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Tema: Hrvatska ~ genocidna tvorevina  (Pročitano 221962 puta)
19. Dec 2006, 22:06:58
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Hrvatska ~ genocidna tvorevina

Croatia genocide entity


Tekst napravljen na osnovu filma, koji sam preuzeo sa YouTube i u kratkim crticama iznjeo cinjenice koje su se desile 1971-1995 godine. Osobama ispod 16 godina, kao i onima sa slabim srcem, ne preporucujem da citaju tekst i gledaju film zbog scena i slika ubijanja zena, djece, staraca. Tekst je cisto obrazovnog karaktera i zabranjeno je svako postovanje na njemu. Raspravu o tekstu mozete voditi na
ovoj temi. Neka se ne zaboravi 1990 - 1995 godina...



Legenda: IIII - odluke i izvrsenja medjunarodnie zajednice.
              IIII - odluke i izvrsenja koje se ticu Srpskog i Jugoslovenskog naroda
              IIII - odluke i izvrsenja koje se ticu Hrvatskog naroda



- 1971 pocinju prva okupljanja i propagiranja etnicki ciste i nezavisne Hrvatske. Istice se pokret MASPOK.



- 20 godina kasnije, isti nacisticki simboli i velicanje NDH. Tudjman: "U Jasenovcu je moglo stradati 30 - 40 000 ljudi, a ukupan broj stradalih Srba u NDH iznosi 330 000"



- Prema zvanicnim podacima u vrijeme Hrvatske strahovlade ubijeno je preko 1 000 000 Srba.



- Pocetkom 1990 pocinju pritisci na Srbe, ponovo ih pogrdno nazivaju u Starcevicevom maniru. Srbima stizu anonimne prijetnje. Skrnave se pravoslavna groblja i dizu u vazduh vikendice na moru.



- Sve ovo izaziva opravdanu strepnju Srpskog naroda da se fantom nacizma, ponovo pojavljuje u Hrvatskoj. SDS postaje vodeca srpska stranka i opstenarodni pokret. Siri se najpre po sjevernoj Dalmaciji, Kninu pa zahvata i ostale predjele u Hrvatskoj.



- Nazivi ulica koje su nosile ime srpskih velikana, dobijaju imena ustaskih zlocinaca. Sahovnica, nacisticke drzave NDH, postavlja se na zastavu Republike Hrvatske. Ukida se cerilicno pismo u srpskim oblastima. Dogadjaju se neshvatljive smjenei prerana penzionisanja i otpustanja Srba iz milicije, sudova, skola, zdravstva. Vrsi se etnicko cicenje Srba iz svih drzavnih ustanova. Preko radija se objavljuju potjernice i pozivi na linc sugradjana.

- Pokusaj clanova SDS-a da se suprodstave takvoj politici i razvoju dogadjaja bili su propraceni fizickim nasrtajima i na kraju uzaludni.



- Srpski narod na Svesrpskom Saboru formira narodno vijece Krajine sa svim ovlascenjima vlade.

- Hrvatska vlast, tajno naoruzava, iskljucivo Hrvate, cak i pripadnike HDZ-a.



- U Krajini se stvaraju lokalni organi vlasti, milicija... a u Zagrebu Sabor bez predstavnika Srba proglasava srpski narod, nacionalnom manjinom. Ovim dogadjajem srpski narod je izgubio pravo, koje je stekao jos u Austrougarskoj, kada je sluzio kao evropski bedem od Otomanske imperije, dobio slobodu autonomije i status politickog naroda, jos prije Hrvatskog naroda.



- 8. august 1990. Branimir Glavas drzi vatrene govore o samostalnoj i herojskoj drzavi Hrvata.



-19. otobar 1990. Hrvatska pocela protivustavno naoruzavanje uz pomoc inostranih faktora. Ministar odbrane Hrvatske Martin Spegelj na slici.



- 6. januar 1991. Tajno snimljena izjava Josipa Bpljkovca: “Njihov Knin, nikada vise Knin biti nece I mi ce mo u Knin uci. Knin ima da nestane kao Knin. Svi Hrvati treba da racunaju mi ce mo drzavu stvoriti. Bilo po koju cijenu, ako bude i krvi”



- 9. januar 1991. Predsjednistvo SFRJ  naredjuje razoruzanje svih paravojnih sastava u Hrvatskoj.



- 20. februar 1991. Sabor Republike Hrvatske protivustavno proglasava da na teritoriji Republike Hrvatske vise ne vaze zakoni SFRJ.



- 28. februar 1991. Srpsko nacionalno vijece donosi rezoluciju da se na njenoj teritoriji priznaju samo zakoni SFRJ. U slucaju otcjepljenja Republike Hrvatske od SFRJ Srpska krajina zadrzava pravo da ostane u njoj.



- 10. mart 1991. Hrvati pocinju naoruzavanje.



- 15. mart 1991. Prijedlog generalstaba savezne vojske za podizanjem pripravnosti oruzanih snaga, radi sprecavanja gradjanskog rata u Hrvatskoj biva odbijen od secesionistickih republika.

- kraj marta 1991. Hrvatska pocinje sa oruzanim upadima u Republiku Srpsku Krajinu i sprovodjenje naredjenja Hrvatskog drzavnog vrha.



Istovremeno pocinju napadi na pripadnike JNA.



- Fasisticki pozdravi u Hrvatskoj skupstini i napadi na srpske poslanike.



- 9. maj 1991. Predstavnistvo donosi odluku da se jedinice JNA rasporede na granicama zaracenih strana.

- maj 1991 Referendum u Srpskoj Krajini. Srpski narod se izjasnio za ostanak u SFRJ... Ako je Hrvatski narod imao pravo na opredeljenje, onda se to pravo ne moze oduzeti ni Srpskom narodu.



- 19. maj 1991. Hrvatski narod se na referendumu izjasnjava za samostalnu, nezavisnu Republiku Hrvatsku. Hrvatska drzava, prije nego sto je pocinila genocid i etnicko ciscenje, nacinila je jedan protivustavan akt, a to je otcjepljenje ili secesija uz SFRJ. Naime, Hrvatski narod je prema ustavu SFRJ iz 1974. imao pravo na otcjepljenje, ali uz saglasnost svih konstitutivnih naroda! Sto ovoga puta nije bio slucaj.

- 25. maj 1991. Hrvatska promovise etnicki cistu vojsku.



- 23. juna 1991. Zemlje Evropske zajednice donose odluku da ne priznaju jednostrano otcjepljenje Hrvatske i Slovenije.

- 25. jun 1991. Hrvatska se proglasava nezavisnom Drzavom.

- 1. jul 1991. Stipe Mesic prisilno postavljen od strane Evropske zajednice za predsednika SFRJ.

- Hrvatska nastavlja opstu vojnu kampanju protiv savezne vojske i drzave Jugoslavije. Blokiraju se kasarne, tako da regruti, mladici od 18 godina, mjesecima ostaju bez, vode, hrane i struje pod stranom oruzanom prijetnjom.



21. jul 1991. u Zadru pocinje nasilje nad Srbima, zatim paljenje okolnih srpskih sela.



- Pozivom Tudjmana na mobilizaciju, pocinju i napadi na srpska sela.



- Savezna vojska pokusava da zastiti narod u Srpskoj Krajinu i dolazi pod udar Hrvatskih jedinica. Cilj srpske strane i saveznih jedinica postaje identican. Moraju se borti protiv neprijateljskih jedinica



- U Hrvatskoj vojsci se pojavljuju strani placenici. Pristizu iz svih djelova svijeta.



- Narod srpske Krajine je prinudjen da se brani. Stizu dobrovoljci iz svi srpkih krajeva.



