deep ditch. It is inhabited by many Moors and Gentiles, the king being Zelabdim Echebar, called for the most part the great Mogor. From thence we went to Fatepore, where the king ordinarily resides and holds his court, which is called Derican. This town is larger than Agra, but the streets and houses are by no means so good, but it is inhabited by a vast multitude of people, both Moors and Gentiles. In Agra and Fatepoor, the king is said to have 1000 elephants, 30,000 horses, 1400 tame deer, 800 concubines, and such numbers of ounces, tigers, buffaloes, game-cocks, and hawks as is quite incredible. Agra and Fatepoor are two great cities, either of them larger than London, and very populous, at the distance of 12 miles from each other407. The whole road between these places is one continued market of provisions and other articles, and is constantly as full of people as a street or market in a great and populous town. These people have many fine carts, many of which are richly carved and gilt, having two wheels, and are drawn by two little bulls, not much larger than our biggest English dogs, which run with these carts as fast as any horse, carrying two or three men in each cart: They are covered with silk or fine cloth, and are used like our coaches in England. There is a great resort of merchants to this place from Persia and all parts of India, and vast quantities of merchandise, such as silks, cloths, and precious stones, diamonds, rubies, and pearls. The king is dressed in a white cabie made like a shirt, and tied with strings on one side, having a small cloth on his head, often coloured red and yellow. None enter into his apartments, except the eunuchs who have charge of his women.
   We remained in Fatepore till the 28th of September 1585, when Mr John Newbery took his journey towards Lahore, intending to go from thence through Persia to Aleppo or Constantinople, whichever he could get the readiest passage to; and he directed me to proceed to Bengal and Pegu, promising me, if it pleased God, to meet me at Bengal within two years with a ship from England408. I left William Leades the jeweller at Fatepore, in the service of the king Zelabdim Achebar, who gave him good entertainment, giving a house and five slaves, with a horse, and six S.S. in money daily. I went from Agra to Satagam in Bengal, in company with 180 boats loaded with salt, opium, hinge, lead, carpets, and various other commodities, down the river Jemena, [Jumna]; the chief merchants being Moors.
   In this country they have many strange ceremonies. The bramins, who are their priests, come to the water having a string about their necks, and with many ceremonies lave the water with both their hands, turning the string with both their hands in several manners; and though it be never so cold, they wash themselves regularly at all times. These gentiles eat no flesh, neither do they kill any thing, but live on rice, butter, milk, and fruits. They pray in the water naked; and both dress and eat their food naked. For penance, they lie flat on the earth, then rise up and turn themselves round 30 or 40 times, lifting their hands to the sun, and kiss the earth with their arms and legs stretched out; every time they lie down making a score on the ground with their fingers, that they may know when the prescribed number of prostrations is finished. Every morning the Bramins mark their foreheads, ears, and throats, with a kind of yellow paint or earth; having some old men among them, who go about with a box of yellow powder, marking them on the head and neck as they meet them. Their women come in troops of 10, 20, and 30 together to the water side singing, where they wash themselves and go through their ceremonies, and then mark themselves, and so depart singing. Their daughters are married at ten years of age, and the men may have seven wives each. They are a crafty people, worse than the Jews. When they salute one another, they say, Rame, rame.
   From Agra I came to Prage409, where the river Jumna enters into the mighty Ganges, and there loses its name. The Ganges comes out of the north-west, and runs east to discharge its waters into the gulf of Bengal. In these parts there are many tigers, and vast quantities of partridges and turtle-doves, besides many other kinds of birds. There are multitudes of beggars in these countries, called Schesche, which go entirely naked. I here saw one who was a monster among the rest. He had no clothes whatever, his beard being very long, and the hair of his head was so long and plentiful, that it covered his nakedness. The nails on some of his fingers were two inches long, as he would cut nothing from him; and besides he never spake, being constantly accompanied by eight or ten others, who spoke for him. If any one spoke to him, he laid his hand on his breast and bowed, but without speaking, for he would not have spoken to the king.
   We went from Prage down the Ganges, which is here very broad, and abounds in various wild-fowl, as swans, geese, cranes, and many others, the country on both sides being very fertile and populous. For the most part the men have their faces shaven, but wear the hair of their heads very long; though some have their crowns shaved, and others have all their heads shaven except the crown. The water of the river Ganges is very sweet and pleasant, having many islands, and the adjoining country is very fertile. We stopt at Bannaras [Benares], a large town in which great quantities of cotton-cloths are made, and sashes for the moors. In this place all the inhabitants are gentiles, and the grossest idolaters I ever saw. To this town the gentiles come on pilgrimages out of far distant countries. Along the side of the river there are many fair houses, in all or most of which they have ill favoured images made of stone or wood; some like lions, leopards, or monkeys; some like men and women; others like peacocks; and others like the devil, having four arms and four hands. These all sit cross-legged, some with one thing in their hands, and others with other things; and by break of day or before, numbers of men and women come out of the town to these places, and wash in the Ganges. On mounds of earth made for the purpose, there are divers old men who sit praying, and who give the people three or four straws, which they hold between their fingers when they bathe in the Ganges; and some sit to mark them in the forehead: And the devotees have each a cloth with a small quantity of rice, barley, or money, which they give to these old men when they have washed. They then go to one or other of the idols, where they present their sacrifices. When they have finished their washings oblations and charities, the old men say certain prayers by which they are all sanctified.
   In divers places there stand a kind of images, called Ada in their language, having four hands with claws; and they have sundry carved stones on which they pour water, and lay thereon some rice, wheat, barley and other things. Likewise they have a great place built of stone, like a well, with steps to go down, in which the water is very foul and stinking, through the great quantity of flowers which are continually thrown into the water: Yet there are always many people in that water, for they say that it purifies them from their sins, because, as they allege, God washed himself in that place. They even gather up the sand or mud from the bottom, which they esteem holy. They never pray but in the water, in which they wash themselves over head, laving up the water in both hands, and turning themselves about, they drink a little of the water three times, and then go to the idols which stand in the houses already mentioned. Some take of the water, with which they wash a place of their own length, and then lie down stretched out, rising and lying down, and kissing the ground twenty or thirty times, yet keeping their right foot all the time in the same place. Some make their ceremonies with fifteen or sixteen pots, little and great, ringing a little bell when they make their mixtures, ten or twelve times. They make a circle of water round about their pots and pray, divers sitting by them, and one in particular who reaches the pots to them; and they say certain words many times over the pots, and when they have done, they go to their idols, before which they strew their sacrifices, which they think very holy, and mark many of those who sit by in the foreheads, which they esteem highly. There sometimes come fifty or even an hundred together, to wash at this well, and to sacrifice to these idols.
   In some of these idol houses, there are people who stand by them in warm weather, fanning them as if to cool them; and when they see any company coming, they ring a little bell which hangs beside them, when many give them alms, particularly those who come out of the country. Many of these idols are black and have brazen claws very long, and some ride upon peacocks, or on very ill-favoured fowls, having long hawks bills, some like one thing and some like another, but none have good faces. Among the rest, there is one held in great veneration, as they allege be gives them all things, both food and raiment, and one always sits beside this idol with a fan, as if to cool him. Here some are burned to ashes, and some only scorched in the fire and thrown into the river, where the dogs and foxes come presently and eat them. Here the wives are burned along with the bodies of their deceased husbands, and if they will not, their heads are shaven and they are not afterwards esteemed.
   The people go all naked, except a small cloth about their middles. The women have their necks, arms, and ears decorated with rings of silver, copper, and tin, and with round hoops of ivory, adorned with amber stones and many agates, and have their foreheads marked with a great red spot, whence a stroke of red goes up the crown, and one to each side. In their winter, which is in May, the men wear quilted gowns of cotton, like to our counterpanes, and quilted caps like our grocers large mortars, with a slit to look out at, tied beneath their ears. When a man or woman is sick and like to die, they are laid all night before the idols, either to help their sickness or make an end of them. If they do not mend that night, the friends come and sit up with them, and cry for some time, after which they take them to the side of the river, laying them on a raft of reeds, and so let them float down the river.
   When they are married the man and woman come to the water side, where there is an old bramin or priest, a cow and calf, or a cow with calf. Then the man and woman, together with the cow and calf, go into the river, giving the old bramin a piece of cloth four yards long, and a basket cross bound, in which are sundry things. The bramin lays the cloth on the back of the cow, after which he takes hold of the end of the cows tail, and says certain words. The woman has a brass or copper pot full of water; the man takes hold of the bramin with one hand, and the woman with the other, all having hold of the cow by the tail, on which they pour water from the pot, so that it runs on all their hands. They then lave up water with their hands, and the bramin ties the man and woman together by their clothes410. When this is done, they go round about the cow and calf, and then give some alms to the poor, who are always present, and to the bramin or priest they give the cow and calf, after which they go to several of the idols, where they offer money, lying down flat on the ground before the idol, and kissing the earth several times, after which they go away. Their chief idols are black and very ugly, with monstrous mouths, having their ears gilded and full of jewels, their teeth and eyes of gold, silver, or glass, and carrying sundry things in their hands. You may not enter into the houses where they stand with your shoes on. In these houses there are lamps continually burning before the idols.
   From Benares I went down the Ganges to Patenaw, [Patna] passing many fair towns and a very fertile country, in which way many great rivers enter the Ganges, some as large as itself, by which it becomes so broad that in time of the rains you cannot see across. The scorched bodies which are thrown into the water swim on the surface, the men with their faces down, and the women with theirs up. I thought they had tied some weight to their bodies for this purpose, but was told no such thing was done. There are many thieves in this country, who roam up and down like the Arabs, having no fixed abode. Here the women are so decked with silver and copper that it is strange to see them, and they wear so many rings on their toes that they cannot use shoes. Here at Patna they find gold in this manner: They dig deep pits in the earth, and wash the earth in large holes, and in these they find gold, building the pits round about with bricks, to prevent the earth from falling in.
   Patna is a long and large town, being formerly a separate kingdom, but is now under subjection to the great Mogor. The men are tall and slender, and have many old people among them. The houses are very simple, being made of earth and covered with straw, and the streets are very large. There is here a great trade in cotton and cotton cloth, likewise great quantities of sugar, which is carried to Bengal and India, much opium, and other commodities. He that is chief here under the king is called Tipperdas, and is held in much estimation by the people. Here in Patna I saw a dissembling prophet, who sat on a horse in the market-place, making as if he were asleep, and many of the people came and touched his feet with their hands, which they then kissed. They took him for a great man, but in my opinion he was only a lazy lubber, whom I left sleeping there. The people of these countries are much given to these dissembling hypocrites.
   From Patna I went to Tanda in the land of Gouren411, which is in the country of Bengal. This is a place of great trade in cotton and cotton cloth, formerly a kingdom, but now subject to the great Mogor. The people are great idolaters, going naked with only a cloth about their middles, and the country hath many tigers, wild buffaloes, and wild fowl. Tanda is about a league from the river Ganges, as in times past the river flowed over its banks in the rainy season, and drowned a considerable extent of country with many villages, and so it yet remains, and the old bed of the river still remains dry, by which means the city now stands at a distance from the water. From Agra I was five months coming down the Jumna and the Ganges to Bengal, but it may be sailed in much shorter time.
   I went from Bengal into the country of Couche412, which is 25 days journey north from Tanda. The king is a Gentile, named Suckel Counse. His country is very extensive, and reaches to within no great distance of Cauchin China, whence they are said to procure pepper. The port is called Cacchegate. All the country is set with bamboos or canes made sharp at both ends, and driven into the earth, and they can let in the water and drown the country above knee-deep, so that neither men nor horses can pass; and in case of any wars, they poison all the waters. The people are all Gentiles, who kill nothing, having their ears marvellously great and a span long, which they draw out by various devices when young. They have much silk and musk, and cloth made of cotton. They have hospitals for sheep, goats, dogs, cats, birds, and all kinds of living creatures, which they keep when old and lame until they die. If a man bring any living creature into this country, they will give money for it or other victuals, and either let it go at large or keep it in their hospitals. They even give food to the ants. Their small money is almonds413, which they often eat.
   From thence I returned to Hugeli, [Hoogly in Bengal] which is the place where the Portuguese have their residence in Bengal, being in lat. 23° N414. About a league from it is Satagan415, called by the Portuguese Porto Piqueno, or the little port. We went through the wilderness, because the right way was infested by robbers. In passing through the country of Gouren we found few villages, being almost all wilderness, in which were many buffaloes, wild swine, and deer, with many tigers, the grass being everywhere as tall as a man. Not far from Porto Piqueno, to the south-westwards, and in the country of Orixa, is a sea-port called Angeli416. It was formerly a separate kingdom, the king being a great friend to strangers; but was afterwards taken by the king of Patna, who did not enjoy it long, being himself conquered by the king of Delhi, Agra, and Cambaia, Zelabdim Echebar. Orissa is six days journey south-westwards from Satagan. In this place there is much, rice, and cloth made of cotton; likewise great store of cloth made of grass, which they call Yerva, resembling silk, of which they make excellent cloth, which is sent to India and other places417. To this haven of Ingelly there come many ships every year out of India, Negapatnam, Sumatra, Malacca, and many other places, and load from hence great quantities of rice, much cotton cloths, sugar and long pepper, and great store of butter and other provisions for India418. Satagan is a very fair city for one belonging to the Moors, and is very plentiful in all things. In Bengal they have every day a great market or fair, called chandeau, in one place or other, and they have many boats called pericose, with which they go from place to place to buy rice and many other things. These boats are rowed by 24 or 26 oars, and are of great burden, but are quite open. The gentiles hold the water of the Ganges in great reverence; for even if they have good water close at hand, they will send for water from the Ganges at a great distance. If they have not enough of it to drink, they will sprinkle a little of it upon themselves, thinking it very salutary.
   From Satagan I travelled by the country of the King of Tippara, or Porto Grande419. The Mogores or Mogen [Moguls] have almost continual wars with Tiperah; the Mogen of the kingdom of Recon and Rame, are stronger than the King of Tiperah, so that Cittigong or Porto Grande is often under the dominion of the king of Recon420. There is a country four days journey from Couche called Bottanter421, the principal city of which is Bottia, and the king is called Dermain. The people are tall, strong, and very swift. Many merchants come here out of China, and it is said even from Muscovy and Tartary, to purchase musk, cambals, agates, silk, pepper, and saffron, like the saffron of Persia422. This country is very great, being not less than three months journey in extent, and contains many high mountains, one of them so steep and high that it may be perfectly seen at the distance of six days journey423. There are people on these mountains having ears a span long, and they call such as have not long ears asses. They say that from these mountains they see ships sailing on the sea, but know not whence they come nor whither they go. There are merchants who come out of the east from under the sun, which is from China, having no beards, who say their country is warm; but others come from the north, on the other side of the mountains, where it is very cold. These merchants from the north are apparelled in woollen cloth and hats, with close white hose or breeches and boots, who come from Muscovy or Tartary. These report that they have excellent horses in their country, but very small; some individuals possessing four, five, or six hundred horses and cattle. These people live mostly on milk and flesh. They cut off the tails of their cows, and sell them very dear, as they are in high request in those parts. The rump is only a span long, but the hair is a yard in length. These tails are used for show, to hang upon the heads of elephants, and are much sought after in Pegu and China.
   From Chittigong in Bengal, I went to Bacola424, the king of which country is a Gentile of an excellent disposition, who is particularly fond of shooting with a gun. His country is large and fertile, having great abundance of rice, and manufactures much silk, and cloths of cotton. The houses of this city are good and well built, with large streets. The people go naked, except a cloth round their waists, and the women wear many silver hoops about their necks and arms, and rings of silver, copper, and ivory about their legs. From thence I went to Serrepore upon the Ganges, the king or rajah of which is called Chondery. They are all hereabouts in rebellion against the great Mogul, for there are so many rivers and islands that they escape from one to another, so that his horsemen cannot prevail against them. Great store of cotton cloth is made here. Sinnergan is a town six leagues from Serrepore, where the best and finest cotton cloth of all the east is made425. The chief king of all those countries is called Isa-khan, being supreme over all the other kings or rajahs, and is a great friend to the Christians. Here, as in most parts of India, the houses are very small and covered with straw, having a few mats hung round the walls and over the door-way, to keep out tigers and foxes. They live on rice, milk, and fruits, eating no flesh and killing no animals; and though many of them are very rich, their sole article of dress is a small cloth before them. From hence they send great quantities of cotton cloths and much rice, all over India, Pegu, Malacca, Sumatra, and other places.
   I went from Serrepore the 28th of November 1586 for Pegu, in a small ship or foist, commanded by one Albert Caravallos, and sailing down the Ganges, we passed by the island of Sundiva, Porto grande, or Chittigong, in the country of Tiperah, and the kingdom of Recon and Mogen426, leaving all on our left hand, our course being south by east, with the wind at north-west, which brought us to the bar of Negrais in Pegu. Had we met with a foul wind, we must have thrown many things overboard, for we were so lumbered with people and goods, even on the deck, that there was scarce a place to sit down upon. From Bengal to Pegu is 90 leagues. We entered the bar of Negrais, [at the mouth of the western branch of the river of Ava], which is an excellent bar, having four fathoms water where shallowest. Three days afterwards we came to Cosmin, a very pretty town, pleasantly situated and abounding in all things. The people are tall and well disposed; the women white, round faced, and having small eyes. The houses are high built, set upon great high posts, and they go up to them by means of ladders for fear of the tigers, which are very numerous. The country is very fertile, abounding in great figs, oranges, coconuts, and other fruits. The land is very high on the sea coast, but after getting within the bar, it is very low and much intersected with rivers, so that they go everywhere in boats, which they call paraos, in which many of them dwell with their wives and children.