- Hrvatska vojska protjeruje srpsko zivlje iz svih krajeva Hrvatske, koji zastitu potrazuju u Srpskoj Krajini.



- Hrvatske vlasti pokusavaju da zatru postojanje srpskog naroda i pravoslavne duhovnosti.



- Nestaje veliki broj predmeta iz Jasenovca, kako bi se u buducnosti prikrilo stradanje srpskog naroda i genocid koji je pocinjen.




- Sime Djodan: "Ja sam rodjen u znaku vodenjaka, cetnici ce zapamtiti!"




- Krizni stab Hrvatske odbrane Slavonska Pozega proglasava naredbu: "Provesti iseljenje svih gradjana u roku od 48 sati. Po isteku roka zabranjuje se kretanje osoba u navedenom podrucju."



- Samo iz podrucja Zapadne Slavonije etnicki je ocisceno 10 gradova i 83 srpska sela.



« Poslednja izmena: 07. Mar 2007, 23:52:28 od vlado85 »
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Zlocini


"Rade - gade! Propalico stara, od uvijek si bio cetnicka fukara. Ti i tvoje psine, svi mars preko Drine!"  aplauz




Kosovac avgust 1991.



Djukanovici avgust 1991.



Covec avgust 1991.



Laslovo septembar 1991.



Karlovac seprembar 1991.



Bjelovar septembar 1991.



Spaljivanje sela i pravoslavnih crkava




Franjo Tudjman: "Ne bi bilo rata da smo odustali od svoga cilja da stvorimo samostalnu i nezavisnu drzavu Hrvatsku!



Vukovar novembar 1991.








- 19. decembar 1991. Donesen ustav i proglasena Republika Srpska Krajina, a njen prvi predsjednik je postao dr Milan Babic



- 15 januar 1992.  Evropa pod pritiskom Njemacke i Vatikana priznaje nasilni akt secesije Republike Hrvatske.



danke Dutcheland orilo se sa TV-a!




21. februara 1992. Savjet bezbjednosti donosi rezoluciju o slanju trupa UN na granice izmedju zaracenih strana, koje ce sluziti koa tampon zona izmedju zaracenih strana. Narodu Srpske Krajine se omogucuje da se demokratskim putem izjasni o svojoj sudbini. [color=Maroon]Srpski narod njihov dolazak prihvata sa dobrodoslicom.
[/color]




- Zivot u Srpskoj Krajini se vraca u normalni tok. Medjutim Hrvatska vlast nastoji da rasplamsa rat i da ga prenese i u Bosnu i Hercegovinu. Diverzantske grupe is Hrvatske upadaju na teritoriju BiH i cine strasne zlocine po srpskim selima.





- Medjunarodnim priznanjem BiH, Muslimansko-Hrvatska koalicija dobija ohrabrenje da otvoreno krene u otvoreni obracun sa Srpskim narodom. Kao i godinu dana ranije iz Hrvatske krecu nove kolone izbjeglica.




- 19. maj 1992. Vojska SFRJ na zahtjev UN napusta Bosnu i Hercegovinu. Deset dana kasnije uvode sankcije zemlji prepunoj izbjeglica sa svih strana. Evropske zemlje su na domak svoga cilja, slamanje Srpskog naroda kao jakog politickog faktora.



- Oslobadjanjem srpskih sela u BiH spajaju se srpske zemlje.



- Rezolucijom UN iz 1993 , RSK se prvi put tretira kao sastavni dio Republike Hrvatske. Medjutim, godinu dana kasnije Vens Ovenovim planom, Srpskom narodu u Krajini se garantije pravo na demokratsko rjesavanje statusa i pruza zastita civilnom stanovnistvu.



Medjutim, Republika Hrvatska je cetri puta izvrsila upade u zasticene zone UN i izvrsila zlocin nad civilima.



- 22. januara 1993. godine zbog ofanzive Hrvatske vojske snage UN-a nisu imale snage da pruze zastitu Srbima i Srbi su bili prinudjeni da provale u magacine sa oruzjem, da bi se odbranili.

- 9. septembar 1993. Hrvatske jedinice upadaju u sela. Srbi gube povjerenje u snage UN i poslije toga odbijaju da se razoruzaju.






- Medjunarodna zajednica konstatuje zlocin Hrvatske i samo je blago upozorava.

- septembar 1993 Najtezi napad Hrvatske vojske u tri potpuno sravnjena srpska sela nestalo je 27 civila, a zvjerski ubijen 71.



- RSK se krajem 1993. godine priprema za visestranacke, parlamentarne i predsjednicke izbore uz prisustvo medjunarodnih posmatraca. Na izborima pobjedjuje Milan Martic



- U ostalim Hrvatskim gradovima vrsi se progon Srpskog zivlja. Izbacuju se sa posla, ostaju bez stanova.

- Po nalogu drzavnog vrha Republike Hrvatske sirom drzave se formiraju logori smrti. Neke od njih formira jedinica za posebne namjene Mup-a Hvatske.



- Nakon mucenja logorasi su ubijeni i baceni u neobiljezene masovne grobnice. Najvise takvih grobnica se nalazi u Zapadnoj Slavoniji. Strucnjaci civilne policije i Unprofora, pronasli su samo u rejonu Pakracke regije 87 grobnica sa preko 2500 masakriranih Srba.




- Preko noci nestaju citave srpske porodice. Cine se zlocini na sve moguce nacine.









- Branimir Glavas: "Slobodno recite da ste Ustase. Jeste! Dosli ste u svoju domovinu!



- U Republici Hrvatskoj za protekle 3 godine oskrnjavljeno je i potpuno unisteno preko 400 pravoslavnih hramova.




- Sa teritorije Republike Hrvatske protjerano je preko 300 000 Srba. Prema podacima Butrosa Galija ta brojka iznosi 251 000 protjeranih Srba.



- Bez sumnje Hrvatska je pocinila strahovite zlocine i etnicko ciscenje nad Srbima.
« Poslednja izmena: 26. Dec 2006, 22:56:38 od vlado85 »
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Svi kalendari drevnog naroda Maja završavaju se za dvije i po godine, kao da svijeta posle toga neće ni biti...
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Genocide in Croatia 1991-1995 - the killing of Serb children

Bill Clinton's administration declared the Serbs living on their ancestral land in the breakaway Yugoslav republic of Croatia as aggressors and took sides in a civil war joining the killers of this little Serb in their crime of genocide - may this innocent little spirit haunt his killers and Bill Clinton into eternity. This three year old 'Serbian aggressor' was the child of Miroslav and Sladjana Cecevac. Croatian soldiers found him hiding under a stairway in the cellar, and in order to stop his 'aggression' they put a bullet in the back of his head. In that Yugoslav civil war 7,000 Serb children were killed, twice as many as Croatian and Muslim children combined.

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Izvod iz Slobodne Dalmacije... dokaz da su NATO avioni gadjali srpske polozaje:


An excerpt from from article in the Croatian newspaper 'Slobodna Dalmacija'
A chronology of operation "storm": 84 hours of war
'Slobodna Dalmacija', Split, Croatia, August 5 1996

Friday 4th August 1995

5:00 - Croatian armed forces launch a military operation to liberate the occupied territories of Knin,...

19:00 - Two NATO war planes, which take off from the aircraft carrier Theodor Roosevelt in the Adriatic Sea, attack Serbian rocket positions near Knin.
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1941 to 1945 -- Croatian Genocides on Serbs -- 1991 to 1995

 Photo above left shows how Croatians massacred Serbs during WWII, and photo above right shows how they massacred Serbs during the breakup of Yugoslavia.