   From the bar of Negrais to the city of Pegu, is ten days journey by the rivers. We went from Cosmin to Pegu in paraos or boats, and passing up the river we came to Medon, a very pretty town, having a wonderful number of paraos, for they dwell in them, and hold markets on the water. In rowing up and down with their commodities in these boats, they have a great sombrero or umbrella over their heads, to defend them from the sun, as broad and round as a great cart wheel, made of the leaves of the coco or the fig tree, which are very light. From Medon we went to Dela, where there are 18 or 20 great long houses, where they tame and keep many elephants belonging to the king, as elephants are caught in the wilderness near this place. From Dela we went to Cirian [Siriam], a good town having an excellent sea-port, to which come many ships from Mecca, Malacca, Sumatra, and other places; and there the ships discharge their cargoes, and send up their goods in paraos to Pegu. From Siriam we went to Macao, a pretty town, where we left the boats, and in the morning taking delingeges, which are a kind of couches made of cords and quilted cloth, carried on a stang, or long pole, by three or four men, we came to Pegu the same day.
   Pegu is a great strong and fair city, having walls of stone and great ditches all round about. It consists of two towns, the old and the new. In the old town dwell all the stranger merchants, and very many native merchants, and all the goods are sold in the old town, which is very large, and hath many extensive suburbs all round about it, all the houses being of bamboo canes and covered with straw. In your house, however, you have a warehouse, which they call a godown, built of bricks, in which to keep your goods, as often the city takes fire, and four or five hundred houses are burnt down, so that these godowns are very useful to save your goods. The king with all his nobility and gentry dwell in the new town, which is a great and populous city, entirely square with fair walls, and a great ditch all round about full of water, in which are many crocodiles. It has twenty gates, five on each side of the square, all built of stone. There are also many turrets for centinels, made of wood and splendidly gilded. The streets are the handsomest I ever saw, all as straight as a line from one gate to the other, and so broad that ten or twelve men may ride abreast through them. On both sides, at every door, there are palmer trees planted, which bear coco-nuts, and which make a fine shew as well as a commodious shade, so that the people may walk all day in the shade. The houses are of wood, covered with tiles.
   The palace of the king stands in the middle of this city, and is walled and ditched all round, all the houses within being of wood very sumptuously gilded, and the fore-front is of very rich workmanship, all gilded in a very costly manner. The pagoda, or house in which his idols stand, is covered with tiles of silver, and all the walls are gilt over with gold. Within the first gate of the palace is a very large court, on both sides of which are the houses for the king's elephants, which are wonderfully large and handsome, and are trained for war and for the king's service. Among the rest, he has four white elephants, which are a great rarity, no other king having any but he; and were any other king to have any, he would send for it, and if refused would go to war for it, and would rather lose a great part of his kingdom than not have the elephant. When any white elephant is brought to the king, all the merchants in the city are commanded to go and visit him, on which occasion each individual makes a present of half a ducat, which amounts to a good round sum, as there are a vast many merchants, after which present you may go and see them at your pleasure, although they stand in the king's house. Among his titles, the king takes that of king of the white elephants. They do great honour and service to these white elephants, every one of them having a house gilded with gold, and getting their food in vessels of gilt silver. Every day when they go to the river to wash, each goes under a canopy of cloth of gold or silk, carried by six or eight men, and eight or ten men go before each, playing on drums, shawms, and other instruments. When each has washed and is come out of the river, he has a gentleman to wash his feet in a silver basin, which office is appointed by the king. There is no such account made of the black elephants, be they never so great, and some of them are wonderfully large and handsome, some being nine cubits high.
   The king has a very large place, about a mile from Pegu, for catching wild elephants, in a great grove or wood, having a fair court in the middle. There are many huntsmen, who go into the wilderness with she-elephants, trained for the purpose, each huntsman having five or six which are anointed with a certain ointment to entice the wild males to follow them. When they have brought a wild elephant within their snares, the hunters send word to the town, on which many horsemen and footmen go out, and force the wild elephant to enter into a narrow way leading to the inner inclosure, and when the he and she are in, then is the gate shut upon them. They then get the female out, and when the male finds himself alone and entrapped, he cries out and sheds tears, running against the enclosure, which is made of strong trees, and some of them break their tusks in endeavouring to force their way out. The people then goad him with pointed canes, till they force him into a narrow stall, in which he is securely fastened with strong ropes about his body and legs, and is left there for three or four days without food or drink. Then they bring a female to him, with food and drink, and unbind the ropes, and he becomes tame in three or four days. When they take the elephants to war, they fix a frame of wood on their backs with great ropes, upon which sit four or six men, who fight with guns, bows and arrows, darts, and other weapons; and it is said that the elephant's hide is so thick that a musket ball will not pierce them, except in some tender place.
   The weapons of these people are very bad, their swords being short and blunt at the points. They have arquebusses also, but they shoot very badly with them. The king keeps great state, sitting in public twice every day, having all his nobles, which they call shemines, sitting on each side at a good distance, and a numerous guard on the outside of all, so that the hall, or court is very large. If any one wish to speak to the king, he maketh three profound reverences, when he enters, in the mid way, and when he comes near the king; at each of these he kneels down, holds his hands above his head, and bows with his head to the ground three times. He then sits down to speak to the king, and if favoured is allowed to come near, within three or four paces, but otherwise is made to sit at a greater distance. When the king goes to war he is accompanied by a great military force. While I was in Pegu, he went to Odia, in the kingdom of Siam, with 300,000 men and 5000 elephants. His particular guard was 30,000. When the king rides abroad, he is accompanied by a strong guard and many nobles, and often rides on an elephant having a great castle on its back superbly gilded; sometimes he travels on a great frame of wood like a horse-litter, having a small house or canopy upon it, covered over head, and open at the sides, which is all splendidly gilded with gold, and adorned with many rubies and sapphires, of which he hath an infinite store, as a vast many of them are found in this country. This couch or litter is called serrion in their language, and is carried on the shoulders of 16 or 18 men. On these occasions, there is much triumphing and shouting made before the king, by great numbers of men and women.
   This king has little force by sea, having very few ships. He has houses quite full of gold and silver, both of which are often coming in to him, but very little goes out again, so that he makes little account of it, and this vast treasury is always open to inspection, in a great walled court with two gates, which are always open to all men. In this court there are four houses very richly gilded and covered with leaden roofs, in each of which is a pagod or idol, of huge stature and vast value. In the first of these houses is the image of a king, all in gold, having a golden crown on his head richly set with large rubies and sapphires, and round about are the images of four children all in gold. In the second house is the image of a man in silver, of prodigious size, as high as a house, insomuch that the foot is as long as the stature of a man. This figure is in a sitting posture, having a crown on its head, richly adorned with precious stones. In the third house is the statue of a man in brass, still larger than the former, with a rich crown on its head. In the fourth house is another brazen statue, still larger than the former, having also a crown on its head richly adorned with jewels. In another court not far from this, there are four other pagodas or idols of wonderful size, made of copper, which were formed in the places in which they now stand, being of such enormous size that they could not be removed. These stand in four separate houses, and are gilded all over except their heads, which resemble black-a-moors. The expences of these people in gilding their images are quite enormous. The king has only one wife, but above 300 concubines, by whom he is said to have 80 or 90 children. He sits in judgment every day, on which occasion the applicants use no speech, but give up their supplications in writing, being upon long slips of the leaves of a tree, a yard long and about two inches broad, written with a pointed iron or stile like a bodkin. He who gives in his application, stands at some distance carrying a present. If his application is to be complied with, his present is accepted and his request granted; but if his suit be denied he returns home with his present.
   There are few commodities in India which serve for trade at Pegu, except opium of Cambaia, painted cottons from San Thome or Masulipatam, and white cloth of Bengal, vast quantities of which are sold here. They bring likewise much cotton yarn, dyed red with a root called saia, which never loses its colour, a great quantity of which is sold yearly in Pegu at a good profit. The ships from Bengal, San Thome, and Masulipatam, come to the bar of Negrais and to Cosmin. To Martaban, another sea-port in the kingdom of Pegu, many ships come from Malacca, with sandal-wood, porcelains, and other wares of China, camphor of Borneo, and pepper from Acheen in the island of Sumatra. To Siriam, likewise a port of Pegu, ships come from Mecca with woollen cloth, scarlet, velvets, opium, and other goods.
   In Pegu there are eight brokers called tareghe, which are bound to sell your goods at the prices they are worth, receiving as their fee two in the hundred, for which they are bound to make good the price, because you sell your goods on their word. If the broker do not pay you on the day appointed, you may take him home to your house and keep him there, which is a great shame for him. And, if he do not now pay you immediately, you may take his wife, children, and slaves, and bind them at your door in the sun; for such is the law of the country. Their current money is of brass, which they call ganza, with which you may buy gold, silver, rubies, musk, and all other things. Gold and silver is reckoned merchandise, and is worth sometimes more and sometimes less, like all other wares, according to the supply and demand. The ganza or brass money goes by weight, which they call a biza; and commonly this biza is worth, in our way of reckoning, about half a crown or somewhat less. The merchandises in Pegu are, gold, silver, rubies, sapphires, spinels, musk, benzoin, frankincense, long pepper, tin, lead, copper, lacca, of which hard sealing-wax is made, rice, wine made of rice, [aruck], and some sugar. The elephants eat sugar canes in great quantities, or otherwise they might make abundance of sugar.
   They consume many canes likewise427, in making their varellas or idol temples, of which there are a prodigious multitude, both large and small. These are made round like a sugar loaf, some being as high as a church, and very broad beneath, some being a quarter of a mile in compass. Within these are all of earth, faced round with stone. In these varellas they consume a vast quantity of gold, as they are all gilded aloft, and some from top to bottom; and they must be newly gilded every ten or twelve years, because the rain washes off the gold, as they all stand exposed to the weather. Were it not for the prodigious quantities of gold consumed in this manner, it would be very plentiful and cheap in Pegu. About two days journey from Pegu there is a varella or pagoda called dogonne, of wonderful bigness, gilded all over from top to bottom, to which the inhabitants of Pegu go in pilgrimage; and near it is a house where their talapoins or priests preach to the people. This house is fifty five paces long, and hath three pawnes or covered walks in it, the roof being supported by forty great gilded pillars, which stand between the walks. It is open on all sides, having a vast number of small gilded pillars, and the whole is gilded both within and without. Round about this there are many fair houses for the pilgrims to dwell in, and many goodly houses in which the talapoins preach, which are all full of idols or images, both male and female, all gilded with gold. This, in my opinion, is the fairest place in the world. It stands very high, having four roads leading to it, all planted on each side with fruit-trees, so that the people walk in the shade in all these avenues, which are each above two miles long. When the grand festival of this varella approaches, one can hardly pass any way, on account of the great throngs of people, both by land and water, as they flock from all parts of the kingdom of Pegu to be present at the festival.
   In Pegu, there are many priests or talapoins, as they are called, who preach against all abuses, and many people resort to hear them. When they enter into the kiack, that is to say the holy place or temple, there is a great jar of water at the door, having a cock or ladle, and there they wash their feet. They then walk in, and lift their hands to their heads, first to the preacher, and then to the sun, after which they sit down. The talapoins are strangely apparelled, having a brown cambaline or thin cloth next their body, above which is another of yellow many times doubled or folded over their shoulders, and these two are girded round them by a broad girdle. They have a skin of leather hung by a string round their necks, on which they sit, bare headed and bare footed, as they wear no shoes. Their right arms are all bare, and they carry a large sombrero or umbrella over their heads, which protects them from the sun in summer, and from the rain in winter.
   Before taking their orders, the talapoins go to school till, twenty years old or more, and then go before a head talapoin appointed for the purpose, called a rowli, who is the most learned of the order, who examines them many times, whether they will leave their friends, foregoing the company of women, and assume the habit of a talapoin. If any one be content, he is made to ride through the streets on a horse, very richly apparelled, accompanied by many drums and trumpets, to shew that he is about to quit the riches and vanity of the world. A few days afterwards, he is again carried through the streets, on a thing like a horse litter, called serion, mounted on the shoulders of ten or twelve men, and dressed in the habit of a talapoin, preceded by drums and instruments of music, and accompanied by many talapoins and all his friends. He is thus carried to his house without side of the town, and is there left.
   Every individual talapoin has his own house, which is very small, set upon six or eight posts, and to which they have to go up by a ladder of twelve or fourteen staves. Their houses are mostly by the road sides, and among the trees in the woods. They go about, having a great pot of wood or fine earthen ware covered, and hung by a broad belt from their shoulder, with which they beg their victuals, being rice, fish, and herbs. They never ask any thing, but come to the doors, when the people presently give them, some one thing and some another, all of which they put into their pot, saying they must feed on their alms and be contented. Their festivals are regulated by the moon, their chiefest being at the new moon, when the people send rice and other things to the kiack or church which they frequent, where all the talapoins belonging to it meet and eat the victuals that are sent. When the talapoins preach, many of their hearers carry gifts to them in the pulpit, while preaching, a person sitting beside the preacher to receive these gifts, which are divided between them. So far as I could see, they have no other ceremonials or religious service, except preaching.
   From Pegu I went to Jamahey, in the country of the Langeiannes, whom we call Jangomes, which is twenty-five days journey north from Pegu428, in which journey I passed through many fertile and pleasant countries, the whole being low land, with many fine rivers; but the houses are mean and bad, being built of canes and covered with straw. This country has great numbers of wild elephants and buffaloes. Jamahey is a large handsome town, well peopled, and the houses are well built of stone, with broad streets. The men are strong and well made, having a cloth about their middles, bareheaded and with bare feet, as in all these countries they wear no shoes. The women are much fairer than those of Pegu. In all these countries they have no wheat, living entirely on rice, which they make into cakes. To Jamahey there come many merchants out of China, bringing great store of musk, gold, silver, and many Chinese manufactures. They have here such great abundance of provisions, that they do not take the trouble to milk the buffaloes as they do in other places. Here there is great abundance of copper and benzoin.
   In these countries, when people are sick, they make a vow to offer meat to the devil in case of recovery; and when they recover, they make a banquet, with many pipes and drums and other musical instruments, dancing all night, and their friends bring gifts of coco-nuts, figs, arecas, and other fruits, and with much dancing and rejoicing they offer these to the devil, giving him to eat, and then drive him out. While dancing and playing, they often cry and hallow aloud, to drive the devil away. While sick, a talapoin or two sit every night by the sick person, continually singing, to please the devil, that he may not hurt them. When any one dies, he is carried on a great frame of wood like a tower, having a covering or canopy made of canes all gilded, which is carried by fourteen or sixteen men, preceded by drums, pipes, and other instruments, and being taken to a place out of the town, the body is there burned. On this occasion, the body is accompanied by all the male friends, relations, and neighbours of the deceased; and they give the talapoins or priests many mats and much cloth. They then return to the house, where they feast for two days. After this, the widow, with all her neighbours wives, and female friends, goes to the place where her husband was burnt, where they sit a certain time lamenting, and then gather up all the pieces of bones which have not been burnt to ashes, which they bury; they then return home, and thus make an end of mourning. On these occasions, the male and female relations shave their heads, which is only done for the death of a friend, as they greatly esteem their hair.
   Caplan, the place where the rubies, sapphires and spinels are found, is six days journey from Ava in the kingdom of Pegu. There are here many great hills out of which they are dug, but no person is allowed to go to the pits, except those employed in digging. In Pegu, and in all the countries of Ava, Langeiannes, Siam, and of the Birmans, the men wear little round balls in their privities, some having two and some three, being put in below the skin, which is cut for that purpose, one on one side and another on the other, which they do when 25 or 30 years of age. These were devised that they might not abuse the male sex, to which shocking vice they were formerly much addicted. It was also ordained, that the women should not have more than three cubits of cloth in their under garments, which likewise are open before, and so tight, that when they walk they shew the leg bare above the knee.
   The bramas, or birmans of the kings country, for the king is a birman, have their legs or bellies, or some other part of their body according to their fancy made black by pricking the skin, and rubbing in anile or indigo, or some other black powder, which continues ever after; and this is considered as a great honour, none being allowed to do this but the birmans who are of kin to the king. Those people wear no beards, but pull out the hair from their faces with small pincers made for the purpose. Some leave 16 or 20 hairs growing together, some on one part of the face and some on another, and pull out all the rest; every man carrying his pincers with him, and pulling out the hairs as fast as they appear. If they see a man with a beard they wonder at him. Both men and women have their teeth black; for they say a dog has white teeth, and therefore they have theirs black. When the Peguers have a law-suit that is difficult to determine, they place two long canes upright in the water where it is very deep, and both parties go into the water beside the poles, having men present to judge them; they both dive, and he who remains longest under water gains his suit.
   The 10th of January, I went from Pegu to Malacca, passing many of the sea-ports of Pegu, as Martaban, the island of Tavi whence all India is supplied with tin, Tanaserim, the island of Junkselon, and many others. I came on the 8th of February to Malacca, where the Portuguese have a castle near the sea. The country without the town belongs to the Malays, who are a proud kind of people, going naked with a cloth about their waists, and a small roll of cloth round their heads. To this place come many ships from China, the Moluccas, Banda, Timor, and many other islands of the Javas, bringing great store of spices, drugs, diamonds, and other precious stones. The voyages to many of these islands belong to the captain of Malacca, so that no one can go there without his licence, by which he draws large sums of money every year. The Portuguese at Malacca are often at war with the king of Acheen in the island of Sumatra; from whence comes great store of pepper and other spices yearly to Pegu, Mecca, and other places.
   When the Portuguese go from Macao in China to Japan, they carry much white silk, gold, musk, and porcelain, and bring from thence nothing but silver. A great carak goes on this voyage every year, and brings from thence about 600,000 crusadoes: and all this silver of Japan, and 200,000 more which they bring yearly from India, they employ to great advantage in China, whence they bring gold, musk, silk, copper, porcelains, and many very costly articles richly gilded. When the Portuguese go to Canton in China to trade, they are only permitted to remain there a certain number of days. When they enter the gates of the city, they have to set down their names in a book, and when they go out at night must put out their names, as they are not allowed to remain in the town all night, but must sleep in their boats. When their time of stay is expired, if any one remain, he is liable to be imprisoned and very ill used, as the Chinese are very suspicious and do not trust strangers; and it is even thought that the king of China does not know of any strangers being admitted into his dominions. It is likewise credibly reported, that the people of China see their king very seldom, or not at all, and may not even look up to the place where he sits. When he goes abroad, he is carried in a great chair or serion, splendidly gilded, on which is made a small house with a lattice to look through, so that he cannot be seen but may see about him. While he is passing, all the people kneel with their faces to the ground, holding their hands over their heads, and must not look up till he is past.
   In China, when in mourning, the people wear white thread shoes and straw hats. A man mourns two years for his wife, the wife three years for her husband, the son a year for his father, and two years for his mother. During the whole time of mourning the dead body is kept in the house, the bowels being taken out, filled with chaunam or lime, and put into a coffin. When the time expires, it is carried out with much playing and piping, and burned. After this they pull off their mourning weeds, and may marry again when they please. All the people of China, Japan, and Cochin-china, write downwards, from the top of the page to the bottom using a fine pencil made of dogs or cats hair.
   Laban is an island among the Javas, whence come the diamonds of the new water. They are there found in the rivers, as the king will not allow them to be dug for in the rock. Jamba is another island among the Javas, from whence also diamonds are brought. In this island the king has a mass of earth growing in the middle of the river, which is gold; and when he is in want of gold, they cut part of this earth and melt it, whereof cometh gold. This mass of earth is only to be seen once a year, in the month of April, when the water is low. Bima is another island among the Javas, where the women labour as our men do in England, and the men keep the house or go where they will429.
   The 28th of March 1588, I returned from Malacca to Martaban, and thence to Pegu, where I remained the second time till the 17th of September, and then went to Cosmin where I took shipping; and escaping many dangers from contrary winds, it pleased God that we arrived in Bengal in November. I had to remain there, for want of a passage, till the 3d February 1589, when I embarked for Cochin. In this voyage we suffered great hardships for want of water; for the weather was very hot, and we were many on board, merchants and passengers, and we had many calms. It pleased God that we arrived in Ceylon on the 6th of March, where we staid five days, to furnish ourselves with water and necessary provisions.
   Ceylon is a beautiful and fertile island, yet by reason of continual wars with the king, every thing is very dear, as he will not suffer any thing to be brought to the castle belonging to the Portuguese, so that they are often in great want of victuals, and they are forced to bring their provisions every year from Bengal. The king is called rajah and is very powerful, for he comes sometimes against Columbo, where the Portuguese have their fort, with 100,000 men and many elephants. But they are all naked people, though many of them are excellent marksmen with their muskets. When the king talks with any man, he stands on one leg, setting the other foot on his knee, with his sword in his hand; as, according to their customs the king never sits. He is dressed in a fine painted cotton cloth wrapped about his middle; his hair long and bound about his head with a small fine cloth, and all the rest of his body naked. His guard is a thousand men, which stand round about him. They are all Chingalese, who are said to be the best kind of the Malabars. They have very large ears, as the larger they are the more honourable they are esteemed, some being a span long. They burn the wood of the cinnamon tree, which gives a pleasant scent. In this island there is great store of rubies, sapphires, and spinels of the best kind, but the king will not allow the inhabitants to dig for them, lest they should tempt his enemies to make war upon him and deprive him of his dominions. There are no horses in this country, but many elephants, which are not so large as those of Pegu, which are of prodigious size; yet it is said all other elephants are afraid of those of Ceylon, and refuse to fight them, though small. The women of this island wear a cloth round their middles, reaching only to the knees, all the rest of their bodies being bare. Both men and women are black and very little. Their houses are small, being constructed of the branches of the palmer or coco tree, and covered with the leaves of the same tree.
   The 11th of March we departed from Ceylon and doubled Cape Comorin. Not far from thence, between Ceylon and the main-land of India at Negapatnam, they fish for pearls every year, whence all India, Cambaya, and Bengal are supplied. But these pearls are not so orient [are not so round or of so fine a water] as those of Bahrain in the gulph of Persia. From Cape Comorin we went to Coulan, a fort of the Portuguese, whence comes great store of pepper for Portugal, as frequently one of the caraks is laden here. We arrived at Cochin on the 22d of March, where we found the weather very warm, and a great scarcity of provisions, as neither corn nor rice grows here, having mostly to be supplied from Bengal. They have here very bad water, as the river is far off; and by this bad water many of the people are like lepers, and many have their legs swollen as big as a mans waist, so that they can hardly walk. The people here are Malabars, of the race of the Nairs of Calicut, who differ much from the other Malabars. These have their heads very full of hair, bound up with a string, above which is a great bush of hair. The men are tall and strong, and excellent archers, using a long bow and long arrows, which are their best weapons; yet they have some fire-arms among them, which they handle very badly.
   In this country pepper grows, being trained up a tree or pole. It is like our ivy berry, but something longer, like an ear of wheat. At first the bunches are green, but as they become ripe they are cut off and dried. The leaf is much smaller and thinner than that of ivy. The houses of the inhabitants are very small, and are covered with the leaves of the coco-tree. The men are of moderate stature, but the women very little; all black, with a cloth about their middles, hanging down to their hams, all the rest of their bodies being naked. They have horribly great ears, with many rings set with pearls and other stones. All the pepper sold in Calicut, and the coarse cinnamon [cassia] grow in this country. The best cinnamon comes from Ceylon, and is peeled from fine young trees. They have here many palmers, or coco-nut trees, which is their chief food, as it yields both meat and drink, together with many other useful things, as I said formerly.
   The nairs belonging to the Samorin or king of Calicut, which are Malabars, are always at war with the Portuguese, though their sovereign be at peace with them; but his people go to sea to rob and plunder. Their chief captain is called Cogi Alli, who hath three castles under his authority. When the Portuguese complain to the Samorin, he pretends that he does not send them out, but he certainly consents to their going. They range all along the coast from Ceylon to Goa, and go in parties of four or five paraos or boats together, in each of which are fifty or sixty men, who immediately board every vessel they come up with, doing much harm on that coast, and every year take many foists and barks belonging to the Portuguese. Besides the nairs, many of the people in these paraos are Moors. The dominions of the Samorin begin twelve leagues from Cochin and reach to near Goa.
   I remained in Cochin eight months, till the 2d of November, not being able to procure a passage in all that time; whereas if I had arrived two days sooner I should have got a passage immediately. From Cochin I went to Goa, which is an hundred leagues; and after remaining three days I went to Chaul, sixty leagues from Goa. I remained twenty-three days at Chaul, making all necessary preparations for the prosecution of my voyage. I then sailed for Ormus, four hundred leagues from Goa, where I had to wait fifty days for a passage to Basora.
   From Basora I went up the Euphrates and Tigris to Babylon or Bagdat, being drawn up most of the way by the strength of men, hauling by a long rope. From Bagdat I went by land to Mosul, which stands near the scite of the ancient Nineveh, which is all ruinated and destroyed. From Mosul I travelled to Merdin in Armenia, where a people called Cordies or Curds now dwell. I went thence to Orfa, a fair town having a fair fountain full of fish, where the Mahometans hold many opinions, and practice many ceremonies in reference to Abraham, who they allege once dwelt there. From thence I went to Bir, where I crossed the Euphrates, and continued my journey to Aleppo; whence, after staying some months for a caravan, I went to Tripolis in Syria. Finding an English ship there, I had a prosperous voyage to London, where by the blessing of God I arrived safe on the 29th of April 1591, having been eight years absent from my native country.
   *****
   Before ending this my book, I have thought right to declare some things which are produced in India and the countries farther east430.
   Pepper grows in many parts of India, especially about Cochin; much of it growing wild in the fields among the bushes without cultivation, and is gathered when ripe. When first gathered it is green, but becomes black by drying in the sun. Ginger is found in many parts of India, growing like our garlic, the root being the ginger. Cloves come from the Molucca islands, the tree resembling our bay. Nutmegs and mace grow together on the same tree, and come from the island of Banda, the tree being like our walnut-tree, but smaller. White sandal wood comes from the island of Timor. It is very sweet scented, and is in great request among the natives of India, who grind it up with a little water, and then anoint their bodies with it, as a grateful perfume. Camphor is esteemed very precious among the Indians, and is sold dearer than gold, so that I think none of it comes to Christendom. That which is compounded comes from China: But the best, which grows in canes, comes from the great island of Borneo.
   Lignuo aloes are from Cochin China. Benjamin, or Benzoin, comes from Siam and Jangomes431. Long pepper grows in Bengal, Pegu, and the Javas. Musk comes from Tartary432, Amber433 is supposed by most to come out of the sea, as it is all found on the shore.
   Rubies, sapphires and spinels are found in Pegu. Diamonds are found in several places, as in Bisnagur, Agra, Delhi, and the Javan islands. The best pearls come from the isle of Bahrein in the gulf of Persia; and an inferior sort from the fisheries near Ceylon, and from Ainan, a large island off the southern coast of China. Spodium and many other drugs come from Cambaia or Gujrat, commonly called Guzerat.
 

SECTION III. Supplement to the Journey of Fitch434
   INTRODUCTION.
   In Hakluyt's collection, p. 235-376, are given letters from queen Elizabeth to Akbar Shah, Mogul emperor of Hindostan, called there Zelabdim Echebar, king of Cambaia, and to the king or emperor of China, dated 1583. These are merely complimentary, and for the purpose of recommending John Newbery and his company to the protection and favour of these eastern sovereigns, in case of visiting their dominions; and need not therefore be inserted in this place. The following articles however, are of a different description, consisting of several letters from John Newbery and Ralph Fitch to different friends in England; and of an extract from the work of John Huighen Van Linschoten, who was in Goa in December 1583, upon their arrival at that emporium of the Portuguese trade in India, affording a full confirmation of the authenticity of the expedition thus far. –E.
 
   No. 1.-Letter from Mr John Newbery to Mr Richard Hakluyt of Oxford, author of the Voyages, &c.
   Right well beloved, and my assured good friend, I heartily commend me unto you, hoping that you are in good health, &c. After we set sail from Gravesend on the 13th of February, we remained on our coast till the 11th of March, when we sailed from Falmouth, and never anchored till our arrival in the road of Tripoli in Syria, on the 30th of April. After staying fourteen days there, we came to this place, Aleppo, on the 20th of this present month of May, where we have now been eight days, and in five or six days, with Gods help, we go from hence towards the Indies. Since my arrival at Tripoli, I have made diligent inquiry, both there and here, for the book of Cosmography of Abulfeda Ismael, but cannot hear of it. Some say that it may possibly be had in Persia; but I shall not fail to make inquiry for it both in Babylon and Balsara [Bagdat and Basora], and if I can find it in either of these places, shall send it you from thence. The letter which you gave me to copy out, which came from Mr Thomas Stevens in Goa, as also the note you gave me of Francis Fernandez the Portuguese, I brought away with me inadvertantly among other writings; both of which I now return you inclosed.
   Great preparations are making here for the wars in Persia; and already is gone from hence the pacha of a town called Rahemet, and shortly after the pachas of Tripoli and Damascus are to follow; but they have not in all above 6000 men. They go to a town called Asmerome [Erzerum], three days journey from Trebesond, where they are to meet with sundry captains and soldiers from Constantinople and other places, to go altogether into Persia. This year many men go for these wars, as has been the case every year since they began, now about eight years, but very few return again; although they have had the advantage over the Persians, and have won several castles and strong holds in that country.
   Make my hearty commendations to Mr Peter Guillame, Mr Philip Jones, Mr Walter Warner, and all the rest of our friends. Mr Fitch sends his hearty commendations; and so I commit you to the tuition of Almighty God, whom I pray to bless and keep you, and send us a joyful meeting.
   From Aleppo, the 28th of May 1583.
   Your loving friend to command in all that I may,
   JOHN NEWBERY.
 
   No. 2.-Letter from Mr John Newbery to Mr Leonard Poore of London.
   My last was sent you on the 25th of February last from Deal out of the Downs, after which, in consequence, of contrary winds, we remained on the coast of England till the 11th March, when we sailed from Falmouth. The 13th the wind came contrary with a great storm, by which some of our goods were wet; but, God be thanked, no great hurt was done. After this, we sailed with a fair wind within the Straits, continuing our voyage and anchoring no where till the 30th of April, when we arrived in the road of Tripoli in Syria, which was a good passage, God make us thankful for it. We left Tripoli on the 14th of this month of May, and arrived here at Aleppo on the 20th; and with Gods help we begin our voyage to-morrow for Bagdat and Basora, and so to India.
   Our friend Mr Barret, commendeth him to you, and sent you a ball [bale?] of nutmegs in the Emanuel, for the small trifles you sent him, which I hope you have long since received. He has also by his letter informed you how he sold these things, whereof I say nothing, neither having seen the account nor demanded it; for, ever since our coming hither, he has been constantly occupied about the dispatch of the ship and about our voyage, and I likewise in purchasing things here to carry to Basora and India. We have bought coral to the value of 1200 ducats, amber for 400, and some soap and broken glass and other small matters, which I hope will serve well for the places we are going to. All the rest of the account of the bark Reinolds was sent home in the Emanuel, which amounted to 3600 ducats, being L.200 more than they were rated; as Mr Staper rated them at L.1100, and it is L.1300; so that our part is L.200, besides such profit as it shall please God to send thereof; wherefore you would do well to speak to Mr Staper for the account.
   If you could resolve to travel for three or four years, I would advise you to come here, or to go to Cairo, if any go there. For we doubt not, if you were to remain here three or four months, you would like the place so well, that I think you would not desire to return in less than three or four years; as, were it my chance to remain in any place out of England, I would choose this before all other that I know. My reason is, that the place is healthful and pleasant, and the profits good; and doubtless the profits will be better hereafter, things being carried on in an orderly manner. In every ship, the fourth part of her cargo should come in money, which would help to put off the rest of our commodities at a good price. It were also proper that two good ships should come together, for mutual assistance, in which case the danger of the voyage would be as little as from London to Antwerp.
   Mr Giles Porter and Mr Edmund Porter went from Tripoli in a small bark to Jaffa, the same day that we came from thence, which was the 14th of this month of May, so that I have no doubt they are long since in Jerusalem. God send them and us a safe return. At this instant, I have received the account from Mr Barret, and the rest of the rings, with 22 ducats and 2 medins in ready money; so there remaineth nothing in his hands but a few books, and I left certain small trifles with Thomas Bostocke, which I pray you to demand.
   From Aleppo, the 29th May 1583.
 
   No. 3.-Letter from Mr John Newbery to the same.
   My last was of the 29th May from Aleppo, sent by George Gill, purser of the Tiger. We left that place on the 31st, and came to Feluchia, which is one days journey from Babylon [Bagdat], on the 19th of June. Yet some of our company came not hither till the 30th of June, for want of camels to carry our goods; for by reason of the great heats at this time of the year, camels are very hard to be got. Since our coming here we have found very scanty sales, but are told our commodities will sell well in winter, which I pray God may be the case. I think cloth, kersies, and tin have never been here so low as now. Yet, if I had here as much ready money as our goods are worth, I would not doubt to make a very good profit of the voyage here and at Basora, and as it is, with Gods help, there will be reasonable profit made of the adventure. But, with half money and half commodities, the best sort of spices and other merchandise from India, may be bought at reasonable rates, while without money there is very little to be done here at this time to purpose. Two days hence, God willing, I purpose going from hence to Basora, and from thence I must necessarily go to Ormus, for want of a man who speaks the Indian tongue. While at Aleppo, I hired two Nazarenes, one of whom has been twice in India, and speaks the language well; but he is a very lewd fellow, wherefore I will not take him with me.
   The following are the prices of wares, as they are worth here at present: Cloves and mace the bateman, 5 ducats; cinnamon, 6 ducats, and very little to be had; ginger, 40 medins; pepper, 75 medins; turbetta435, 50 medins; neel [or indigo], the churle 70 ducats: the churle is 27-1/2 rotils of Aleppo; silk, much better than that which comes from Persia, 11-1/2 ducats the bateman, each bateman being 7 pounds 5 ounces English.
   From Bagdat this 20th July 1583.
 
   No. 4.-Letter from, John Newbery to Messrs John Eldred and William Scales at Basora.
   Time will not permit to give you an account of my voyage after my departure from you. But on the 4th day of this present September, we arrived here at Ormus; and the 10th day I and the rest were committed to prison. The middle of next month, or thereabout, the captain proposes sending us all in his ship to Goa. The cause for which we have been imprisoned is said to be, because we brought letters from Don Antonio: But the truth is, Michael Stropene is the only cause, through letters written to him by his brother from Aleppo. God knows how we may be dealt with at Goa; and therefore, if you our masters can procure that the king of Spain may send his letters for our release, you would do us great good, for they cannot with any justice put us to death, though it may be that they will cut our throats, or keep us long in prison. Gods will be done.
   All the commodities I brought to this place had been well sold, if this trouble had not come upon us. You shall do well to send a messenger in all speed by land from Basora to Aleppo, to give notice of this mischance, even though it may cost 30 or 40 crowns, that we may be the sooner released, and I shall thereby be the better able to recover again what is now like to be lost.
   From prison in Ormus, this 21st September 1583.
 