We document atrocities committed by Croats and Muslims during WWII as proof that Serbs could not trust their former executioners in their new states of Bosnia and Croatia after the break-up of Yugoslavia, and that the Serbs were demonized by the world media for resisting the break-up. To be continued....

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GENOCIDE IN THE SERVICE OF THE IDEA OF A GREATER CROATIA


Rumours keep spreading out of Croatia about a supposed aspiration of the Serbs to create a greater Serbia and establish greater Serbian hegemony. It is a permanent refrain for all anti-Serbian actions played not only to the Yugoslav but also the world public.124 On the one hand, it purports to show the Serbs and Serbia as aggressors with high territorial pretensions, and on the other, it tends to conceal their own aggression and their own territorial appetites against other ethnic, state and historic territories.

This tactics, insofar as Croatian policy is concerned, has been known for a long time. It was inherited from former Austria-Hungary, which demonized the Serbian liberation and unification intentions to cover up its own appetites for the territories in the Balkans and its support for the German policy of the penetration of the east. According to this tactics, everything that is Serbian is invariably proclaimed to be nationalistic, with the objective of rendering impossible the realization of any Serbian interests which were at variance with the Austro-Hungarian ones. Following the tradition of the Austro-Hungarian anti-Serbian policy, in which they also participated and often even took the lead, politicians with expansionist Croatian ambitions, in all historical periods since the revolution of 1848 to this day, denounced the Serbian policy by invariably describing it as the greater-Serbian policy. Viewing the Serbs as the main competition to the greater-Croatian idea, Croatian politicians not only dreamed of a greater Croatia but they also worked stubbornly and consistently on its realization, holding on to the Machiavelist principle that all means are permitted for the reaching of this aim, including the genocidal extermination of the Serbs.

Croatia's tendencies toward territorial expansion are of old date. Numerically small, also small in the area they occupy, the Croatian people had great imperial ambitions. This is borne witness by the names which they use: "Alpine Croats" (for Slovenes), "Orthodox Croats" (for Serbs), "flower of the Croatian people" (for Moslems), followed by "Turkish Croatia" (for Bosnia), "Red Croatia" (for Montenegro), "White Croatia" (for Dalmatia) and "Carinthian Croatia" (for Slovenia). These names had been carefully nurtured for hundreds of years and rooted in the consciousness of the Croat with the idea of developing in him a conviction of the greatness of Croatia and of the numerical strength of the Croats.

Although back in 1866 Imbro Tkalac warned that states cannot be founded "upon old papers and 'virtual' territorial demands", the policy based on state and historic right could not be other than greater-Croatian. What paranoid ambitions were entertained in territorial demands for the realization of Croatian state and historic right is shown by the example of the rightist newspaper Hervatska (Croatia). In the article entitled Which is the True Croatian Policy and Who Represents It?, in No. 6 of 1871, it writes: "The lands to which Croatia's state rights extended, in terms of history and nationality, stretch from Germany to Macedonia, from the Danube to the sea and according to their separate provincial names, they are: Southern Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, Gorizia, Istria, Croatia, Slavonia, Krajina, Dalmatia, Upper Albania, Montenegro, Hercegovina, Bosnia, Rascia, Serbia -have one true name - the State of Croatia. These lands extend over four thousand square miles and their inhabitants number up to eight million people." The standpoint of Hervatska was not a solitary one, it was not the product of an irresponsible newsman or politician, it was not a momentary mood. It was the natural outcome of a deeply rooted and widespread conviction. In 1869 Eugen Kvaternik wrote to don Mihovil Pavlinovic that if the policy of the Party of Right is followed, if the Croatian state and historic right is observed, then "not from Drava to the sea, but from Salzburg Alps to Kosovo and Albania, will fly the flag of the pure and unsoiled Croatia!"125

Nursed with such conquering ambitions and "armed" with the state and historic right, "the Croatian academic youth" behind which stood the father of Croatia Ante Starcevic, believed that not only Bosnia and Hercegovina but all of Albania, and all of Rascia, all of Upper Moesia or the present day Serbia, are Croatian lands!"126 One of the followers of this "specific Croatiandom" wrote that "the Croatian king is called upon to place the cross upon the church of St. Sofia in Istanbul.127

The well-known Croatian man of letters, Djuro Dezelic, follower of Starcevic's Party of Right, published in 1879 the book Croatian Nationality or the Soul of the Croatian People, in which he wrote that inhabited by the Croats and therefore Croatian provinces are: "all of the present day Dalmatia with the Bay of Kotor, Bosnia with the Turkish Croatia, and the Novi Pazar Pashalik (Rascia), present day Hercegovina which back in 1789, when Angel wrote his history book, was called Turkish Dalmatia, and finally Montenegro with Northern Albania."128

In the hope of realizing its ambitions regarding Bosnia and Hercegovina, the Croatian Sabor, on August 28, 1878, in an address to Emperor Francis Joseph, expressed the hope that Bosnia might be so constituted that "in the course of time it could be handed over to be governed by the Kingdom of Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia".129 Desire for Bosnia and Hercegovina was such that Bishop Strossmayer bitterly wrote to Racki on March 24, 1878: "Our people are staring at Bosnia and Hercegovina but have lost sight of the fact that all our internal logic is against it. How can we be liberated by someone who would sink us in a drop of water, who is always obsessed with it, to do us in, to throw upon us an eternal anathema!"130

Barely twenty years earlier, before he became disillusioned with Austria and its policy toward the Croats, Strossmayer in his confidential memoranda addressed to the Prime Minister Count Rehberg, tried to persuade the most responsible political factors in Vienna to commit themselves more to the solution of the eastern question, hinting that Bosnia and Hercegovina, with the aid of the Croats and the Military Frontier, would fall into their hands like a ripe apple."131 Offering Bosnia and Hercegovina to Austria, the Bishop wanted these areas to be wrested away from Turkey, in the hope of getting to pass over to the Monarchy, and eventually, if possible, annex them to Croatia at a suitable moment. He looked upon Bosnia as Croat land, and in 1879 he wrote to the Banja Luka Bishop Marijan Markovic: "What is Bosnia is also Croatia, and what is Croatia, is also Bosnia."132

The Croat expansionist ambitions were also expressed in the programme of the Party of Right which was drafted at the beginning of November 1893. The first point of this progamme said: "The Croatian state and natural right must be revived, by restoring the wholeness of the Kingdom of Croatia through the unification of Croatia, Slavonia, Dalmatia, Rijeka, Medjumurje, Bosnia, Hercegovina, Istria, Kranjska, Carinthia and Styria within the Habsburg Monarchy.133 When he says "restoration of the wholeness of the Kingdom of Croatia" and unification with the mentioned areas, it presupposes the fact that these areas had been together once. However, in their desire to create a greater Croatia, the rightists forged historical facts not only in this programme but in many other cases. According to the territorial demands of the Croats, there are three categories of countries. The first includes the lands which make up the "real scope", and which include what was then Croatia and Slavonia with the city of Rijeka and surroundings. The second category are the countries to which a so-called virtual claim is made, and which include Medjumurje, Dalmatia, Kvarner Islands, a part of Istria and the north-western parts of Bosnia. The third category includes the lands which the nationalist Croatian circles wanted to see as part of Croatia on the basis of the "Croatian state and natural right". In their programme of 1893, the Rightists included Styria, Carinthia, Kranjska and the whole of Bosnia and Hercegovina, although they had never been a part of Croatia. At any rate, the plan on the building of a greater Croatia, which would be implemented in stages, was fully completed in the second half of the 19th century. In the decades which followed, strategy and tactics were only elaborated for the realization of the desired targets.