   No. 5.-Letter Mr J. Newbery to Messrs Eldred and Scales.
   The bark of the Jews is arrived here two days ago, by which I am sure you wrote; but your letters are not likely to come to my hands. The bringer of this hath shewed me very great courtesy, for which I pray you to shew him what favour you can. About the middle of next month, I think we shall depart from hence: God be our guide. I think Andrew will go by land to Aleppo; and I pray you to further him what you may: But, if he should not go, then I pray you to dispatch a messenger in all speed. I can say no more, but beg you to do for me what I should do for you in the like case.
   From prison in Ormus, the 24th September 1583.
 
   No. 6.-Letter from Mr Newbery to Mr Leonard Poore.
   My last from Ormus certified you what had happened to me there, with the rest of my company; as in four days after our arrival we were all committed to prison, except one Italian, who came with me from Aleppo, whom the captain never examined, except asking what countryman he was; but I believe Michael Stropene, who accused us, had informed the captain of him. The first day of our arrival at Ormus, this Stropene accused us of being spies for Don Antonio, besides diverse other lies; yet if we had been of any other country than England, we might freely have traded with them. Although we be Englishmen, I know no reason why we may not as well trade from place to place as the natives of other countries; for all nations may and do come freely to Ormus, as Frenchmen, Flemings, Germans, Hungarians, Italians, Greeks, Armenians, Nazarenes, Turks, Moors, Jews, and Gentiles, Persians, and Muscovites. In short, there is no nation they seek to trouble, but only ours; wherefore it were contrary to all justice and reason that they should suffer all nations to trade with them, and forbid us. Now indeed I have as great liberty as those of any other nation, except it be to leave the country, which as yet I desire not. But hereafter, and I think ere long, if I shall be desirous to go from hence, that they will not refuse me licence. Before we were suffered to come out of prison, I was forced to put in sureties for 2000 pardaos, not to depart from hence without licence of the viceroy; and except this, we have now as much liberty as any one, for I have got back our goods, and have taken a house in the chiefest street called the Rue drette, where we sell our goods.
   There were two causes which moved the captain of Ormus to imprison us, and afterwards to send us to Goa. The first was because Michael Stropene had most falsely accused us of many matters. The other was, because when Mr Drake was at the Molucca islands, he caused two pieces of cannon to be fired at a Portuguese galeon belonging to the king, at least so they allege. But of these things I did not know when at Ormus. In the same ship which brought us to Goa, came the chief justice of Ormus, called the veedor general of that place, who had been there three years, so that his time was expired. This veedor is a great friend to the captain of Ormus, and sent for me into his chamber, one day after coming here to Goa, and began to demand many things at me, to which I made answers. Among other things, he said that Mr Drake had been sent out of England with many ships, and had gone to Molucca where he loaded cloves, and finding a Portuguese galeon there belonging to the king, had shot two pieces of his great ordnance against her. Perceiving this grieved them much, I asked if they meant to be revenged on me for what had been done by Mr Drake: To which he answered no; though his meaning was yes.
   He said moreover, that the captain of Ormus had sent me to Goa, that the viceroy might learn the news from me respecting Don Antonio, and whether he were in England or not; and that it might possibly be all for the best my being sent hither; which I trust in God may so fall out, though contrary to his expectation and intention: For, if it had not pleased God to influence the minds of the archbishop, and two padres or Jesuits of the college of St Paul, to stand our friends, we might have rotted in prison. The archbishop is a very good man, who has two young men in his service, one called Bernard Borgers born in Hamburgh, and the other named John Linscot436, a native of Enkhuysen, who did us especial service; for by them the archbishop was often reminded of our case. The two good fathers who laboured so much for us were padre Mark, a native of Bruges in Flanders, and padre Thomas Stevens437, born in Wiltshire in England. I chanced likewise to fall in with here a young man, Francis de Rea, who was born in Antwerp, but was mostly brought up in London, with whom I became acquainted in Aleppo, who also has done me much service.
   We remained many days in prison at Ormus, and were a long while at sea coming hither. Immediately on our arrival at this place we were sent to prison, whence next day we were brought before the chief justice or veedor, to be examined, after which we were remanded to prison. When we had been thirteen days in prison, James Storie, the painter who accompanied us, went into the monastery of St Paul, where he remains, being made one of the company, which life he seems to like438. Upon St Thomas day, 12th December, 22 days after our arrival here, I was liberated from prison, and the next day Ralph Fitch and William Bets439 came out.
   If these troubles had not occurred, I think I was in a fair way of making as good a voyage as was ever made with such a sum of money. Many of our things I sold very well, both here and at Ormus while in prison, although the captain of Ormus wished me to have sold all I had before I embarked; so, by his permission, I went sundry times from the castle in the mornings, accompanied by officers, and sold things, and returned again at night to prison. They wrote down every thing that I sold; and at my embarking, the captain directed me to deliver all my money and goods into the hands of the scrivano or purser of the ship, which I did, and the scrivano left an acknowledgement with the captain, that myself with the money and goods should be delivered up to the veedor general in India. But on our arrival here, the veedor would not meddle with either money or goods, seeing that no crime was substantiated against us: Wherefore the goods remained in the ship nine or ten days after our arrival; and then, as the ship was to sail from thence, the scrivano sent the goods on shore, where they remained a day and a night without any one to receive them. In the end, they permitted the bearer of this letter to receive them, who put them into a house which he hired for me, in which they remained four or five days. When afterwards they ought to have delivered the money, it was ordered by the veedor, that both the money and goods should be given into the custody of the positor, where they remained for fourteen days after I was liberated from prison.
   When in Aleppo, I bought a fountain of silver gilt, six knives, six spoons, and one fork, all trimmed with coral, for 25 chekins, which the captain of Ormus took to himself and only paid 20 pardaos, or 100 larines, though they were worth there or here at Goa 100 chekins. Also he had five emeralds set in gold, worth five or six hundred crowns, for which he only paid 100 pardaos. He likewise took 19-1/2 pikes of cloth, which cost 20 shillings the pike at London, and was worth 9 or 10 crowns the pike at Ormus, for which he only paid 12 larines. He also had two pieces of green kersie, worth 24 pardaos each; besides divers other more trifling articles which he and the officers took at similar inferior prices, and some for nothing at all. But the real cause of all was Michal Stropene, who came to Ormus without a penny, and is now worth thirty or forty thousand crowns, and is grieved that any stranger should trade there but himself. But that shall not avail him; for I trust yet to go both hither and thither, and to buy and sell as freely as he or any other.
   There is a great deal of good to be done here in divers of our commodities; and likewise there is much profit to be made with the commodities of this country, when carried to Aleppo. It were long for me to write, and tedious for you to read, all the incidents which have occurred to me since we parted; but the bearer is able to inform you of every thing that has befallen me since my arrival in Ormus. It is my intention to remain here in Goa; wherefore, if you write me, you may send your letters to some friend in Lisbon, to be forwarded from thence by the India ships. Let your direction, therefore be in Portuguese or Spanish, by which they will the more readily reach me.
   From Goa, this 20th of January 1584.
 
   No, 7.-Letter from Mr Ralph Fitch to Mr Leonard Poore.
   Loving friend, &c. Since my departure from Aleppo, I have not written you, because at Bagdat I was ill of flux, and continued in all the way thence to Basora, which was twelve days journey down the Tigris, when we had extremely hot weather, bad fare, and worse lodging, all of which increased my disease; besides which our boat was pestered with people. During eight entire days I hardly eat any thing, so that if we had been two days longer on the water, I verily believe I had died. But, thanks be to God, I presently mended after coming to Basora. We remained there fourteen days, when we embarked for Ormus, where we arrived on the 5th of September, and were put in prison on the 9th of the same month, where we continued till the 11th of October, and were then shipt for this city of Goa, in the ship belonging to the captain of Ormus, with 114 horses440, and about 200 men. Passing by Diu and Chaul, at which place we landed on the 20th November, we arrived at Goa on the 29th of that month, where, for our better entertainment, we were committed to a fair strong prison, in which we continued till the 22d of December. It pleased God, that there were two padres there who befriended us, the one an Englishman named Thomas Stevens, the other a Fleming named Marco, both Jesuits of the college of St Paul. These good men sued for us to the viceroy and other officers, and stood us in such good stead as our lives and goods were worth: But for them, even if we had escaped with our lives, we must have suffered a long imprisonment.
   When we had been fourteen days in prison, they offered us leave to go at large in the town, if we would give sureties, for 2000 ducats, not to depart the country without the licence of the viceroy. Being unable to procure any such, the before mentioned friendly fathers of St Paul procured sureties for us. The Italians are much offended and displeased at our enlargement, and many wonder at our delivery. James Storie the painter has gone into the cloister of St Paul, as one of their order, and seems to like the situation. While we were in prison, both at Ormus and here, a great deal of our goods were pilfered and lost, and we have been at great charges in gifts and otherwise, so that much of our property is consumed. Of what remains, much will sell very well, and for some we will get next to nothing. The viceroy is gone to Chaul and Diu as it is said to win a castle of the Moors, and it is thought he will return about Easter; when I trust in God we shall procure our liberty, and have our sureties discharged. It will then, I think, be our best way for one or both of us to return, as our troubles have been very great, and because so much of our goods have been spoiled and lost: But if it should please God that I come to England, I will certainly return here again. It is a charming country, and extremely fruitful, having summer almost the whole year, but the most delightful season is about Christmas. The days and nights are of equal length throughout the whole year, or with very little difference; and the country produces a most wonderful abundance of fruit. After all our troubles we are fat and in good health, for victuals are plentiful and cheap. I omit to inform you of many strange things till we meet, as it would be too long to write of them. And thus I commit you to God, &c.
   From Goa in the East Indies, 25th January 1584.
 
   No. 8.-The Report of John Huighen van Linschoten, concerning the imprisonment of Newbery and Fitch; which happened while he was at Goa.
   In the month of December 1583, four Englishmen arrived at Ormus, who came by way of Aleppo in Syria, having sailed from England by the Mediterranean to Tripoli, a town and haven in Syria, where all ships discharge their wares and merchandise for Aleppo, to which they are carried by land, which is a journey of nine days. In Aleppo there reside many merchants and factors of all nations, as Italians, French, English, Armenians, Turks, and Moors, every one following his own religion, and paying tribute to the grand Turk. It. is a place of great trade, whence twice every year there go two cafilas or caravans, containing great companies of people and camels, which travel to India, Persia, Arabia, and all the adjoining countries, dealing in all kinds of merchandise both to and from these countries, as I have already declared in another part of this book.
   Three of these Englishmen were sent by the company of English who reside in Aleppo, to see if they might keep any factors at Ormus, and so traffic in that place, as the Italians do, that is the Venetians, who have their factors in Ormus, Goa, and Malacca, and trade there, both for pearls and precious stones, and for other wares and spices of these countries, which are carried thence over-land to Venice. One of these Englishmen, Mr John Newbery, had been once before in the said town of Ormus, and had there taken good information of the trade; and on his advice the others were then come hither along with him, bringing great store of merchandise; such as cloths, saffron, all kinds of drinking glasses and haberdashery wares, as looking-glasses, knives, and such like stuff; and to conclude, they brought with them every kind of small wares that can be thought of.
   Although these wares amounted to great sums of money, they were yet only as a shadow or colour, to give no occasion of mistrust or suspicion, as their principal intention was to purchase great quantities of precious stones, as diamonds, pearls, rubies, &c. to which end they brought with them a great sum of money in silver and gold, and that very secretly, that they might not be robbed of it, or run into danger on its account441. On their arrival at Ormus, they hired a shop and began to sell their wares; which being noticed by the Italians, whose factors reside there as I said before, and fearing if these Englishmen got good vent for their commodities, that they would become residents and so daily increase, which would be no small loss and hindrance to them, they presently set about to invent subtle devices to hinder them. To which end, they went immediately to the captain of Ormus, who was then Don Gonzalo de Menezes442, saying that these Englishmen were heretics come to spy the country, and that they ought to be examined and punished as enemies, for a warning to others. Being friendly to these Englishmen, as one of them had been there before and had given him presents, the captain could not be prevailed upon to injure them, but shipped them with all their wares for Goa, sending them to the viceroy, that he might examine and deal with them as he thought good.
   Upon their arrival at Goa, they were cast into prison, and were in the first place examined whether or not they were good Christians. As they could only speak very bad Portuguese, while two of them spoke good Dutch, having resided several years in the low countries, a Dutch Jesuit who was born at Bruges in Flanders, and had resided thirty years in India, was sent to them, to undermine and examine them; in which they behaved so well, that they were holden and esteemed for good and Catholic Christians; yet were they still suspected, as being strangers and Englishmen. The Jesuits told them that they would be sent prisoners into Portugal, and advised them to leave off their trade in merchandise, and to become Jesuits; promising in return to defend them from all their troubles. The cause of thus earnestly persuading them was this: The Dutch Jesuit had been secretly informed that they had great sums of money, and sought to get that for the order; as the first vow and promise made on becoming a Jesuit is, to procure and advance the welfare of the order by every possible means. Although the Englishmen refused this, saying that they were quite unfit for such matters, yet one of them, a painter, who came with the other three to see the country and seek his fortune, and was not sent by the English merchants, partly through fear, and partly from want of means to relieve himself from prison, promised to become a Jesuit. And although the fathers knew that he was not one of those who had the treasure, yet, because he was a painter, of whom there are few in India, and that they had great need of one to paint their church, which would cost them great charges to bring from Portugal, they were very glad of him, and hoped in time to get all the rest, with all their money, into their fellowship.
   To conclude, they made this painter a Jesuit, and he continued some time in their college, where they gave him plenty of work to perform, and entertained him with all the favour and friendship they could devise, all to win the rest to become their prey. But the other three remained in prison in great fear, because they did not understand any who came to them, neither did any one understand what they said. They were at last informed of certain Dutchmen who dwelt with the archbishop, and were advised to send for them, at which they greatly rejoiced, and sent for me and another Dutchman, desiring us to come and speak with them, which we presently did. With tears in their eyes, they complained to us of their hard usage, explaining to us distinctly, as is said before, the true cause of their coming to Ormus, and praying us for God's sake to help them to their liberty upon sureties, declaring themselves ready to endure whatever could be justly ordained for them, if they were found to be otherwise than they represented, or different from other travelling merchants who sought to profit by their wares.
   Promising to do our best for them, we at length prevailed on the archbishop to deliver a petition for them to the viceroy, and persuaded him to set them at liberty and restore their goods, on condition of giving security to the amount of 2000 pardaos, not to depart the country without licence. Thereupon they presently found a citizen who became their surety in 2000 pardaos, to whom they paid in hand 1300, as they said they had no more money; wherefore he gave them credit for the rest, seeing that they had great store of merchandise, through which he might at any time be satisfied, if needful. By these means they were delivered out of prison, on which they hired a house, and began to open shop; so that they sold many of their goods, and were presently well known among the merchants, as they always respected gentlemen, especially such as bought their wares, shewing them much honour and courtesy, by which they won much credit, and were beloved of all men, so that all favoured them, and were ready to shew them favour. To us they shewed great friendship, and for our sakes the archbishop favoured them much, and gave them good countenance, which they well knew how to increase by offering him many presents, although he would not receive them, as he never accepted gift or present from any person. They behaved themselves in all things so discreetly, that no one carried an evil eye or evil thought towards them. This did not please the Jesuits, as it hindered what they still wished and hoped for; so that they still ceased not to intimidate them by means of the Dutch Jesuit, intimating that they would be sent prisoners to Portugal, and counselling them to become Jesuits in the cloister of St Paul, when they would be securely defended from all troubles. The Dutchman pretended to give them this advice as a friend, and one who knew certainly that it was so determined in the viceroy's council, and that he only waited till the ship sailed for Portugal; using this and other devices to put them in fear, and so to effect their purpose.
   The Englishmen durst not say any thing to the contrary, but answered that they would remain as they were yet a little while and consider their proposal, thus putting the Jesuits in hopes of their compliance. The principal of these Englishmen, John Newbery, often complained to me, saying that he knew not what to think or say of these things, or how they might get rid of these troubles. In the end, they determined with themselves to depart from Goa; and secretly, by means of other friends, they employed their money in the purchase of precious stones, which they were the better able to effect as one of them was a jeweller, who came with them for that purpose. Having concluded on this step, they durst not make it known to any one, not even to us, although they used to consult us on all occasions and tell us every thing they knew.
   On one of the Whitson holidays, they went out to recreate themselves about three miles from Goa, in the mouth of the river, in a country called Bardez443, taking with them a supply of victuals and drink. That they might not be suspected, they left their house and shop, with same of their wares unsold, in the charge of a Dutch boy whom we had procured for them, and who remained in their house, quite ignorant of their intentions. When in Bardez, they procured a patamer, one of the Indian post-boys or messengers who carry letters from place to place, whom they hired as a guide. Between Bardez and the main-land there is only a small river, in a manner half dry, which they passed over on foot, and so travelled away by land, and were never heard of again; but it is thought they arrived in Aleppo, though no one knows: with certainty. Their great dependence is upon John Newbery, who can speak the Arabian language, which is used in all these countries, or at least understood, being as commonly known in all the east as French is with us.
   On the news of their departure being brought to Goa, there was a great stir and murmuring among the people, as all much wondered. Many were of opinion that we had counselled them to withdraw, and presently their surety seized on the remaining goods, which might amount to the value of 200 pardaos; and with that and the money he had received of the Englishmen, he went to the viceroy, and delivered it to him, the viceroy forgiving him the rest. This flight of the Englishmen grieved the Jesuits worst, as they had lost so rich a prey, which they made themselves secure of. The Dutch Jesuit came to ask us if we knew of their intentions, saying, if he had suspected as much he would have dealt differently by them, for he had once in his hands a bag of theirs, in which were 40,000 veneseanders,444, each worth two pardaos, at the time when they were in prison. But as they had always given him to believe he might accomplish his desire of getting them to profess in the Jesuit college, he had given them their money again, which otherwise they would not have come by so easily, or peradventure never. This he said openly, and in the end he called them heretics, spies, and a thousand other opprobrious names.
   When the English painter, who had become a Jesuit, heard that his countrymen were gone, and found that the Jesuits did not use him with so great favour as at first, he repented himself; and not having made any solemn vow, and being counselled to leave their house, he told them that he made no doubt of gaining a living in the city, and that they had no right to keep him against his inclination, and as they could not accuse him of any crime, he was determined not to remain with them. They used all the means they could devise to keep him in the college, but he would not stay, and, hiring a house in the city, he opened shop as a painter, where he got plenty of employment, and in the end married the daughter of a mestee, so that he laid his account to remain there as long as he lived. By this Englishman I was instructed in all the ways, trades, and voyages of the country between Aleppo, and Ormus, and of all the rules and customs observed in the overland passage, as also of all the towns and places on the route. Since the departure of these Englishmen from Goa, there have never arrived any strangers, either English or others, by land, except Italians, who are constantly engaged in the overland trade, going and coming continually.
   END OF VOLUME SEVENTH.

1

   Madagascar, between the latitudes of 12° 30' and 35° 45' S. and the longitudes of 44° and 53° W. from Greenwich, rather exceeds 1000 statute miles from N.N.W to S.S.E. and is about 220 miles in mean width from east to west. This island therefore, in a fine climate, capable of growing all the tropical productions in perfection, and excellently situated for trade, extends to about 200,000 square miles, or 128 millions of acres, yet is abandoned entirely to ignorant barbarians. –E.

2

   The north end of Madagascar, called the point of St Ignatius, is 70 miles from east to west, the eastern headland being Cape Natal or de Ambro, and the western Cape St Sebastian. –E.

3

   Cape Antongil on the east coast is probably here meant, in lat. 15° 45' S. as at this place the deep bay of Antongil or Manghabei penetrates about 70 mile inland, and the opposite coast also is deeply indented by port Massali. It is proper to mention however, that Cape St Andrew is on the west coast of Madagascar, in lat. 17° 12' S. –E.

4

   There may be numerous villages, or collections of huts, in Madagascar, and some of these may possibly be extensive and populous; but there certainly never was in that island any place that merited the name of a city. –E.

5

   More probably Ambergris thrown on their shores. –E.

6

   On this bay is a town called New Massah to distinguish it from Old Massah on the bay of Massali, somewhat more than half a degree farther north. Masialege or Meselage is a town at the bottom of the bay of Juan Mane de Cuna, about half a degree farther south. –E.

7

   They were here on the bank of Pracel, which seems alluded to in the text from the shallowness of the water; though the district named Casame in the text is not to be found in modern maps-E.

8

   Probably the island of the bay of St Andrew in 17° 30' is here meant; at any rate it must be carefully distinguished from Spiritu Santo, St Esprit, or Holy Ghost Island, one of the Comoros in lat. 15° S. –E.

9

   Perhaps those now called barren isles on the west coast, between lat. 18° 40' and 19° 12' S. The river Sadia of the text may be that now called Santiano in lat. 19° S. –E.

10

   It is singular that the large circular bay of Mansitare in lat. 19° 30' S. is not named, although probably meant by the river Mane in the text. –E.

11

   Now called Ranoumanthe, discharging its waters into the bay of St Vincents. –E.

12

   Now Port St James. –E.

13

   In lat. 23° 30' or directly under the tropic of Capricorn, is a bay now called St Augustine. If that in the text, the latitude 1s erroneous a degree and a half. –E.

14

   This is unintelligible as it stands in the text. It may possibly have been a square stone pedestal for one of the crosses of discovery, that used to be set up by the Portuguese navigators as marks of possession. –E.

15

   The text gives no indication by which even to conjecture the situation of this island, unless that being bound towards the southern part of the east coast of Madagascar, it may possibly have been either the isle of France, or that of Bourbon. –E.

16

   In strict propriety, this expression is a direct contradiction, is Kafr is an Arabic word signifying unbelievers; but having been long employed as a generic term for the natives of the eastern coast of Africa, from the Hottentots to the Moors of Zeyla exclusively, we are obliged to employ the ordinary language. –E.

17

   The xeraphin, as formerly mentioned, being 5s. 9d., this yearly revenue amounted to L.52,250 sterling. But the state of Macao, in the text, refers to what it was 150 years ago. It is still inhabited by Portuguese, and remains a useless dependence on Portugal, owing its principal support to the residence of the British factory for the greater part of the year. –E.

18

   Wherever any coincidence appears in the ceremonies and externals of the heathen worship, the zealous catholics are eager to conceive that these have been borrowed from Christianity; unconscious that their own mummeries have all been borrowed from heathen worship, and superadded to the rational purity of primitive Christianity,-E.

19

   This is evidently erroneous, as we know certainly from the travels of Marco Polo and other authorities, that Cathay was the northern part of China, once a separate kingdom. –E.

20

   In the neighbourhood of which was afterwards built the city of Batavia, the emporium at the Dutch trade in the east, now subject to Britain. –E.

21

   Probably Jambee on the N.E. side of Sumatra, in about lat. 18 20' S. to the S.E. of the straits of Cincapura. –E.

22

   Manuel de Faria rightly thought proper to close his work at this period, which was immediately followed by the expulsion of the Portuguese from Malacca and Ceylon, and many other of their Indian possessions; where, except a few inconsiderable factories, they now only hold Goa, Diu, and Macao, and even these possess very little trade, and no political importance. From their subjection to the crown of Spain, the Dutch, who had thrown off the iron yoke of the Austrian princes of Spain, revenged their own injuries upon the Portuguese in India: And in the present age, at the distance of 160 years, having themselves fallen under the heavy yoke of the modern French Caesar, they have been stripped by Britain of every foreign possession in Asia, Africa, and America.-E

23

   De Faria, III. 347-364. Both as in a great measure unconnected with the Portuguese transactions, and as not improbably derived from the worse than suspicious source of Fernand Mendez de Pinro, these very problematical occurrences have been kept by themselves, which indeed they are in de Faria. After this opinion respecting their more than doubtful authenticity, it would be a waste of labour to attempt illustrating their geographical obscurities. Indeed the geography of India beyond the Ganges, is still involved in almost impenetrable darkness, from the Bay of Bengal to the empire of China. –E.

24

   Called always the Bramas by De Faria. –E.

25

   Formerly this was attributed to the king of Siam: But the whole story of this section is so incredible and absurd as not to merit any observations. It is merely retained from De Faria, as an instance of the fables of Fernand Mendez de Pinto. –E.

26

   Rhinoceroses, which are so brutishly ferocious as in no instance to have been tamed to labour, or to have ever shewn the slightest degree of docility. Being of enormous strength, the only way of preserving them when in custody, is in a sling; so that on the first attempt to more forwards, they are immediately raised from the ground. –E.

27

   De Faria seems now to drop the fables of Fernan Mendez Pinto, and to relate real events in the remainder of this section. –E.

28

   More properly Ythia, vulgarly called Siam. –E.

29

   The oriental term Shan, probably derived from the inhabitants of Pegu; but the Siamese call themselves Tai, or freemen, and their country Meuang tai, or the country of freemen. –E.

30

   Otherwise called Junkseylon. –E.

31

   De Faria, III. 115. This is to be understood as about the year 1640, before the Dutch had begun to conquer the Portuguese possessions. They are now few and unimportant, containing only some remnant of dominion at Mozambique, with the cities of Goa and Diu in India, and Macao in China. –E.

32

   This is supplied from a former portion of the Portuguese Asia, Vol II. p. 507.

33

   Hakluyt, iv. App. pp. 547-612. Ed. Lond. 1810-11.

34

   To accommodate this curious article to our mode of arrangement, we have made a slight alteration of the nomenclature of its subdivisions; calling those in this version Sections, which in the original translation of Mr Eden are denominated chapters; and have used the farther freedom of sometimes throwing several of these chapters into one section. –E.

35

   This is a gross error, as Aleppo is above 80 English miles N.E. and island from Antioch. From the sequel it is evident that Antioch is the place meant by Vertomannus in the text, as the scales, mart, or staple of the Syrian trade. –E.

36

   The Emir Haji, or captain of the pilgrimage, which name of office is transposed in the text to Haji-emir, corrupted Agmir, and latinized Agmirus. –E.

37

   This account of the stature of the Jewish tribe cannot fail to be much exaggerated, otherwise the text must have been corrupted at this place; as we cannot well conceive of a tribe in Arabia not exceeding four feet two inches in average height. –E.

38

   This name ought probably to have been written Medinat-al-habi, and is assuredly the holy city of Medina, in which Mahomet was buried. –E.

39

   This seems to refer to some official residents of Medina, who must accompany the pilgrims in their visits to the holy places, probably for profit. –E.

40

   This word is obviously berries, and signifies coffee. –E.

41

   Counting from sunset after the manner of the Italians. –E.

42

   This must necessarily be the kingdom or province of Bengal. –E.

43

   Fine cottons or muslins are here evidently meant. –E.

44

   This is inexplicable, as Ethiopia possesses no spices, unless we may suppose the author to mean here the sea of Ethiopia or Red Sea, as the track by which spices were brought to Mecca. –E.

45

   This description is altogether unintelligible. –E.

46

   The unicorn is an unknown, or rather a fabulous animal, and the most charitable interpretation that can be made of the description in the text is, that Verthema was mistaken, or that one of the horns of some species of antelope had either been removed, or was wanting by a lusus naturae. The only real Monoceros, or one horned animal, known to naturalists, is the rhinoceros monoceros, or one-horned rhinoceros, which bears its horn on the nose, a little way above the muzzle, not on the forehead. –E.

47

   The Mare erythraeum of the ancients was of much more extended dimensions, comprising all the sea of India from Arabia on the west to Guzerat and the Concan on the east, with the coasts of Persia and Scindetic India on the north; of which sea the Red Sea and the Persian gulfs were considered branches or deep bays. –E.

48

   This word is an obvious corruption of Bab-el-Mondub, the Arabic name of the straits, formerly explained as signifying the gate or passage of lamentation. The island in question is named Prin. –E.

49

   According to the monk Picade, Christians are found in all regions except Arabia and Egypt, where they are most hated. –Eden.

50

   This is a ridiculous exaggeration, or blunder in transcription, and may more readily be limited to four thousand. –E.

51

   These terms unquestionably refer to cotton cloth. Perhaps we ought to read gossamopine of Xylon, meaning cotton cloth from Ceylon. –E.

52

   The use of this enormous quantity of cotton ropes is unintelligible. Perhaps the author only meant to express that the packs or bales on the camels were secured by such ropes. –E.

53

   From the context, this place appears to have been on that part of the oceanic coast of Arabia called the kingdom of Maskat, towards Cape Ras-al-gat and the entrance to the Persian gulf. The name seems compounded of these words Div or Diu, an island, Bander a port, and Rumi the term in the east for the Turks as successors of the Romans. It is said in the text to have been subject to the sultan of Cambaia, but was more probably tributary to the king or sultan of Ormuz. –E.

54

   In the text of Hakluyt this place is called Goa, assuredly by mistake, as it immediately afterwards appears to have been in the neighbourhood of Maskat, and in the direct voyage between Aden and Ormus, by creeping along the coast from port to port. –E.

55

   In the rambling journey of Verthema, we are often as here unable to discover the meaning of his strangely corrupted names. Chorazani or Chorassan is in the very north of Persia, at a vast distance from Ormuz, and he pays no attention to the particulars of his ten days journey which could not have been less than 400 miles. We are almost tempted to suspect the author of romancing. –E.

56

   Supposing that the place in the text may possibly mean Shiras, the author makes a wonderful skip in three days from the Euphrates to at least 230 miles distance. –E.

57

   What is named Castoreum in the text was probably musk, yet Russia castor might in those days have come along with rhubarb through Persia. –E.

58

   Of Squilaz and Saint Bragant it is impossible to make any thing, even by conjecture. –E.

59

   This name is inexplicably corrupted; and nothing more can be said of it than is contained in the text, which indeed is very vague. –E.

60

   Verthema appears at this place to make an abrupt transition to the city of Cambay, taking no farther notice of Cheo. –E.

61

   It is evident from the text that the areka nut is here meant, which is chewed along with betel leaf, called tambolos in the text, and strewed with chunam or lime made of oyster shells. –E.

62

   This ridiculous story can only be understood as an eastern metaphor, expressive of the tyrannous disposition of the sultan. –E.

63

   What sovereign of India is meant by the king of Joga we cannot ascertain, unless perhaps some Hindoo rajah in the hilly country to the north-east of Gujerat. From some parts of the account of this king and his subjects, we are apt to conceive that the relation in the text is founded on some vague account of a chief or leader of a band of Hindoo devotees. A king or chief of the Jogues. –E.

64

   There is a district on the west of Gujerat or Guzerat named Chuwal, on the river Butlass or Banass which runs into the gulf of Cutch, which may be here meant. –E.

65

   No name having the least affinity to that in the text is to be found in any modern map of India near the coast of Gujerat. It would almost appear that the author had now gone down the coast of India, and that his Chuwal and Dabuly are Chaul and Dabul on the coast of the Concan. –E.

66

   Nothing can possibly be made of this island of Goga. There is a town on the coast of Gujerat and western side of the gulf of Cambay called Gogo, but it is no island, and could not possibly be subject to the king of the Deccan; and besides Verthema is obviously now going down the western coast of India. –E.

67

   Of a Swammy or Hindoo idol. –E.

68

   Dechan, Deccan, or Dacshin, is the name of a territory or kingdom, and properly signifies southern India, or simply the south, in reference to Hindostan proper, on the north of the Nerbuddah: But Verthema almost always names the capital from the kingdom. –E.

69

   By walnuts, I suspect that coca-nuts are meant, and rendered walnuts by some mistaken translation. –E.

70

   There are no lions in India, and tigers are certainly here meant. –E.

71

   Bijanagur was the capital of the kingdom known by the name of Narsinga; but from the neighbourhood of Cananore, it is possible that Verthema here means Narsingapoor, about 25 miles S.S.W. from Seringapatam. –E.

72

   The walnuts of this author must have been cocoa-nuts, perhaps converted to walnuts by erroneous translation. –E.

73

   This singular passage probably means, that the country is defended by a great number of forts and garrisons, as indeed we know that the interior table land of southern India is thickly planted with droogs or hill forts, which must then have been impregnable. –E.

74

   Probably meaning Nairs or Rajputs, who are reckoned of a high or noble cast, next to the Bramins. –E.

75

   This is a most astonishing error, as Narsingapoor is above 100 miles from the nearest coast. –E.

76

   Bijanagur is 175 miles directly north from Narsingapoor. –E.

77

   In modern language the term dromedary is very improperly applied to the Bactrian, or two-hunched camel, a slow beast of burden. The word dromedary is formed from the Greek celer, and only belongs to a peculiar breed of camels of amazing swiftness. –E.

78

   Wherever lions are mentioned by this traveller in India, tigers are to be understood. –E.

79

   About that distance south from Cananore is Dermapatam. –E.

80

   No names in the least respect similar to these are to be found in the indicated route between Cananore and Calicut. –E.

81

   Of the three places marked with points of interrogation, the names are so disfigured in the orthography as to be unintelligible; Cianul may possibly be Chaul, Onouhи Onore, and Cacilon Cranganore. –E.

82

   From the description these must be crocodiles. –E.

83

   From the distance and direction of the journey or voyage, this name may possibly be an error or corruption for Cranganore. –E.

84

   From other circumstances in the text, particularly the neighbourhood of the place where St Thomas lay buried, the city here alluded to was probably Meliapour, which formerly stood not far from Madras, or the famous Mahubulipoor, the city of the great Bali, 16 or 18 miles from the English settlement. The author, as on many other occasions, gives the name of the country to the capital. As to being in sight of Ceylon, this may be an error in transcription, and we ought to read that on the voyage between Coulan and the city of Coromandel; the author passed in sight of Ceylon. –E.

85

   Cloves are certainly not found in Ceylon. –E.

86

   It is not easy to conceive by what means this could be, as Pegu, Ava, Aracan, and Tipera, intervene between Tanaserim and Bengal, and the bay of Bengal between Tanaserim and Narsinga or the Carnatic, none of the powers mentioned being possessed of any maritime force. –E.

87

   This is not easily understood, unless it may mean that they are so built that they may sail with either end foremost. –E.

88

   Here, as usual, the name of the country is given instead of the chief city, and we have no means even to guess what place is indicated, unless perhaps the Satigan of other ancient relations, which appears to have been a city on the Hoogly river, or western branch of the Ganges. –E.

89

   The capital of Cathay or northern China is Cambalu or Pekin, but it is difficult to make any thing of these Christian natives of Sarnau, or of their many Christian princes in Tartary; unless we may suppose Verthema to have mistaken the followers of the Lama of Thibet for Christians, as appears to have been done by some of the more ancient travellers in our early volumes. –E.

90

   It is obvious from the context, that this famous river of Gaza refers to the Straits of Malacca. –E.