For every one of their geomanias, for example for Bosnia and Hercegovina, for Vojvodina, for parts of Slovenia, for Montenegro, the Croats had many justifications: historical, natural, ethnic, geographic, economic, geopolitical and others. In this sense they worked out a well-developed system. The Croats fiercely attacked and denounced any claim or pretension to the territories which they coveted. In this connection, from the 19th century to this day, the Croats resorted to the demonization of the Serbs and they are doing so to this day. According to them, the Serbs are a bandit people, Byzantine in their cunning. They are bandits and chetniks, while the Croats are cultured, humane and peacable, the territories they claim rightfully belong to them, while the Serbs want to get hold of them out of greed, because they are an upsetting factor, a source of crises, disorder and war.134 In this manner, through an admirable tenacity and well elaborated tactics, undisturbed and often even aided by Belgrade's short-sighted and imbecilic policy, they raised their greater-Croatian demands to the degree of just and legitimate rights. Having attained that, they made it clear that they were prepared to realize their national demands at any price, even by using brutal force.135

The Serbs never found adequate replies to such Croat behaviour. Imbued by the idea of Yugoslavism, sincere and credulous champions of brotherhood and unity, they were permanently late, uncovered the truth with astonishment and with a childish perplexity, wondered why they were hated by the Croats and why they are doing them harm.

The newspaper of the Bosnian-Hercegovinian Croats, Hrvatski dnevnik (Croatian Daily) which had a purely racist approach to the solution of territorial questions, published a series of articles on whom Bosnia and Hercegovina belongs to. This series was printed in 1907 in Sarajevo in a booklet entitled The Croatian Bosnia (We and They Over There). At the very beginning, this booklet, contaminated with Franko-furtimist poison, says: "Bosnia's geographic, ethnographic and historical situation clearly determines its political position vis-a-vis the Monarchy, and still more clearly the political role of the Croats in Bosnia. It represents the cultural link between Europe and the east, the link between the Monarchy and Bosnia, which may have loosened during the difficult historical catastrophes, but was never cut off. It represents the ethnic link between the territory where the Croatian tribe founded its first albeit small state of present-day Croatia; it represents the link which legally entitles our King to feel as a ruler in Bosnia and not a mandatary, in other words Croats alone, whether of Christian or Islamic faith, represent the element which is called upon to bridge the gap existing between Europe and the Balkans.

"This feeling is alive in all of us, it clearly determines our task in our historical and cultural development: first to bring Bosnia close to Croatia, pave the way to Monarchy and to the heart of Europe, which wherever you go from Bosnia leads only across Croatia. Croatia will then resurrect again because the link of blood is harder than the link of steel!

"Everyone knows full well that we shall have to fight along this road: we have been for a long time in the eternal struggle against those elements which gravitate towards the other side of the described fatal gap, which some centrifugal force drives out of the community within the Monarchy, who yesterday pretended being loyal to the government and today are weaving threads which they throw across the Drina, who call us the Croat brothers so that in a brotherly embrace they might take away our historic right and our nationality so as to sell them at a profit - on the Terazije!

"But we are still standing on this side of the boundary, while they will remain on the other side!"136

This was the spirit which imbued the Croatian circles, and as for the future relationships in this phantasmagorical great state dreamed about for centuries, we find the answer in the newspaper Hrvatstvo. In the first issue of this newspaper, which appeared in Zagreb on May 2, 1904, in the editorial entitled Our Programme, it states: "We shall fight for the independence of the Roman Catholic Church, for its rights and institutions against whatever attack may come from any quarter. Our task will be to renew and regenerate everything within the public life in the spirit of Jesus Christ… We shall endeavour through constitutional methods to obtain the greatest possible organic extension of the Croat state right. We recognize only one political people in the Croat lands - the Croatian people, only one state flag - the Croatian flag, only one official language - the Croatian language." Fiercely attacking the Croats who were ready for collaboration and accord with the Serbs, Croatia wrote: "Here is Christ, and there is Anti-Christ. Here under the Croatian flag is the pure and glorious Croatiandom, and there is a chaos of inane principles and the confusion of different flags. Here is pride, inherited from the old Croats, who did not permit a foot of their land to be taken away without blood, and there you have men who dish out Croatian land, sprinkled with Croatian blood, like some old rags, for the sake of a supposed accord to those who will not hear about any accord with his brother, unless he allows his right hand to be cut off. What a brotherhood!

"The gap between the Serbs and Croats will become even wider because of us! Is this what you are saying to us?

"Who has bridged this gap until now? Did you? When and where? You have had enough time! So where is that accord? The kind of accord which some Serbs want to establish with you, such accord can be achieved by any ox with his butcher. All he needs is to bow his head under the axe. We don't need such accord, because then we would cease to be what we are and what we want to be - Croats. As for their (Serbian - V.K.) political usurpations, we cannot come to any accord with them until such time as they acknowledge to the Croatian lands that which was agreed under the Nagodba (of 1868 - V.K.): one Croatian flag, one Croatian language, in other words, Croatian political people."

In addition to pretensions to Bosnia and Hercegovina, which had been a stumbling block between the Croats and the Serbs, Srem also became an apple of contention after the revolution of 1848-49, particularly after 1860. Ignoring the fact that the population of Srem is both nationally and religiously Serb and Orthodox, the Croats put out their historical claims upon this province wanting to build into it a great and ethnically pure and Catholic unified Croatian state, which at that time, and much later too, acquired its clear outlines in geographic maps. In the dispute about Srem, two principles, two rights were clashing. The Serbs put forward a more modern, natural and ethnic right, arguing that Srem belongs to them. The Croats opposed this with their historic right, originated in feudal society. These two rights were mutually opposed, so the relations between the Serbs and Croats, with reference to Srem, were in the past and still are today debatable and difficult to resolve.

Croatian expansionist ambitions were not muffled even when the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes came into being. In the new and in many ways altered circumstances, nationalist Croatia was promoted not only secretly but also in public. Thus, for example, Stjepan Radic, president of the Croat Republican Peasant Party, in a statement given to the London Daily News, published on July 22, 1922, tendentiously presented untrue information that in the provinces of Backa, Baranja and Banat, which he said were "unreasonably and illogically called Vojvodina", "the Serbs were in a minority vis-a-vis the Croats" (sic!), that these provinces must not be administered as purely Serbian lands, "but a plebiscite (under the supervision of the League of Nations) must be carried out with one question: "Serbia - Belgrade or Croatia - Zagreb".

A year later, in a letter from London sent on September 23, 1923, to the Presidency of the Croatian Republican Peasant Party, Radic suggested the drawing up of a "map of Croatia and Croats" which would show, in addition to Croatia, Slavonia, Dalmatia, Medjumurje, Prekomurje with "Krka and Kastav", all the former lands of Austria-Hungary (Bosnia and Hercegovina, Backa, Banat and Baranja), and even Montenegro and Macedonia. In his instructions how to produce this map which was intended for foreign countries and had to feature explanations in French or English, Radic pointed out: "In the area from Subotica to Jadran, all the districts with more than fifty percent Croats (in Bosnia, Moslems and Catholic Croats are counted together, of course), marked in blue colour, and Orthodox in red colour."138

Stjepan Radic's successor, Vlatko Macek, consistently continued the greater-Croatian policy of his predecessor. What he wanted was to combine a state from all the former South Slav lands of Austria-Hungary under the leadership of the Croats, and possibly to link it with Serbia in an 'association of interests'." Like Radic, he too called for some kind of plebiscite with the intention of splitting Yugoslavia, up to the Drina and across the Drina river. According to one of his statements in 1936, each province, "Vojvodina, Bosnia and Hercegovina, Montenegro, Macedonia, and even Dalmatia, could opt as they liked or rather, as the deputies of these lands, elected in the election for the constituent assembly, should decide. In other words, if Vojvodina wants to go along with Serbia - good, if she wants a special status in Serbia, it's also good. But if she wants to opt out, it's good too. If she wants to be with Croatia together or separately, it's fine again." The note about Macek's territorial demands was left by Jovan Jovanovic-Pigeon, head of the Agriculturists' Party, after a confidential talk with Prince Paul Karadjordjevic. At a meeting between the Prince and Macek, which took place before the Cvetkovic-Macek agreement, asked by the Prince "What for you is Croatia?", Macek replied: "It is the banovinas of Primorje and Savska." At another meeting Macek asked for Dubrovnik, next for the banovina of Vrbas, which had ninety percent Serbian population. In a third talk his appetites increased, and Macek claimed Srem up to Ilok, Brcko with the surroundings, Bijeljina, Travnik, Fojnica and Hercegovina.139

Croatia's incessant endeavour to spread over the broadest possible geographic area found expression during the Independent State of Croatia. Dissatisfied with its size, too, the ustashas, through Slavko Kvaternik, attempted to enlarge it. In a telegram of May 14, 1941, the German envoy Siegfried Kasche transmitted to his Foreign Ministry Kvaternik's wish to enlarge the "Croatian " territories up to the Albanian border, to include the towns of Priboj, Prijepolje and Pljevlja. Kasche supported this demand reasoning that "the Croatian troops are already stationed there", However, Italy was against it. Count Ciano described this Kvaternik's demand as "Croatian imperialism". In his Diary he

wrote on June 30, 1941: "Pavelic now wants the Sandzak of Novi Pazar. A senseless, unjustified demand. I have prepared a letter, signed by the Duce, whereby we reject such pretensions."140

One of the key men in the team of Tito's politicians from Croatia, Ivan Stevo Krajacic, according to the author of the book on the operations of the German Secret Service BND (Bundesnachrichtendienst), Erich Schmidt Enbohm, at the peak of Tito's strength and unlimited power, drafted a plan on creating a "sovereign Croatia with Bosnia and Hercegovina", within the boundaries of the former Independent State of Croatia of 1941.141 This is another of the undeniable proofs that there was method in greater-Croatian aspirations, particularly those regarding pretensions to Bosnia and Hercegovina. Political systems, forms of state and social set up, or men might have changed, but the Croatian policy remained consistent as regards pretensions of having Croatia's borders along the Drina river.

Among the many issues which burdened and will continue burdening and upsetting relations between the Croats and Serbs is Croatia's geopolitical position. According to the general assessment of all the Croatian politicians and geopoliticians, in the earlier as well as in the present times, Croatia's geopolitical position resembles, in the words of the well-known Croatian historian Vjekoslav Klaic, "a well spread out sausage".

The shape of Croatia is compared by some to a banana or crescent. A Croatia such as this, in the conviction of all the politically thinking Croats, has no chance of surviving and progressing. Antun Radic explained it in the following words: "Dalmatia united with Croatia would resemble the crust of bread, and the middle part which you would cut out would be Bosnia and Hercegovina cut out from the Croatian bread. If we want to eat to satisfaction, we also need the soft middle, we need Herceg-Bosnia."142 For Antun's brother Stjepan, Bosnia was "like the gizzard to the rest of Croatia. How can a person live if you take out his gizzard?"143 In the view of Frano Supilo, "Croatia without Bosnia would always be a toy in the hands of whoever ruled in today's occupied provinces," i.e. in Bosnia and Hercegovina.144 To gain a permanent economic and financial independence, Croatian politicians believe that they have to seize new territories. Hrvatski dnevnik of 1914 wrote about it as follows: "Croatia in its present size cannot survive because she needs some more provinces for its own economic build-up."145

The best known and highly esteemed Croatian geopolitician, Dr. Ivan Pilar, known under alias as Südland, Dr. Juricic and Florian Lichttrager, wrote that "from the geopolitical standpoint, Triune Kingdom without Bosnia and Hercegovina has no chance of maintaining itself either politically or economically".146 According to Pilar, "Croatia and Slavonia, separated from Bosnia and Dalmatia, its natural component parts, is a torso incapable of life".147 Dr. Ivan Pilar, author of the book Juznoslavensko pitanje (South Slav Question), which saw four editions within a few decades, two in Croatian and two in German, in a brochure Svjetski rat i Hrvati - Pokus orijentacije hrvatskoga naroda jos prije svrsetka rata, made it quite clear to the public what must be the strategical target of the Croats. In this brochure Dr. Pilar, alias Dr. Juricic, wrote: "The Kingdom of Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia, with its long and narrow territory of very little depth (Dalmatia in places only a few kilometers) which extends in two directions, is not capable of being the center of any state and political structure, and in this shape as a political body has no future whatever. In our opinion this realization was the cause of a feverish search for a wider framework for our national development before year 1878, when we played around with the Illyrian and Yugoslav movements. The Triune Kingdom will obtain its elementary conditions of life only once it has annexed Bosnia and Hercegovina. The Croatian people in the territory of the Triune Kingdom has very little hope of maintaining themselves, and Bosnia and Hercegovina is seen as an essential condition for the national survival and political development of the Croatian people. Limited to the Triune Kingdom only, the Croatian people can only have a hand-to-mouth life, but will have a full life if they have Bosnia and Hercegovina."148 According to Dr. Pilar, Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia are the shell, and Bosnia and Hercegovina the core of Croatia.149

Taking up this simile about the shell and the core, the Lexicographic Institute of the FPRY from Zagreb, under the leadership of Miroslav Krleza, in the fourth volume of Encyclopedia of Yugoslavia, which appeared in 1960, in the chapter on Croatia, drew up a geographic map of that republic annexing to it Bosnia and Hercegovina, all the way to the Drina river, not omitting the smallest piece of land on the left bank of that river. When the same Institute, in the seventh volume of Encyclopedia of Yugoslavia, published in 1968, in the chapter on Serbia, attached the geographic map of that republic, it did not use the same method. It stopped Serbia upon the Drina river, hardly crossing to its left bank. Only naive and stupid, or perhaps corrupted and politically slimy Serbian members of the Encyclopedia of Yugoslavia's editorial office, could have swallowed up this insolent Croatian geomania towards Bosnia and Hercegovina.

What the Lexicographic Institute did in the 1960s is nothing new and unusual as regards Croat appetites towards Bosnia and Hercegovina. In this respect they have more than one century old tradition. Back in 1862, Josip Partas, following a design drafted by Franjo Kruzic, published a geographic map entitled "Historical Map of the Entire Kingdom of Croatia with the marked boundaries of the existing provinces and the indication of important ancient and new settlements". This map was printed in the Zagreb printing works of Dragutin Albreht. It embraced, as lands of the Kingdom of Croatia, Bosnia and Hercegovina, Montenegro, south-eastern parts of Serbia and south-western areas of Slovenia.150

In conformity with the Croatian aspirations that Croatia's eastern border should be on the Drina, is the ethnographic map by Nikola Zvonimir Bjelovucic. In his booklet Etnografske granice, Hrvata i Slovenaca (Ethnographic Borders of the Croats and Slovenes) which was published in Dubrovnik in 1954, the map Ethnographic Boundaries of the Croats in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Surrounding Countries, was published, drawn by Bjelovucic in 1933. Showing quite considerable territorial enlargements, this map is very reminiscent of Pavelic's NDH. As parts of Croatia are given the whole of Bosnia and Hercegovina, the Bay of Kotor until below Bar, the areas of western Backa, the area of Baja in the then and the present Hungary, parts of Hungary southeast of Pecz, a long belt along the left bank of the Drava, from St. Martin in the east to Donja Lendava in the west, and the whole of Srem. Intentionally drawn inaccurate, Bjelovucic's map is more the expression of Croatian territorial aspirations than an expression of real ethnic relationships. It covers all the lands which according to Croat state and historic right belong to Croatia. Ethnic relationships helped Bjelovucic to publicly state, albeit in an obscure way, Croatian national and political aims.151

Bearing in mind just what has been said above very briefly, although voluminous studies could be written about it, even the reader who has had no occasion of finding out about the expansionist Croat ambitions of the earlier generations, will easily conclude where the sources and inspirations are of the present day Croatian politicians, who want to defend Croatia on the Drina river. Like academician Dalibor Brozovic, who, together with Dr. Franjo Tudjman, on the basis of Croatian historic right, calls the Bay of Kotor theirs, want to grab hold of Backa, and at the same time wish to preserve the AVNOJ administrative republican frontiers.