91

   The Taprobana of the ancients certainly was Ceylon. Sumatra is about 977 statute miles in length, and 200 in its greatest breadth, so that its circumference must exceed 2500 miles. –E.

92

   By Chini in the text is probably meant Acheen in Sumatra. –E.

93

   From similarity of names this appears to be Benzoin, or benzoe, sometimes called gum benjamin; yet from some circumstances in the sequel it may possibly indicate camphor. –E.

94

   It is impossible to determine from the account in the text what is meant by these articles of sweet scent under the names of aloes, laserpitium, belzoe, calampat, luba, and bochor; all of which seem to be different names of the same substance in different degrees of quality, and assuredly not the drugs now known by the name of aloes and benzoin. There is a sweet-scented wood in the east known by the name of lignum aloes, and possibly the sweet gum called belzoe may have been extracted from it, or from that which produces the oil of rhodium. –E.

95

   Gum lac, long believed the gum of a tree, is now known to be the work of insects, serving as a nidus for their young, in the same manner as bees wax is used by the honey bee. –E.

96

   Perhaps filagree work? –E.

97

   This account of the mode of navigation is inexplicable, or at least obscure. Perhaps it is meant to express that they do not tack, but sail with either end foremost as suits the change of wind or direction of the ship. –E.

98

   These are named on a former occasion Nirani. –E.

99

   Instead of one island, the Moluccas are a group of islands, the largest of which, Gilolo, is about 200 miles from N. to S. On its western side are several small islands, the most important of which for the produce of cloves are Ternate and Tidore. Gilolo was probably the island visited by Verthema. –E.

100

   A strange mode of expressing that Gilolo is immediately under the line. –E

101

   The Veronica among the Catholics, is the handkerchief with which our Saviour is supposed to have wiped his face during his passion, which they allege took from his bloody sweat a miraculous impression or portrait of his countenance. –E.

102

   Instead of being only somewhat larger than Gilolo, Borneo is perhaps the largest island in the world, except New Holland, being about 880 English miles in its greatest diameter from S.W. to N.E. and 550 in the opposite direction at the widest. –E.

103

   This pilot must have been acquainted with the southern extremity of South America, or must have built this information on hypothesis, as there is no known inhabited land of this description to the South of Java. –E.

104

   This oblique insinuation of having a wife and children, is rather contradictory to several circumstances in the early part of the itinerary of Verthema. –E.

105

   This is probably a mistake for Sarnau, whence the Christians are said to have come. –E.

106

   Don Francisco de Almeyda was viceroy of Portuguese India from 1507 to 1510, both inclusive, and his son Lorenzo made a conspicuous figure on several occasions under his father. It is true that Verthema appears in the present journal to have returned from India to Europe in the end of 1506 or beginning of 1507; but the dates of the present journal are exceedingly few and vague, and the incidents which it relates could hardly have occurred in so short a period as between the commencement of 1503 and close of 1506. –E.

107

   This king of Gioghi was probably the chief bramin in the southern part of India, a species of patriarch or pope of the braminical idolatry, similar to the king of Joga, formerly mentioned, in Guzerat, in these travels of Verthema. In a future part of our collection we shall have a more favourable opportunity of explaining the hierarchy of the Hindoos. –E.

108

   According to the account of this great armament formerly given in the History of the Portuguese Transactions in India, the fleet of the Mahometans and Zamorin on this occasion consisted of 260 paraos, 60 of which exceeded the size of the armed ships then used in India by the Portuguese. The action between the Portuguese and their enemies is there stated to have been in 1508. –E.

109

   Perhaps cross-bows, or it may probably signify leathern targets, or shields made of pelts or skins. –E.

110

   Perhaps they threw their guns overboard to lighten their vessel and facilitate their escape. –E.

111

   From the context, combined with the date of the late naval action, as given from the History of the Portuguese Transactions, this land-war with the rajah of Cananore must have been in 1509. –E.

112

   In the naval battle the principal force at least must have been Mahometans, as the Hindoos do not use the sea; but, in this land-war with the new rajah of Cananore, the nairs would constitute the main force of the enemy, though there might be some Mahometan auxiliaries. –E.

113

   The European soldiers then wore defensive armour and shields. And besides matchlocks, their offensive arms were pikes, swords, and cross-bows. –E.

114

   Probably alluding to a kind of javelins armed with a species of rockets, which have long been used in the wars of India, and often produce great disorder among the crowded masses of their ill-disciplined troops. –E.

115

   Probably of the year 1508. –E.

116

   It is hardly necessary to remark, that the term Ethiopia is here applied to the western coast of Africa on the ocean. –E.

117

   The Gogia of the text is probably Oja, on the coast of Africa, 17 leagues from Melinda, and Pati may possibly be some corruption of Paniany, both of these places having been reduced by de Cunna. Crava may be an error for Brava, on the western coast of Africa. –E.

118

   Perhaps this expression ought to have been black-a-moors, the old name for negroes. –E.

119

   Perhaps alluding to the cluck, which occurs perpetually in the language of the Hottentots, resembling the sound used in some parts to urge on a horse, and which is inexpressible in orthography. –E.

120

   Hakluyt, II. pp. 359-375. Ed. Lond. 1810.

121

   It is obvious that Bagdat is here meant. –E.

122

   In imitation of the original translator Hickocke and Hakluyt, this word must be left untranslated and unexplained. –E.

123

   This account of the hole which discharges pitch or native bitumen mixed with water is most true; the water and pitch running into the valley or island, where the pitch remains, and the water runs into the Euphrates, when it occasions the water for a long way to have a brackish taste with the smell of pitch and brimstone. –Hakl.

124

   This comparison seems made by the translator between larines and sterling money. –E.

125

   Formerly noticed as a species of velvet; but the words marsine and versine were inexplicable in the days of Hakluyt, and must so remain. –E.

126

   The velvets and scarlet cloths from Mecca were probably Italian manufactures, brought through Egypt and the Red Sea. –E.

127

   These great nuts must necessarily be the cocoa nuts, and the palmer tree, on which they grow, the cocoa palm. –E.

128

   Possibly molasses are here meant. –E.

129

   Probably meaning that they were formed of bars hooped or welded together, in the way in which the famous Mons meg, long in Edinburgh Castle, and now in the tower of London, was certainly made. –E.

130

   Perhaps that now called Assodnagur in the Mahratta country, about 125 miles nearly east from Chaul. –E.

131

   In fact only about half that distance. –E.

132

   About 165 English miles. –E.

133

   About 175, N.E. from Goa. In the original it is called Bisapor. –E.

134

   The ruins of the royal city of Bijanagur are 190 English miles nearly due east from Goa. –E.

135

   The reason in the text for evacuating the kingdom of Narsinga, or Bijanagur, is very unsatisfactory, as it in fact bordered on their dominions. More probably they could not agree on the partition, each being afraid of the others acquiring an ascendancy, and they satisfied themselves with the enormous spoils of the capital. This event has been before mentioned from De Faria. –E.

136

   The diamond mines of Raolconda are about 90 miles direct north from the ruins of Bijanagur, on the Kisma. The castle of Penegonde is not now to be found in the maps of Indostan; but indeed the names of this ingenious traveller an often unintelligible, and almost always extremely corrupt. –E.

137

   These falchines of Cesar Frederick are now denominated coolies. –E.

138

   These names of Ancola and Gargopam are so unintelligibly corrupted, as not be even conjecturally referable to any places or districts in our best maps. –E.

139

   This winter of our author, on the coast of Canara, in about the lat. of 15° N. when the sun is nearly vertical, must be understood as the rainy season. –E.

140

   This incident in the text is given as fortunate, and perhaps it ought to have been expressed, "He wrapped it about his loins and returned to his palanquin." –E.

141

   This must be Barcelore, and ought to have been named before Managalore, as above 50 miles to the north, between Goa and Managalore. –E.

142

   This passage ought to have stood thus "The fort of Cananore belonging to the Portuguese, only a musket-shot from the city of that name, the capital of" &c. –E.

143

   The direct distance is twenty geographical miles. –E.

144

   In the version of Cesar Frederick in Hakluyt, it is said "to come from the mountains of the king of the pepper country, who is a Gentile, and in whose dominions there are many Christians," &c. as in the text. This king of the pepper country is probably meant for the rajah of Travancore. The great river of the text is merely a sound, which reaches along the coast from Cochin to beyond Coulan, a distance of above 90 miles, forming a long range of low islands on the sea-coast, and receiving numerous small rivers from the southern gauts. –E.

145

   On former occasions these amochi have been explained as devoted naires, under a vow to revenge the death of their sovereign. –E.

146

   These geographical notices are inexplicable, unless by Chialon is meant the low or maritime parts of Ceylon, which Cesar Frederick afterwards calls Zeilan. –E.

147

   This word is unintelligible, having no similar name in modern geography. From the context, it seems to signify the maritime coast of Tinnevelly and Marwar, or the most southern part of the Carnatic, opposite to Ceylon; and may possibly be that called Chialon immediately before. –E.

148

   Pearls are weighed by carats, each of which is four grains. The men who sort and price them have a copper instrument with holes of various sizes, by which they estimate their several values. –Hakluyt.

149

   By this account of the matter, the land of Chilao appears to be the island of Ramiseram, between which and the island of Manaar extends a reef of rocks called Adams Bridge. The deep channel is between Ramiseram and the point of Tanitory on the Coromandel coast. –E.

150

   The author probably here means cocoa-nuts and areka. –E.

151

   It is not easy to say whether the author means to express that Negapatam is this great city 72 miles from Ceylon, or if he refers to another city 72 miles from Negapatam. –E.

152

   St Thome, about 5 miles south from Madras, is about 160 English miles nearly north from Negapatam. –E.

153

   The Taprobana or Sielendive of the ancients certainly was Ceylon, not Sumatra. –E.

154

   The Andaman and Nicobar islands, in long. 93° East from Greenwich, reach from the lat. of 6° 45' to 15° N. –E.

155

   This assertion is unintelligible, unless the author means to include a number of small islands off the coast as belonging to Sumatra. –E.

156

   Foists are described as a kind of brigantines, rather larger than half gallies, and much used by the Turks and other eastern nations in those days for war. Maons, formerly mentioned among the ships of Soliman Pacha in the siege of Diu, are said to have been large flat-bottomed vessels or hulks, of 700 or 800 tons burden, having sometimes seven mizen sails. –Hakluyt.

157

   The text in this place it erroneous or obscure. The indicated distance between China and Japan is enormously exaggerated, and probably ought to have been stated as between Malacca and Japan. The undiscovered islands and shoals seem to refer to the various islands between Java and Japan, to the east and north. –E.

158

   Perhaps the author may have expressed of 23 carats fine. –E.

159

   Perhaps the mixed metal called tutenag may be here meant. –E.

160

   From another part of this voyage it appears that this is some species of seed from which oil was expressed. –E.

161

   Cuttack, at the head of the Delta of the Mahamuddy or Gongah river, in lat. 20° 32' N. lon. 86° 9' E. is probably here meant, It is only about 45 miles from the sea, but might have been six days journey from the port where the author took shelter, which probably was Balasore. –E.

162

   Probably so called from residing at Patna, called Patane in the text. –E.

163

   These observations, distinguished by inverted commas, are placed in the text, as too long for a note. –E.

164

   On the coast of Tanasserim, in lat. 13° N. is an island called Tavay, so that the gulf of Tavay in the text was probably in that neighbourhood. Martaban is in lat. 16° 40' N. So that the difference of latitude is 8° 40', and the distance cannot be less than 250 miles. –E.

165

   Perhaps we ought to read in the text camphor of Perneo. –E.

166

   From subsequent circumstances the text is obviously here incorrect, and ought to have been translated, that the flood tides run six hours; as it will be afterwards seen that the voyage to a place 12 miles short of Pegu requires eight days of these tide trips of six.

167

   This is certainly an error, and Cesar Frederick has mistaken the bamboo cane used in such erections for the sugar-cane. –E.

168

   From this expression it may be inferred, that besides his mercantile speculations in jewels, Cesar Frederick was a lapidary. –E.

169

   The meaning of this ancient nautical term is here clearly expressed, as drifting to leeward while laying-to. –E.

170

   Here, and in various other parts of these early voyages, India and the Indies seem confined to the western coast of the peninsula, as it is called, or the Malabar coast. –E.

171

   This is an error, as camphor is a species of essential oil, grossly sublimed at first from a tree of the laurel family, and afterwards purified by farther processes. –E.

172

   The whole of this story is a gross fabrication imposed by ignorance on credulity. The cods of musk are natural bags or emunctories, found near the genitals on the males of an animal named Moschus Moschiferus, or Thibet Musk. It is found through the whole of Central Asia, except its most northern parts, but the best musk comes from Thibet. –E.
   "The Jewes doe counterfeit and take out the halfe of the goode muske, beating it up with an equal quantity of the flesh of an asse, and put this mixture in the bag or purse, which they sell for true muske." –Hackluyt.

173

   Ambergris is probably meant in the text under the name of Amber, as the former came formerly from India, while the latter is principally found in the maritime parts of Prussia. –E.

174

   Such is the manner in which the hire of these servants is expressed in Hakluyt. Perhaps meaning 500 pence; and as the Venetian sol is about a halfpenny, this will amount to about a guinea, but it does not appear whether this is the sum for each person, or for all three. –E.

175

   Astley's Collection, Vol. I. p. 138, 140.

176

   The French pretend to have traded with Guinea from 1364 till 1413, being 107 years before it was discovered by the Portuguese.-Astl. I. 138, a.

177

   Cited by Hakluyt, Vol. II. Part 2. p. 2

178

   Id. ib. p. 3.

179

   A species of moss growing on high rocks, much used in these days in dying.-Astl. I. 138. d.

180

   Vol. II. p. 7.

181

   The former for twelve years, was granted to the Earls of Leicester and Warwick, and certain merchants of London, to the number of 32 in all. The other for ten years to eight persons of Exeter, London, and other places. By this latter patent, it appears that this trade was advised by the Portuguese residing in London, and one voyage had been made before the grant. See Hakluyt, II. part 2. pp. 114 and 123.-Astl. I. 139. a.

182

   These observations are to be considered as applying entirely to the earlier connection of the English with India. In more modern days there has been a sufficiently copious series of great actions, battles, sieges, and conquests; but these belong to a different and more modern period than that now under review, and are more connected with the province of political military and naval history, than with a Collection of Voyages and Travels. Yet these likewise will require to be noticed in an after division of this work. –E.

183

   A commencement towards this great desideratum in English History has been lately made, by the publication of the early History of the English East India Company, by John Bruce, Esquire, Historiographer to the Company. –E.

184

   Hakluyt, II. 463. Astley, I. 140.

185

   Astley, I. 141. Hakluyt, II. 464.-The editor of Astley's Collection says Thomas Windham; but we have no evidence in Hakluyt, copying from Eden, that such was his Christian name, or that he was the same person who had gone twice before to the coast of Morocco. In Hakluyt, the Voyage is said to have been at the charge of certain merchant adventurers of London. –E.

186

   Hist. of Travayle in the West and East Indies, &c. by Eden and Willes, 4to, p. 336.-Astl. I. 141. b.

187

   So far the editor of Astley's Collection: The remainder of these previous remarks contains the preamble by Eden, as reprinted by Hakluyt, II. 464. –E.

188

   Richard Eden here obviously endeavours to combat the monopoly of trade to the Portuguese discoveries, arrogated by that nation; although the entire colonial system of all the European nations has always been conducted upon the same exclusive principles, down to the present day. –E.

189

   Evidently meaning the first meridian passing through the island of Ferro, one of the Canaries, from which Cape Verd is about 2° W. –E.

190

   These geographical indications respecting the coast of Guinea, are extremely obscure, so as to be almost unintelligible. –E.

191

   This brief description of Africa is preserved, rather for the purpose of shewing what were the ideas of the English on this subject towards the end of the sixteenth century, than for any excellence. –E.

192

   In the text the Senegal river is to be understood by the Negro, or river of the Blacks. But the ancient Niger is now well known to run eastwards in the interior of Nigritia, having no connection whatever with the Senegal or with the sea. –E.

193

   The names of places are so corruptly given as hardly even to be guessed at. Amacaiz may possibly be meant for Amba Keshem, Sava for Shoa, Barbaregaf for the Baharnagash, and Ascon for Assab. –E.

194

   Or Sestre, a river on the Grain coast or Malaguette. –E.

195

   This is the Guinea pepper, called grains of Paradise by the Italians, whence this part of Guinea was named the grain coast. The text describes the pods as having a hole on each side, which, it was afterwards learnt, were for putting thongs, strings or twigs on which to dry the pods. These pods grow on a humble plant, not above a foot and a half or two feet from the ground, and are bright red when first gathered. –Astl.

196

   Or 1800 ounces, which at L.3, 17s. 6d. per ounce, is equal to L.6975 sterling, a large sum in those days. –E.

197

   This Lambert was a Londoner born, his father having been Lord Mayor of London. –Hakluyt.

198

   Hakluyt, II. 470. Astl 1.114. In the first edition of Hakluyt's collection, this voyage is given under the name of Robert Gainsh, who was master of the John Evangelist, as we learn by a marginal note at the beginning of the voyage in both editions. –Astl. I. 144. a.

199

   Perhaps this might be Robert Gainsh, in whose name the voyage was first published.-Astl. I. 144. b.

200

   Yet the latitudes he gives, if observed, are by no means exact.-Astl.
   In this version we have added the true latitudes and longitudes in the text between brackets; the longitude from Greenwich always understood. –E.