In the programme of erstwhile Rightists and Franko-furtimists, these antecedents of Pavelic's ustashas, who wanted only one flag, Croatian, one language, Croatian, and one political people, Croatian, to be in a great Croatian state, is the reply to the key question of the present-day relations between the Croats and Serbs and the reasons for which they fought a war between them.

The ideas of Dr. Ivan Pilar imbued all of Croatia's politics. They formed a basis for national ideas and geostrategical aims of the Croatian people. Hence it is not by accident that the contemporary writer of the book Politicka sudbina Hrvatske. Geopoliticke i geostrateske karakteristike Hrvatske (Political Destiny of Croatia. Geopolitical and Geostrategic Features of Croatia) (Zagreb 1995), Petar Vucic makes no bones about publicly and openly writing that after the capitulation of Italy in September 1943 and the annulment of the Roman treaties, Independent State of Croatia was territorially well designed, that in terms of its size, shape and location, according to all geopolitical and geostrategic parameters, had realised its geopolitical and geostrategic ideal. The problem was only that this ideal Croatia contained "too many non-Croat inhabitants".152 In this connection the mentioned author Petar Vucic, referring to the Croatian ustasha state, as patterned in September 1943, pointed out: "Although in many respects it remained an ideal which did not come true, it nevertheless is a permanent witness to the high morals of the ustasha revolutionary movement, which with a state project (although not fully realized) has become the true heir of the Croatian historic state ideal."153 This manner of thinking perfectly tallies with the well-known statement by Dr. Franjo Tudjman that the Independent State of Croatia was really an expression of the "historic and thousand-year old aspiration of the Croatian people for an independent state". This statement did surprise and upset the naive and ignorant, for it is indeed fully in accordance with the centuries old aspirations of the Croatian politics.

That the greater-Croatia, including the whole of Bosnia and Hercegovina up to the Drina river, is the ideal state and the guiding thought of the Croats has recently been proved by a priest, preaching from the pulpit of the Church of Wounded Jesus, in the middle of Zagreb. In his sermon, he wanted Croatia to be "more beautiful, better, bigger and happier", that the center of this Croatia should be in Banja Luka, as was desired by Poglavnik Ante Pavelic. The preacher, Dominican Vjekoslav Lasic, expressed the hope that the Poglavnik's wish would come true, especially since "the present shape of Croatia is a bit strange".154

Petar Vucic and Dominican Lasic are not alone in their thinking and are not maniacs. They speak just as it used to be and still is today being thought about the state's future. They have been joined by a certain Radomir Milisic. In his book Stvaranje Hrvatske. Analiza nacionalne strategije (The Genesis of Croatia. An Analysis of National Strategy) (Zagreb, 1995), this author writes: "Since the destiny of Bosnia and Hercegovina, or rather the destiny of the Croats in that state, are inseparable from that of Croatia, in other words Croatia and Croats must do everything that Bosnia should remain as close as possible to Croatia (because the Croats there are a sovereign people, and they can defend this right only with the help of the Republic of Croatia), Croatia will have to permanently keep its eyes and ears open in this vital area. The areas which the Croats in Bosnia and Hercegovina organized and defended are the physical basis of Croatian sovereignty in that state, and a proof that Bosnia cannot be created without the Croats."155

I have quoted just for illustration's sake some examples of Croat nationalist territorial pretensions based upon the Croatian state and historic right. However, all the successors to the policies of Eugen Kvaternik and Ante Starcevic, and they are today in power in Croatia, who had based their programmes, as written by Imbro Tkalac, "upon old papers and on 'virtual' territorial claims", revealed much too great territorial appetites. There is no point in trying to prove that Ante Pavelic's ustashas based their entire policy upon the Croatian state and historic right. The worst of this policy, based on state and historic right, was revealed in war-time years of 1941-1945 in the most bloodthirsty manner before the entire world public. Although the whole world was nauseated and horrified at such bloodthirstiness, it followed as a logical outcome of a centuries-long ugly and basically sick policy which could do nothing other than create a pathological hatred for the Serbs and to bring about one of the most appalling genocides that the world has ever known.

Through persistent demands that Bosnia and Hercegovina should be a part of Croatia, "so that it might not live from hand to mouth but live a full life", the Croats, in the opinion of Stjepan Radic, "learned to think that there is no free and united Croatia without Bosnia and Hercegovina".156 If the Croats thought so while they were within Austria-Hungary and Yugoslavia, and this statement by Radic should be believed, it is then certain that today such a thought is even more widespread. Having created an ethnically pure Croatia, the Croats have come one step closer to the realization of their geostrategical aims which concern Bosnia and Hercegovina. Without Serbs in Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia, without this eternal upsetting factor, as they call them, they would with more force and fewer obstacles, and having a considerably more favourable geopolitical position, attack Bosnia and Hercegovina, both the Serbs and Moslems. If the Serbs should be caught unprepared, if they should again permit someone to mislead and deceive them with some new Illyrism, Yugoslavism, brotherhood and unity, or commonwealth, they would pay very dear their naiveté, shortsightedness, superficialness, ignorance and foolishness, and will never again be able to recover, because the balance of forces would then change in favour of the Croats. Furthermore, it is certain that Serbia too, as a state, like Croatia must "have its eyes and ears open" in Bosnia and Hercegovina, in this vital area for it. If it goes on quarrelling with the Serbs over there for all kinds of reasons (ideological, partisan and personal) and does not take into account the overall state interests, it is certain that it will lose its battle with the Croats, because it is also certain that the Croats will not be satisfied until they have reached the Drina and until they have come to Belgrade and taken hold of Zemun.

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Ovo je lubanja izvadjena iz oskrnavljenog srpskog groba koju je jedna ustaska jedinica ovako "ukrasila" i nosila sa sobom kao "maskotu" sve dok im nasi momci nisu jednoga jutra dosli u posjetu, (nije bitno koji momci), slika je slikana par minuta nakon zauzimanja hrvatskog polozaja "negdje" u Krajini.



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« Poslednja izmena: 28. Dec 2006, 18:53:42 od vlado85 »
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Ideja genocida nad Srbima u Hrvatskoj

Za nešto više od 48 sati, 5. i 6. avgusta 1995. godine, prostor Sjeverne Dalmacije, Like, Korduna i Banije, u sadašnjoj Republici Hrvatskoj napustilo je preko 90% tamošnjih Srba, potraživši utocište u Republici Srpskoj, Srbiji i Crnoj Gori. Izgnani su sa zemlje na kojoj su prije njih njihovi preci živjeli više stotina godina, cuvajuci teško svoje ime, vjeru, kulturu i kucu. Prilikom izvodenja hrvatske borbene akcije, a najvecim dijelom poslije toga, kad su prestala svaka borbena dejstva, ubijeno je, ili nestalo najmanje 1542 Srba Krajišnika. Vecina su to bile stare i iznemogle osobe koje nisu imale snage i želje da pred kraj životnog puta napuste svoje domove, pa su u svojim kucama i dvorištima mirno docekale svoje ubice Hrvate. Posmatraci medunarodne zajednice i predstavnici humanitarnih organizacija zabilježili su da je po završetku svih vojnih operacija, dakle u miru, spaljeno ili porušeno dinamitom preko 80% srpskih kuca, uz prethodnu temeljitu pljacku. Ubistva srpskih civila, koji su povjerovali pozivu hrvatskog predsjednika Franje Tudmana da ostanu mirno kod svojih kuca i da im se ništa nece loše dogoditi, po svireposti i cinizmu sasvim su licila na ona od prije pola vijeka, koja su izvodili Hrvati, cesto ocevi i djedovi ovih najnovijih ubica.