201

   This is the exordium, written by Richard Eden, from whose work it was adopted by Hakluyt, yet without acknowledgement. In the title, it appears that this expedition was fitted out as the joint adventure of Sir George Barne, Sir John York, Thomas Lok, Anthony Hickman, and Edward Castelin. –E.

202

   The real distance is 84 marine leagues, 20 to the degree. –E.

203

   The parallel of lat. 28° N. goes through the centre of Grand Canarea, touching the southern point of Teneriffe, and just keeping free of the S.W. point of Fuertaventura. –E.

204

   Cape Blanco is in lat. 20° 50' N. 25 leagues to the north, would only reach to lat. 22° 5'; exactly almost in 22° is the small island of Pedro de Agale. –E.

205

   In the preceding voyage grains have been explained as Guinea pepper, a species of capsicum. –E.

206

   Rock Sesters is in long. 9° 20' W.

207

   This is not intelligible, unless meant that ships may anchor for three leagues from the shore. –E.

208

   The pledge was nephew to Sir John Yorke. –Eden.

209

   From the context, this seems to have been the place now called Cape Coast. –E.

210

   This was one of the ships in the former voyage under Windham. –E.

211

   These subsequent notices seem subjoined by Richard Eden, the original publisher. –E.

212

   Or 4800 ounces, worth, L.18,600 sterling at the old price of L.3 17s. 6d. per ounce; and perhaps worth in those days as much as ninety or an hundred thousand pounds in the present day. –E.

213

   The meaning of this expression is by no means obvious. It is known that in India, arrack, or a spirituous liquor distilled from rice, is given regularly to elephants, which may be here alluded to. –E.

214

   It is surely needless to say that this is a mere fable. –E.

215

   It may be proper to mention in this place, that the Niger and the Senegal, though agreeing in these particulars, are totally different rivers in the same parallel. The Senegal runs into the sea from the east; while the Niger running to the east, loses itself in an interior lake, as the Wolga does in the Caspian, having no connection whatever with the ocean. According to some accounts, this lake only exists as such during the rainy season, drying up in the other part of the year, probably however leaving an extensive marsh, called the Wangara. If so, the environs of that lake and marsh must be unhealthy in the utmost extreme. –E.

216

   Reckoning the longitude from the island of Ferro, the middle of Abyssinia is only in about 52° 30' E. and as Ferro is 18° W. from Greenwich, that coincides with 34° 30' E. as the longitude is now reckoned by British geographers. –E.

217

   It is impossible, in the compass of a note, to enter into any commentary on this slight sketch of the ancient geography of eastern Africa. –E.

218

   It is strange that Habasia or Abyssinia, inhabited by Christians, should thus be divided from the empire of Prester John. –E.

219

   The Icthyophagi of Alexander dwelt on the oceanic coast of Persia, now Mekran, between the river Indus and the Persian gulf, not in Ethiopia. –E.

220

   In our present version the word smite is used instead of burn. But the quotation in the text is a literal translation from the Latin vulgate, and agrees with the older English version, still used in the Book of Common Prayer. –E.

221

   Now well known under the name of tatooing. –E.

222

   Sleeves for the fore-arms, or from the elbow to the wrist. –E.

223

   This is an old fable not worth confuting. The Barnacle goose or clakis of Willoughby, anas erythropus of Linnaeus, called likewise tree-goose, anciently supposed to be generated from drift wood, or rather from the lepas anatifera or multivalve shell, called barnacle, which is often found on the bottoms of ships.-See Pennant's Brit. Zool. 4to. 1776. V. II. 488, and Vol. IV. 64. –E.

224

   Meaning the Decades of Peter Martyr, part of which book was translated and published by Richard Eden.-Astl I. 149. b.

225

   In a side note, five blacke moors. –E.

226

   Hakluyt, II. 480, Astl. I. 150. –From several passages in this journal it appears that Towerson had been on the former voyage to Guinea with Captain Lock; but in the present voyage he appears to have acted as captain or chief director, and seems to have been the author of the journal here adopted from Hakluyt. –Astl. I. 150, 2.

227

   The saddle-backed hills of old navigators, are to be considered in reference to the old demipique or war-saddle, having high abrupt peaks, or hummocks, at each end, with a flattish hollow between. –E.

228

   This antiquated nautical word, which occurred before in the journal of Don Juan de Castro, is here obviously going down the wind, large, or to leeward. –E.

229

   The meaning of this passage is not obvious, and seems to want some words to make out the meaning: It may be that the shore is very steep, or that the water continues deep close to the shore. –E.

230

   Eastwards from Rio del Oro is directly into the land; so that they must either have been N.N.E. or S.S.W. probably the former. –E.

231

   Sestro river, in the Complete Neptune of the Rev. James Stanier Clarke, chart. 2, is called Sesters, in lat. 5° 30' N. long. 9° 10' W. from Greenwich. The river St Vincent of the text does not appear in that chart, but nearly at the indicated distance to the E.S.E. is one named Sangwin. –E.

232

   That is grains of paradise, so the Italians called Guinea pepper when they first saw it, not knowing what it was. We took the name from them, and hence came the name of the Grain Coast-Astl. I. 152, a.

233

   Margarits may possibly have been mock pearl beads; the manels or manellios were bracelets of some kind. –E.

234

   This latitude would bring us to a river about half way between the Grand Sesters and Cape Palmas; but which does not agree with the former circumstances, as they could hardly have been so far to the S.E. without seeing Cape Palmas. The river Sangwin, which we have before supposed might be the St Vincent, is in lat. 5° 20' N. almost a degree farther north. –E.

235

   The text here is probably corrupt. The direct off-shore wind on the grain coast of Africa is N.E. The wind at N.N.W. certainly is in some degree off-shore, but very obliquely; and the wind at east is more direct from shore. –E.

236

   In some maps the grain coast is named Malaguete, probably from this word, and consequently synonimous with the ordinary name. It is likewise called the Windward coast. –E.

237

   Reckoning the course run as expressed in the text, the distance measured back from Cape Palmas brings us very nearly to Sangwin for the river St Vincent of Towerson, as formerly conjectured. –E.

238

   From the indicated distance eastwards from Cape Palmas, and the description in the text, the river and point in question seem those called Tabou, in long. 7° 10' W. from Greenwich. –E.

239

   It is hardly necessary to observe that these are very bad land-marks, being subject to alteration from many causes; besides that this description is above 250 years old. –E.

240

   Between these two points is what is called the ivory coast of Guinea: After which is the gold coast to Cape St Pauls; and then the slave coast. –E.

241

   Forty leagues E.N.E. along the gold coast bring us to Saccoom or Accra, in the country called Aquamboo. –E.

242

   This was probably Fort St Antonio, at the mouth of the river Aximer or Ashim.-Astl. I. 155. a.

243

   St Johns river is about 12 leagues E.N.E. of Cape Three-points, nearly in lat. 5° N. long 2° 10' W. –E.

244

   Called St Johns twice before; and we shall see that they came to another town afterwards called Don Johns, more to the east, whence it appears that the Don John of the text here is an error for St John. –E.

245

   Probably musketoons or blunderbusses, and certainly some species of gun or fire-arm. –E.

246

   This is surely an error, as the troy or bullion pound contains only 12 ounces. We ought therefore to read 3 pounds 9 ounces. –E.

247

   This abrupt account of a town, &c. seems to refer back to that of St John, which they had just left. –E.

248

   This language seems partly corrupted.-Hakluyt.
   Two of the words in this short specimen have been evidently adopted from the Portuguese, bassina and molta. –E.

249

   Or Don Juan. This place stands at Cape Korea or Cors.-Astl. I. 158. a.
   Cape Cors or Korea is now corruptly called Cape coast, at which there is an English fort or castle of the same name, in lat. 5° 10' N. long. 1° 16' W. –E.

250

   Called afterwards the town of John De Viso. –E.

251

   Formerly conjectured to be musquetoons, or wall-pieces. –E.

252

   It is added, which is a good mark to know the town. But at this distance of time, above 250 years, such marks cannot be supposed to remain. –E.

253

   In the margin, Hakluyt sets down the voyage of Robert Gainsh to Guinea as in 1554; yet does not mention where that voyage is to be found, or that it is the same voyage published in his second edition, under the name of Lok, instead of Gainsh to whom it was ascribed in his first edition. All the light we have into the matter from the second edition, is from a marginal note at the beginning of Loks voyage, in which Robert Gainsh is said to have been master of the John Evangelist; neither is there any mention of this villainous transaction in the relation of that voyage. Such crimes deserve severe punishment; since a whole community may suffer for the fault of one bad man.-Astl. I. 160, a.

254

   The meaning is here obscure; perhaps the word less is omitted, and the bargain was for a measure an eighth part less than that originally proposed. –E.

255

   Perhaps we should rather understand 4 o'clock next morning? –E.

256

   Perhaps this ought to be sheers or scissars? –E.

257

   It is hard to say whether this means 2 hours after sunset, or after midnight. –E.

258

   Apparently running from the east during the land breeze, and from the west with the sea breeze. –E.

259

   Probably that now called King-road? –E.

260

   Hakluyt, II. 496. Astl. I. 162.
   Hitherto we have given these voyages to Guinea at full length, as they are found in the collection of Hakluyt; but in this and the subsequent early English voyages to Guinea, we have thought proper to abbreviate such matters as seemed of small importance. –E.

261

   These ships were the Espoir of Harfleur, the admiral, of which Denis Blundel was captain; the Levriere of Rouen, vice-admiral, commanded by Jerome Baudet; and a ship of Houfleur, commanded by Jean de Orleans. –E.

262

   Rather Lu how or La hu.-Astl. I 163. b.-The river called Jack Lahows river, in Long. 4° 14' W. –E.

263

   Mina is in Long. 1° 60', Cape Three points in 2 40' both west, the difference of Longitude therefore is about 50 minutes, or nearly 17 leagues.-E

264

   Called Chama in modern maps, near the mouth of St Johns river, about 6 leagues east from Mina. –E.

265

   Bore down upon them. –E.

266

   Meaning apparently that she lay too much over to leeward. –E.

267

   Meaning perhaps, would neither wear nor tack?-E.

268

   It is hard to discover what place this was. Perhaps it was Great Commendo or Guaffo, which stands on a river that runs by the town of the Mina, and is still the residence of a negro king; in which case the port they put in at might have been little Commendo. But the royal city is very far from being as large as London was in 1556, not having above 400 houses. The contrivance for apprizing the watchmen of the approach of an enemy, and for taking them prisoners, seems a notable invention of our countrymen; for surely an enemy might easily destroy these net-traps to catch soldiers, these pack-thread fortifications. –Astl. 1. 167. a.

269

   Mowree is 4-1/2 leagues east from the castle of Minas, and Lagoua or Laguy is 9 leagues east from the same place. –Astl. I. 168. a.

270

   Hakluyt, II. 504. Astley, I. 169.-In the last London edition of Hakluyt, 1810, it is dated erroneously in 1577, but we learn from the editor of Astley's Collection that in the edition 1589, it is dated in 1557. Yet, notwithstanding that authority, we may be assured that the date of this voyage could not have been earlier than January 1558, as Towerson did not return from his former voyage till the 29th of April 1557. –E.

271

   Probably meaning large unwieldy ships.-E

272

   It is to be noted, that at this time there was war between England and France.-This observation is a side note of Hakluyt: And it may be worth while to notice that, so early as 1557, free bottoms were not considered by the English as making free goods. –E.

273

   The bay of Yof, in lat. 15° N. long. 17° 20' W. from Greenwich. –E.

274

   Obviously the Bird isles, which are 4-1/2 leagues E.S.E. from Cape Verd, not W.S.W. as in the text. –E.

275

   What is here called musk must have either been civet or ambergris. –E.

276

   The Mina is here to be considered as the gold coast of Guinea, called Mina or the mines on account of its great produce in gold dust. The castle of St George del Mina, is usually called in these early voyages the castle. –E.

277

   Or Wiamba, where the English had afterwards a fort. –Astl. I. 172. d.

278

   This seems to have been little Barakhow, or Berow. –Astl. I. 172. c.

279

   Probably Akkara, where the English, Dutch, and Danes had afterwards separate forts. –Astl. 1.172. d.

280

   They must have fallen far to leeward, as San Thome is to the east of the Bight of Benin, almost 8 degrees or 160 leagues to the east of St George del Mina. –E.

281

   At this place Hakluyt observes in a note, the great inconvenience of staying late on the coast of Guinea. He ought rather to have said, the impropriety of sailing too late for that coast. –E.

282

   This list is appended in Hakluyt's Collection, II.513. to the present voyage, and is therefore here retained, though several of the articles are scarcely intelligible. –E.

283

   Hakluyt, II. 514. Astl I. 176.-As this voyage did not take place, it is principally inserted here for the sake of the instructions devised by the adventurers, for the conduct of the intended expedition. –E.

284

   Hakluyt, II. 516. Astley, I. 177.

285

   Astley, I. 179. Hakluyt, II. 518.

286

   Astley I. 180. Hakluyt, II. 523-531. The prose abstract here inserted is chiefly taken from Astleys collection, carefully compared with the original versified narrative in Hakluyt. –E.

287

   In these early trading voyages, the chief factor, who here appears to have been Baker, seems to have had the supreme command. –Astl. I. 180. b.

288

   It appears in the sequel that this fort or castle had been recently erected by the Portuguese at the western point or head-land of Cape Three-points, and of which there are no notices in any of the preceding voyages on this part of the coast. –Astley, I. 132, a.

289

   Hakluyt, II. 531. Astley, I. 134.

290

   This is the substance of Hakluyt's introduction to the following brief relation of the present voyage. –E.

291

   Hakluyt might have said whether they did come home or not, which he certainly might have known; but he often leaves us in the dark as to such matters. –Astl. I. 185. a.

292

   Hakluyt, II. 533. Astley, I. 185.

293

   This general was probably head factor. –E.

294

   The paps of Cape Verd are about a League S.S.E. from the extreme west point of the Cape. –E.

295

   It is not said how he had got away from the negroes. –E.

296

   Bases and curriers must have been some small species of ordnance, capable of being used in boats; arquebuses were matchlock muskets. –E.

297

   Hakluyt, II. 541.

298

   It would appear that Williams and Bampton were resident at the city of Morocco. –E.

299

   Having no inns in Barbary, travellers have to encamp or lodge in the open fields where they can find water.-Hakluyt.

300

   The Spaniards and Portuguese were commanded by the king, on pain of death, to meet the English ambassador.-Hakluyt.

301

   In the original this is said to have been the 1st of June; but from what has gone before, that date must necessarily be erroneous; it could not be before the 5th of June, on which day he appears to have entered Morocco in he morning. –E.

302

   This seems rather a singular present to the emperor of Morocco. –E.

303

   Hakluyt, II 602.

304

   Hakluyt, II. 599.

305

   Here are enumerated forty merchants of London, as members of the Barbary company in conjunction with the two earls. –E.

306

   Besides this, Hakluyt gives copies in Spanish and English of a letter from Mulley Hamet to the Earl of Leicester, and of a letter from Queen Elizabeth to Mulley Hamet, both of which are merely complimentary, or relate to unexplained circumstances respecting one John Herman an English rebel, whose punishment is required from the emperor of Morocco. He had probably contraveened the exclusive privileges of the Barbary company, by trading in Morocco. –E.

307

   Hakluyt, II. 613. Astley, I. 199.

308

   See the patent at large in Hakluyt, II. 610. London edition, 1810.

309

   Krou Sestra, nearly in lat. 5° N.

310

   Rio de Lagoa-Hakluyt.-Probably that now called Lagos, in long. 2° 40' E. from Greenwich, in the Bight of Benin. –E.

311

   This is only to be understood as implying that the shore was now higher in the eastern part of the voyage along the coast, than formerly to the west on the coast of Mina; the east shore and the west shore referring to the bight or bay of Benin. –E.

312

   It is probable that the two rivers mentioned in the text under the names of Rio de Lagoa and Rio de Benin, are those now called the Lagos creek and the great river Formosa, both in the negro kingdom of Benin. –E.

313

   It is obvious that the banian or meager days, still continued in the British navy, are a remnant of the meager days of the Roman catholic times, when it was deemed a mortal sin to eat flesh. Stock-fish are, however now abandoned, having been found to promote scurvy. –E.

314

   This preservative is wrought by casting a handful of bay-salt into a hogshead of water, as the author told me.-Hakluyt.
   The Thames water soon putrifies on board ships in long voyages; but afterwards throws down a sediment and becomes perfectly sweet pleasant and wholesome; insomuch that it is often bought from ships which have been to India and back. Putrid water at sea is purified or rendered comparatively sweet by forcing streams of air through it by what is called an air pump. Water may be preserved sweet on long voyages, or restored when putrid, by means of pounded charcoal. –E.

315

   Hakluyt, II. 616. Astley, I. 202.

316

   Goto or Gato is a negro town on the northern branch of the Rio Formoso, about 45 miles in a straight line from the mouth of the river, and about 85 miles short of the town of Benin. This branch or creek is probably the river of Benin of the text. –E.

317

   Hakluyt, II. 618. Astley, I. 203.

318

   In a side note, Astley conjectures this to have been a great shark.

319

   It is not mentioned how they came by this caravel.-Astl. I. 204. b. Probably the pinnace that attended them in the voyage, for the purpose of going up the shallow rivers. –E.

320

   This distinction of master and maister often occurs in these early voyages.-Astl. I. 205. a.

321

   Hakluyt, III. 2. Astley, I. 242.

322

   In Astley, these previous remarks are stated to have been written by Richard Rainolds; but in the original collection of Hakluyt no such distinction is made, only that in the text Richard Rainolds states himself to have written the account of the voyage. –E.