Srpski etnicki prostor u Hrvatskoj je konacno ocišcen i tako je do kraja izvedena hrvatska politicka misao o Hrvatskoj bez Srba. Ova genocidna misao stara je nekoliko stotina godina i više je puta pokušavana i potpomagana u posljednjih stotinu i pedeset godina, narocito iz Beca, Pešte, Berlina i iz rimokatolickih krugova. Ovaj put genocid je u potpunosti uspio zahvaljujuci prvenstveno Vašingtonu koji je time potvrdio jaku državnu tradiciju u istrebljivanju citavih naroda, ali i politickoj volji i praksi srpske države koja se smatra maticom ocišcenih Srba, bez obzira kako je i pod kojim je uslovima ta volja stimulisana.

Prema valjanim istorijskim izvorima Srbi su naseljavali dio Dalmacije i Liku još u 9. vijeku, a na taj prostor, kao i na prostor Korduna, Banije i Slavonije u kasnijim vremenima su se doseljavali u vecem broju, osobito u 16. vijeku.
U vrijeme turskih prodora prema evropskom zapadu Srbi iz ovih krajeva cinili su obrambeni zid prema turskom osvajacu štiteci tako taj hrišcanski zapad. Srbi su tako silom prilika i namjerom austrijskih careva i madarskih kraljeva postali vojnicki narod. Zbog svojih zasluga na bojnom polju vladari tih država su im davali privilegije i oslobadali ih kmetskog položaja u kakvom su bili hrvatski ili slovenacki seljaci. Mjesto dažbina u radu i materijalnim dobrima Srbi su morali ratovati. O njihovom duhovnom prosvjetnom i, cesto, javnom životu, brinuli su se njihovi vjerski poglavari, uvijek uz ogromne teškoce i pritiske na njihovu vjeru i savjesti.

Taj privilegovani položaj, prema mišljenju znatnog broja istoricara, isprovocirao je kod hrvatskih feudalnih i katolickih crkvenih krugova zavist i mržnju prema Srbima, a kod obicnog seljaka frustriranost. Sve te negativne naboje dosljedno je pothranjivala katolicka crkva pa je i tada, i kasnije, svaki sukob izmedu Srba i Hrvata sadržavao i vjerski stimulans.

Tako upravnik imanja zagrebacke biskupije Alojz Kuzmic piše 13. novembra 1700. godine da bi bilo bolje sve Srbe poklati nego ih nastanjivati. Ovo je prvi pismeni poziv za fizicku likvidaciju Srba u Hrvatskoj. Ta misao nije prestala u Hrvata egzistirati do danas, a nju su podržavali vojni krugovi iz Beca, brinuci se stalno da antagonizam izmedu Srba i Hrvata bude živ, cas jaci, cas slabiji, vec prema tome kako je šta išlo u prilog državnoj politici.

Hrvatska politicka misao, izrasla na obrascu madarske feudalne državne misli, stala je negirati Srbe kao narod, narocito u drugoj polovini 19. vijeka. Po hrvatskim politickim i nacionalnim predvodnicima, Srbi su samo "hrvatski politicki narod", ali i "remetilacki faktor" u hrvatskom nacionalnom programu. Taj "remetilacki" faktor trebalo je odstraniti. To je cinjeno na kulturnom, vjerskom i biološkom planu.

Srbi su, medutim, bili ti koji su bili vrlo konstruktivni faktor u razvijanju hrvatske kulture i u ostvarivanju hrvatskog nacionalnog programa (ucešce u stvaranju Narodne stranke, stvaranje kulture, ustanova i književnog jezika, sjedinjenje Dalmacije i Hrvatske, prevodenje Hrvatske u pobjednicki tabor, teritorijsko proširenje).

Hrvatski ban, i pjesnik, Ivan Mažuranic, medu prvima je pokušao organizovati kulturni genocid nad Srbima, podvrgavajuci njihovo kulturno bice kroatizaciji.

Mažuranicev zacetak produžice kasnije, manje ili više, otvoreno sve hrvatske politicke stranke od uticaja na vlast ili na vlasti. U tom poslu su bili saglasni i oni politicari s lijeva i oni s desna. Pavelicev ustaški fašisticki režim cinio je to drasticnim sredstvima, a Titov komunisticki u mekoj formi, ali u krajnjem rezultatu ne manje efikasno. Kulturni genocid nad Srbima u Hrvatskoj bio je uvijek glasnik njihovog fizickog uništavanja. Tako je i Tito najavio Tudmana.

Hrvatski kulturni i javni radnik u prošlom vijeku Isidor Kršnjavi zapisao je i ove rijeci: "Bilo je vrijeme kada se pisalo da sve Srbe treba sjekirom utuci. Ova misao imade nešto za sebe i to nešto vrlo važno, ona, naime, izrice otvoreno i dosljedno jedini nacin kojim bi se dala provesti hrvatska misao."

Kasnije ce Franc Ferdinand, 1905., formulisati i osnažiti ideju o fizickom uništenju Srba. Krajem prošlog vijeka Hrvati su nagovijestili šta bi se moglo desiti u toku ovoga i na samom njegovom kraju. Naime, 1895., 1899. i 1902. u Zagrebu su organizovane demonstracije i pogromi na Srbe i njihovu imovinu, i to sve uz onu pjesmu "Slavo-Srbom štrik za vrat". Godine 1909. organizovan je tzv. veleizdajnicki proces protiv najvidenijih Srba iz Hrvatske. Poznato je da je godinu dana ranije voda hrvatske nacionalisticke Pravaške stranke Jošua Frank dobio saglasnost od najviših vojnih krugova iz Beca da u slucaju rata izmedu Austro-Ugarske i Srbije, zbog aneksione krize 1908., može organizovati pokolj nad svim Srbima u Hrvatskoj ili ih sve protjerati.

Ima jasnih potvrda o tome da bi se nešto slicno i desilo da je Austro-Ugarska iz Prvog svjetskog rata izišla kao pobjednik.
Pocetkom Drugog svjetskog rata u Hrvatskoj kao satelitu fašistickih sila, u prvom redu Njemacke, organizovan je genocid nad Srbima, kome je po surovosti i dosljednosti jednak samo onaj turski nad Jermenima 1915. Ustaški ministar Mile Budak formulisao je rješenje srpskog pitanja u Hrvatskoj ovako: jednu trecinu Srba pobiti, drugu iseliti, trecu prekrstiti u katolike i tako od njih napraviti Hrvate. U tim vremenima Hrvati su na najsvirepiji nacin umorili oko 1.000.000 Srba. Srbi su bili glavni nosioci borbe protiv fašizma u Hrvatskoj a od 1941. do 1943. i jedini. Srpski borbeni sastavi nazivani su iz ideoloških razloga hrvatskim.

U samo predvecerje ovog tek minulog rata, profesor Jovan Raškovic, predsjednik Srpske demokratske stranke, vidio je ovakvu atmosferu:

    "Najprije smo diskriminisani da bi se uskoro diskriminacija pretvorila u teror i proganjanje naših clanova i funkcionera. U isto vrijeme se clanovi SDS masovno otpuštaju s posla i iseljavaju pod terorom. Njihova imovina se uništava. Prema našoj procjeni i sigurnoj evidenciji, srušeno je ili konacno ošteceno više od pet hiljada kuca i stanova clanova naše stranke. Nema poštovanja prema imovini naših ljudi. U cetiri hiljade stanova clanova SDS bespravno su se uselili Hrvati, bez ikakvih poteškoca i sa blagoslovom vlasti". ("NIN, 21.jula 1992.)

    U ovom ratu (1991-1995.) Hrvati sticajem okolnosti nisu ubili preko milion Srba, ali metodi obracuna sa starim i nemocnim, ili sa zarobljenim srpskim borcima, bili su isti kao i u onom prethodnom ratu, prepuni necuvene surovosti i nekrofilnog cinizma.

    I poslije dvije godine od završetka rata etnicka metla u Hrvatskoj ne prestaje da radi. Pale se i ruše preostale srpske kuce, otima se imovina povratnika, a oni se terorišu i ubijaju pod patronatom hrvatske države.
    Hrvatska etnicka metla cisti i tragove srpskog vjekovnog postojanja pa se, prema izvještajima raznih organizacija za ljudska prava u Krajini naknadno pljackaju srpske crkve i manastiri, a groblja devastiraju. Iz istog izvora, a i iz drugih, saznaje se o premlacivanjima i ubijanju Srba povratnika. Sve u ime dugo sanjane etnicki ciste hrvatske države.
     

Beograd, avgust 1997. godine
   

Svetozar Borak, profesor
srpskog jezika i književnosti

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HRVATI PALE I UBIJAJU IZ OSVETE

 
U Kistanjama nailazim na etničko čišćenje krajiških Srba u punom jeku, sa nagomilanim tijelima i poharanim zgradama.

Hrvatska vojska uništila je sve kuće u Kistanjama: male niske kuće, dvospratnice, austro-ugarske zgrade od klesanog kamena, nagorjele ruševine još uvijek okružene stablima čije je lišće potamnjelo od plamena. Niti jedan Srbin neće se više vratiti ovdje.

U Đevrskama, susjednom selu, naišao sam na kuću koja je još uvijek gorjela, a plamenovi lagano puzili po krovu. Hrvatska ima mnogo vremena da dovrši etničko čišćenje regiona Krajine, sada kad je svjetska pažnja ponovo zaokupljena bosanskim paklom.

Sela bez kuća, zemlja bez ljudi. Čudno je kako to sve prirodno izgleda, prevrnuti automobili, odjeća razbacana po ulici, prazne konzerve piva koje su ostavile hrvatske tobože elitne trupe, Budvajzer i Karlovačko svijetlo i ponegdje konzerve Hajnekena razasute po baštama i putevima. U centru Kistanja Hrvat je udario kamionom u spomenik te smrskao ćirilicom napisana imena srpskih mučenika koji nisu mogli ni zamisliti - pošto su se suprostavili Njemcima i njihovim saveznicima Hrvatima u II svjetskom ratu - da će njihov identitet biti konačno izbrisan nakon pola stoljeća od pobjede civilizovanog svijeta nad fašizmom.

Na drugoj strani Knina, na putu za Strmicu, Edvard Flin, iz UN tima za zaštitu ljudskih prava i ja, naišli smo na tunel pun dima s druge strane napuštene željezničke pruge za Bihać. "Hodaćemo polako jer moraš paziti na ono šta je na putu", rekao je on pošto smo se lagano spuštali ka niskom željezničkom mostu i naišli na potpuno novu dvospratnu kuću zahvaćenu plamenom.

Milju dalje zapuhnuo nas je smrad. Samo par dana prije Hrvati su se bavili time da uklone raspadajuće tijelo srpskog vojnika koji je ubijen metkom u potiljak par časova iza uspješnog hrvatskog oslobođanja Krajine prošlog mjeseca. Vojnici UN-a nalaze oko Knina nedavno ubijenih srpskih civila i to u omjeru šest dnevno. To se ne objavljuje, naravno, jer svijet posmatra Sarajevo.

U Gruborima, prošle nedelje specijalne snage hrvatske vojske provele su tzv. kampanju čišćenja u dolini Plavna. Kasnije su pripadnici UN-a pronašli dva starija muškarca ubijena, jednog s metkom u potiljku a drugi sa prerezanim grkljanom. Izvjesni hrvatski general Čermak objavio je da su Grubori bili četničko uporište. Slijedećeg dana UN je našao još tri srpska leša, među njima i leš žene od oko 90 godina.

Svaki put kada smo zaustavili automobil - na putu za Strmicu, u Kistanjama ili Đevrskama - stiglo bi civilno ili auto hrvatske policije, a uniformisana lica bi nas gledala zlovoljno ili pitala za razlog našeg prisustva. Nitko, poslije svega, ne želi da objavljuje njihova ratna zlodjela - pa čak i da američki ambasador po povratku u Zagreb izjavi da ovdje nema etničkog čišćenja.

U Orliću, 26. avgusta, dva posmatrača Evropske unije naišla su na tri hrvatska vojnika koji su potpaljivali farmu. O kakvom se događaju radi najbolje se vidi iz njihovog zvaničnog izvještaja. " Pokušali smo razgovarati sa njima, ali jedan od njih je napunio oružje, govoreći da je vatra već juče bila zapaljena. Bila je to savršena laž, pošto je vatra upravo bila zapaljena, ali draže nam je bilo da pobjegnemo". Svako bi radije da pobjegne iz Krajine, izuzev nekolicine preostalih Srba - možda samo 5% od ukupnog srpskog stanovništva. Ali izvještaj Evropske unije iz Krajine od prošle nedjelje - povjerljiv dokument koji sam u potpunosti pročitao - govori sam za sebe.

"Dokazi o zločinima, u prosjeku šest leševa dnevno, i dalje izranjaju, leševi od kojih su neki svježi a neki raspadnuti, uglavnom su od stariji ljudi. Mnogi su ubijeni metkom u potiljak ili su zaklani, ostali su unakaženi. Stariji civili iz izoliranih područja, kako ljudi kažu, odnedavno se smatraju nestalim ili su pritvoreni. Brojni (hrvatski) pozivi Srbima da se vrate, garancije o građanskim pravima i pravima na imovinu, također stižu sa svih nivoa. Međutim, srpski domovi i zemlja i dalje se pale i pljačkaju. Suprotno zvaničnim izjavama kojim se optužuju Srbi koji su bježali i nekontrolisani elementi, zločine su počinili hrvatska vojska, hrvatska policija i hrvatski civili. Nismo primjetili pokušaje da se to zaustavi i sve ukazuje na politiku spržene zemlje.

Istorija zahtijeva od svijeta da se prisjeti kako su Srbi palili kuće svojih susjeda Hrvata kada su proglasili svoju nezavisnost od Hrvatske 1991. te istjerali Hrvate koji su živjeli u Krajini sa identičnom namjerom; da bi ih spriječili da se vrate. Ali naravno, Hrvatska - za razliku od tzv. i sada nepostojeće Republike Srpske Krajine - želi da se pridruži Evropskoj uniji, želi da se njene trupe obuče po evropskom standardu (Amerikanci su im već pomogli) i želi da bude dio evropske demokratije. I Hrvatska može slobodno tražiti pomoć od Evropske unije za obnovu škola i kuća koje njene "elitne" trupe pale u žestini etničkog čišćenja.

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« Poslednja izmena: 28. Dec 2006, 21:19:19 od vlado85 »
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