323

   Or Barzaguiche, by which name the natives call the island of Goree; the town of that name being on the opposite shore of the continent.-Astl, I. 242. c.

324

   At this place the editor of Astley's Collection supplies 28 leagues, in the text between brackets: But Cape Verd is 39 leagues from the southern mouth of the Senegal, and Goree is 6 leagues beyond Cape Verd. Near the situation pointed out for Beseguiache, modern maps place two small towns or villages named Dakar and Ben. –E.

325

   A league north from Rufisque in modern maps is a place called Ambo; about 1-1/2 league farther north, one named Canne; and near 2 leagues south, another named Yenne. –E.

326

   We have here two towns called Palmerin within a few leagues, perhaps one of them may be wrong named in the text. –E.

327

   Havre de Grace is probably here meant-E.

328

   Hence it appears that the relation in the text was the third voyage of the English exclusive company, in the third year of their patent, but we find no account of the other two beyond what is now mentioned. It appears, however from Kelly's ship being at the same time upon the coast, that others as well as the patentees carried on this trade.-Astl. I. 242. d.

329

   Melick; or Malek, in Arabic signifies king.-Astl. I. 242. e.

330

   In the name or title of this negro chief or noble may be recognized the Portuguese or Spanish conde, and the Arabic amir or emir. –E.

331

   From this and other passages of the present journal, it appears that the English used to carry a Portuguese along with them in their first voyages to the coast of Africa, whether from choice or by agreement with the government of Portugal does not clearly appear: and that, finding the inconvenience of this custom, they began now to lay it aside. This seems to have provoked the king of Portugal, who proposed to ruin the English trade by means of these agents or spies.-Astl. I. 214. b.

332

   Hakluyt, II. 537. Astley, I.194.

333

   This seems to allude to their fears of the Inquisition, if made prisoners. –E.

334

   Church. Collect. III. 155.

335

   It must be acknowledged that the present section can only be considered as a species of introduction or prelude to an intended narrative of an expedition: Yet such actually is the first article in Sir William Monson's celebrated Naval Tracts, as published in the Collection of Churchill; leaving the entire of the narrative an absolute blank. Nothing could well justify the adoption of this inconclusive and utterly imperfect article, but the celebrity of its author and actor: For Sir William Monson, and the editor of Churchill's Collection, seem to have dosed in giving to the public this Vox et preterea nihil. –E.

336

   Hakluyt; II. 606. Astley, I. 196. The command of this expedition is attributed by the editor of Astley's Collection to captain Whiddon, on the authority of the concluding sentence. –E.

337

   Four only are mentioned in the text; and it appears that they only sent away at this time the first taken ship, in which they had captured Sarmiento. –E.

338

   Hakl. II. 607. Astl. I. 197.

339

   Sir William Monson in his Naval Tracts, in Churchills Collection, III. 156, gives a short account of this expedition. By him the admiral ship is called the Elizabeth Bonaventure, and Sir William Burroughs is called vice admiral. From a list given by Sir William Monson of the royal navy of England left by queen Elizabeth at her death, (Church. Coll. III. 196.) the Bonaventure appears to have been of the burden of 600 tons, carrying 50 pieces of cannon and 250 men, 70 of whom were mariners, and the rest landsmen. The Lion and Rainbow of 500 tons each, with the same number of guns and men as the Bonaventure. The Dreadnought of 400 tons, 20 guns, 200 men, 50 of them seamen. –E.

340

   Cape St Vincent, or rather Punta de Sagres, one of the head lands of that great promontory. –E.

341

   Probably the harbour of Figuera in Algarve, a town near Cape Sagres. –E.

342

   According to Sir William Monson, Church. Col. III. 156. Sir Francis Drake went upon this expedition to conciliate the merchant adventurers, to whom most of the ships of his squadron belonged. –E.

343

   Sir William Monson, in the place quoted above, says he had intelligence of this carak having wintered at Mosambique, and being now expected home. –E.

344

   Church. Col. III. 157.

345

   Perhaps Cape Ortegal may be here meant, being the most northern head land of Spain, and not far from Corunna, called the Groyne in the text. –E.

346

   This list, as given by Sir William Monson in the present article, contains only the names of the ships and commanders; the other circumstances enumerated, tonnage, guns, and men, are added from a list of the royal navy of England at the death of queen Elizabeth, which will be given hereafter. –E.

347

   This surely is a poor excuse for omitting the glorious destruction of the Spanish Armada; yet in a Collection of Voyages, it were improper to attempt supplying even this great omission, by any composition of our own; as it may be found in the historians of the time. –E.

348

   Our readers are requested to remember that these are the reflections of Sir William Monson, a contemporary. –E.

349

   From MS. Memoirs of James Melville, a contemporary.

350

   The baillies of towns in Scotland are equivalent to aldermen in England. The author here refers to the town of Anstruther, a sea port town of Fife, on the northern shore of the Firth of Forth, of which he was minister. There are two Anstruthers, easter and wester, very near each other, and now separate parishes; but it does not appear to which of these the present historical document refers: Perhaps they were then one. –E.

351

   The town-house; but now generally applied to signify the prison, then, and even now, often attached to the town hall. –E.

352

   Calice in this passage, and Calais in one subsequent, certainly means Cadiz in Spain; which to this day is often called Cales by English mariners. –E.

353

   A mess formerly much used in Scotland among the commons, being a kind of soup maigre, composed of kail, a species of greens or coleworts, boiled in water, and thickened with oat-meal, grits, or shelled barley. –E.

354

   This must signify Cadiz, as mentioned before. –E.

355

   Perhaps ought to have been wrote. –E.

356

   Hakluyt, II. 647. Churchill, III. 161. Astley, I. 206.

357

   Astley, I. 206. a.

358

   Sir William Monson, in Churchills collection, says there were five ships; and indeed we find a fifth, called the Saucy Jack, mentioned in the narrative. –E.

359

   The Victory was of 800 tons, carrying 32 guns and 400 men; of whom, according to Sir William Monson, 268 were mariners, and 100 sailors, the remaining 32 being probably soldiers, or as we now call them marines. The distinction between mariners and sailors is not obvious; perhaps what are now called ordinary and able seamen,-E.

360

   Sir William Monson was author of some curious Naval Tracts, giving an account of the Royal Navy of England in the reigns of Queen Elizabeth and James I. which are preserved in Churchills Collection, Vol. III. pp. 147-508. –E.

361

   Probably that port now called Havre de Grace. –E.

362

   Alluding to the Catholic League, then in alliance with Spain, and in rebellious opposition to their lawful sovereign, for the purpose of excluding the king of Navarre, afterwards Henry IV. from the crown of France. –E.

363

   Sir William Monson, who gives a short account of this expedition in the Naval Tracts already quoted, says that spices to the value of L.7000 were taken out of these vessels. –E.

364

   Sir William Monson says, from an English man of war. –E.

365

   Guinea Pepper. –E.

366

   This uncommon word seems merely to signify, ships lying at anchor in an open road. –E.

367

   In the commencement of this voyage, the Meg and Margaret are named as distinct ships, one of which is said to have been sent home soon after, as unfit for sea. In this passage the Margaret and Megge are evidently different names for the same ship. –E.

368

   Called otherwise Dingle Icouch by the editor of Astleys collection. –E.

369

   Hakluyt, II. 660.

370

   This waving amain seems to have been some salutation of defiance, then usual at sea. –E.

371

   Hakluyt, II. 668. Astley, I. 216.

372

   This preliminary discourse, by the famous Sir Walter Raleigh, is given from Hakluyt without alteration, except in orthography. –E.

373

   Armada is a general word, signifying in Spanish a ship of war or a fleet or squadron. Generally in English it has been limited to the invincible armada, or powerful fleet fitted out by Philip II. in the vain hope of conquering England. –E.

374

   This singular antiquated sea term may signify, not in sailing trim. –E.

375

   He was bishop of Chiapa in New Spain, and computes the Indians destroyed by the Spaniards in about fifty years, at no fewer than twenty millions.-Astley, I. 221. a.

376

   Hakluyt, II. 670.

377

   Hakluyt, II. 671. Astley, I. 221.

378

   Astley, I. 221.

379

   In pursuance of our uniform plan, of drawing from the original sources, this article is an exact transcript from Hakluyt, only modernizing his antiquated language and orthography, and not copied from the abridgement of Astley.-.E

380

   Hakluyt, II. 674. Astley, I. 225.

381

   In Hakluyt, all that now follows is marked as extracted from the 99th chapter of Linschoten.

382

   The denomination is not mentioned, perhaps pezos, or what we call dollars. –E.

383

   De Faria says, "The season was so far advanced when he set out, that it was generally believed he would not accomplish the voyage. But he caused himself to be painted on his colours standing on Fortune; and, setting these up in his ship, declared he would perform the voyage in spite of her, and did so" As De Faria does not reflect upon him for this, it may be presumed, he thought it merely an indication of an heroic disposition.-Astley, I. 231. a.

384

   De Faria gives a very advantageous character of this viceroy, saying that he was one of the most deserving of those who enjoyed that high station. He left 80,000 ducats in the treasury, besides jewels of Ceylon of great value. He thought no one could cheat him; yet, on purpose to undeceive him, a soldier drew his pay three several times by as many names. He was of middle stature, and lame of one foot, but not so in disposition and manners, being a good Christian and well-bred gentleman.-Astley, I. 231, b.

385

   It is probable, from this date, that the arrival of the fleet at Tercera on the 25th August, as above, is an error; and that it only then left Ferrol; on its voyage for Tercera. –E.

386

   See the English account of these events in the immediately preceding section. –E.

387

   Named Britandona in the foregoing section. –E.

388

   Hakluyt, III. 9. Astley, I. 245.

389

   Probably a large stone ball. –E.

390

   Astley, I. 249. The editor of Astleys collection gives no notice of the source whence he procured this narrative. The Spanish ships with quicksilver are usually called azogue or assogue ships; the word assogue signifying quicksilver. –E.

391

   This expression seems to mean, that he forced them to run below. –E.

392

   That is, bore down upon him. –E.

393

   Hakluyt, III. 14. Astley, I 250.

394

   Probably a boom or outrigger for the management of the after-sails. –E.

395

   Church. Collect. III. 196.

396

   The difference between mariners and sailors is not obvious: Perhaps the former were what are now called ordinary, and the latter able seamen. Besides, the numbers of both these united, do not make up the whole compliment of men at sea: Perhaps the deficiency, being 40 in the largest ships of this list, was made up by what were then called grummets: servants, ship-boys, or landsmen. –E.

397

   This name ought probably to have been the Cygnet.

398

   Hakluyt, II, 581. Astley, I. 191.

399

   In Hakluyts Collection, new edition, II. 376. et seq.

400

   Purchas his Pilgrims, II. 1670.

401

   Otherwise called, by the English sailors, a Portuguese man-of-war. –E.

402

   The Cape of Good Hope must be here meant. –E.

403

   Evidently sharks, from the account of them. –E.

404

   Hakluyt, II. 382.

405

   I am apt to suspect the word still here used, is only meant to imply fermentation, not distillation-E.

406

   In this route from Masulipatan to Agra, there are several places of which the names are so disfigured as to be unintelligible. Barrampore and Mandoway, are probably Burhampore and Candwah in the northern part of Candeish; Vgini and Serringe, may he Ougein and Seronge in Malwa. –E.

407

   Futtipoor, certainly here meant, is now a place of small importance about 20 miles west from Agra. –E.

408

   In Purchas his Pilgrims, I. 110, is the following notice respecting Mr Newberry: "Before that," meaning his journey along with Fitch, "he had travelled to Ormus in 1580, and thence into the Continent, as may appear in fitter place by his journal, which I have, passing through the countries of Persia, Media, Armenia, Georgia, and Natolia, to Constantinople; and thence to the Danube, through Walachia, Poland, Prussia, and Denmark, and thence to England."

409

   At the angle of junction between the rivers Jumna and Ganges, the city of Allahabad is now situated. –E.

410

   This tying of new married folks together by the clothes, was used by the Mexicans in old times.-Hakluyt.

411

   In our modern maps Tanda and the country or district of Gouren are not to be found; but the ruins of Gour, which may have some reference to Gouren, are laid down in lat. 24° 52' N. long. 88° 5' E. about seven miles from the main stream of the great Ganges, and ten miles south from the town of Maida. –E.

412

   This seemeth to be Quicheu, accounted by some among the provinces of China.-Hakluyt.
   The name of this country is so excessively corrupt, and the description of the route so vague, that nothing can be made out of the text at this place with any certainty. It is merely possible that he may have gone into Bootan, which is to the north of Bengal. –E.

413

   In Mexico they likewise use the cacao fruit, or chocolate nut, for small money, which are not unlike almonds.-Hakluyt.

414

   More accurately 22° 55' 20" N. and long. 88° 28' E. Hoogly stands on the western branch of the Ganges, called the Hoogly river, about twenty miles direct north from Calcutta. –E.

415

   We thus are enabled to discover nearly the situation of Satagan or Satigan, to have been on the Hoogly river, probably where Chinsura now stands, or it may have been Chandernagor. –E.

416

   Injelly, at the mouth of a small river which falls into the Hoogly, very near its discharge into the bay of Bengal. Injelly is not now considered as in Orissa, but in the district of Hoogly belonging to Bengal, above forty miles from the frontiers-E.

417

   A similar cloth may be made of the long grass which grows in Virginia.-Hakluyt.

418

   India seems always here limited to the Malabar coast. –E.

419

   Perhaps this ought to have been, by the country of Tipera to Porto Grande. Porto Grande, formerly called Chittigong, is now called Islamabad, and is in the district of Chittigong, the most easterly belonging to Bengal. –E.

420

   Aracan is certainly here meant by Recon; of Rame nothing can be made, unless Brama, or Birmah be meant. –E.

421

   Bottanter almost certainly means Bootan. Of Bottia we know nothing, but it is probably meant to indicate the capital. Dermain may possibly be some corruption of Deb raja, the title of the sovereign. It is obvious from this passage, that Couche must have been to the south of Bootan, and was perhaps Coch-beyhar, a town and district in the north-east of Bengal, near the Bootan frontier. –E.

422

   The saffon of Persia of the text may perhaps mean turmeric. The cambals may possibly mean camblets. –E.

423

   These seem to be the mountains of Imaus, called Cumao by the natives.-Hakluyt.
   The Himmaleh mountains, dividing Bootan from Thibet, said to be visible from the plains of Bengal at the distance of 150 miles. –E.

424

   Perhaps Pucouloe, a place of some size near Davas between the Ganges and Burhampooter rivers. –E.

425

   Serampoor on the Hoogly river agrees at least in sound with the Serrepore of the text; but, from the context, I rather suspect Serrepore to have stood among the numerous islands of the great eastern Ganges, in the province of Dava, and near the junction of the Ganges and Burhampooter or Megna rivers. Of Sinnergan I can make nothing, only that it must have stood in the same district. –E.

426

   Recon has already been supposed to be Aracan, which is now quite obvious; but in what manner Mogen may refer to Ava, the next country to the south, does not appear. –E.

427

   Surely the bamboo, not the sugar cane. It may be noticed, that almost the whole of this account of Pegu seems to have been borrowed from the relation of Cesar Frederick. –E.

428

   The names here used are so corrupted as to be utterly unintelligible. Twenty-five days journey north from the city of Pegu, or perhaps 500 miles, would lead the author into the northern provinces of the Birman empire, of which the geography is very little known, perhaps into Assan: Yet the Langeiannes may possibly refer to Lang-shang in Laos, nearly west from Pegu. Jamahey may be Shamai, in the north of Laos; near the N.W. frontier of China. –E.

429

   All the names of these islands among the Javas, or isles of Sunda are unintelligibly corrupt. –E.

430

   This account of the commodities of India so very much resembles that already given in the perigrinations of Cesar Frederick, Vol. VII. p. 204, as to seem in a great measure borrowed from it, though with some variations. –E.

431

   In Cesar Fredericks peregrinations, Benzoin is said to come from Siam and Assi, or Assam, which confirms the conjecture already made, of Langeiannes and the Jangomes referring to Assam. –E.

432

   Fitch here repeats the ridiculous, story respecting the fabrication of musk, already given by Cesar Frederick. –E.

433

   Certainly Ambergris, the origin of which from the Spermaceti whale has been formerly noticed in this work. –E.

434

   Hakluyt, II. 375-381. and 399-402.

435

   Most likely turmeric, anciently called turbith vegetable, in contradistinction to turbith mineral, so named from its yellow colour resembling turbith or turmeric. –E.

436

   John Huighen van Linschoten, the author of the book respecting the East Indies, formerly quoted, and from which a second quotation will be given in this supplement. –E.

437

   This is he whose letter to his father from Goa has been already inserted, and who was sometime of New College in Oxford.-Hakluyt.

438

   It will appear afterwards that he did not continue. –E.

439

   In the narrative of Fitch no such name occurs, but William Leedes jeweller, is named as one of the party. Perhaps he ought to have been named by Fitch, William Bets of Leeds. –E.

440

   In the narrative of Fitch, called 124, which might easily be mistaken either way in transcription. –E.

441

   This seems a mere adoption of the rumours of the Italians; as Newbery distinctly complains of the want of cash, by which he might have made very profitable purchases in Aleppo, Bagdat, and Basora. –E.

442

   The captain of the castle of Ormus is named Don Mathias de Albuquerque by Fitch. –E.

443

   Bardes is an island a short way north from the island of Goa, and only divided from the main-land by a small river or creek. –E.

444

   This word veneseander, or venetiander, probably means, a Venetian chekin. –E.