Jedna od najstarijih,najopremljenijih i njbrutalnijih juznoamerickih gerila...

Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia
Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia - FARC

Description

Established in 1964 as the military wing of the Colombian Communist Party, the FARC is Colombia’s oldest, largest, most capable, and best-equipped Marxist insurgency. The FARC is governed by a secretariat, led by septuagenarian Manuel Marulanda (a.k.a. “Tirofijo”) and six others, including senior military commander Jorge Briceno (a.k.a. “Mono Jojoy”). The FARC is organized along military lines and includes several urban fronts.

In February 2002, the group’s slow-moving peace negotiation process with President Andres Pastrana's administration was terminated by Bogota following the FARC's plane hijacking and kidnapping of a Colombian Senator from the aircraft. On 7 August, the FARC launched a large-scale mortar attack on the Presidential Palace where President Alvaro Uribe was being inaugurated. High-level foreign delegations—including the United States—attending the inauguration were not injured, but 21 residents of a poor neighborhood nearby were killed by stray rounds in the attack.

Strength

Approximately 9,000 to 12,000 armed combatants and several thousand more supporters, mostly in rural areas.


Location/Area of Operation

Colombia, with some activities—extortion, kidnapping, logistics, and R&R—in Venezuela, Panama, and Ecuador.

External Aid

Cuba provides some medical care and political consultation. A trial is currently underway in Bogota to determine whether three members of the Irish Republican Army—arrested in Colombia in 2001 upon exiting the FARC-controlled demilitarized zone (despeje)—provided advanced explosives training to the FARC.

Although the FARC-controlled safe haven, or "despeje" -- which is situated between two of Colombia's largest coca cultivation areas -- is not considered a major area for coca cultivation or drug trafficking, many FARC units throughout southern Colombia raise funds through the extortion ("taxation") of both legal and illegal businesses, the latter including the drug trade. Some insurgent units raise funds through extortion or by protecting laboratory operations. In return for cash payments, or possibly in exchange for weapons, the insurgents protect cocaine laboratories in southern Colombia. Some FARC and ELN units are independently involved in limited cocaine laboratory operations. Some FARC units in southern Colombia are reported to be directly involved in drug trafficking activities, such as controlling local cocaine base markets.


Activities

Bombings, murder, mortar attacks, kidnapping, extortion, hijacking, as well as guerrilla and conventional military action against Colombian political, military, and economic targets. In March 1999, the FARC executed three US Indian rights activists on Venezuelan territory after it kidnapped them in Colombia. Foreign citizens often are targets of FARC kidnapping for ransom.

Although the Colombian government has given the FARC political status and has attempted to negotiate with this terrorist organization to stop the recruitment of minors, the FARC has refused. The Colombian government's Family Welfare Institute estimates that at least 30 percent of the FARC's fighters are younger than 18, compared to about 15 percent a decade ago. However, international and Colombia agencies that track the use of child fighters now think the FARC's numbers may be higher. During recent skirmishes between the Army and a FARC column, 32 of the 77 fighters captured by army troops were under 18 years old, and 19 of those were 15 and under. Of the 46 FARC fighters who were killed in the skirmishes, 20 were children. The UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) estimates that there were about 6,000 minors serving in the FARC and AUC terrorist groups last year.

The FARC broke off negotiations with the government in October 2001, protesting government security measures around the zone and military flights over the territory. On 12 January 2002, President Pastrana gave the FARC 48 hours to come up with a new proposal for talks, or, he said, he would abolish the safe zone he had granted them three years earlier as a condition for talks. Colombian army units took up positions around the zone and many people here feared a major escalation of the war was imminent. That crisis was averted on 14 January 2002, when the FARC agreed to immediate talks, and dropped the complaint about government security measures. The resulting agreement on a timetable for talks represents the most significant advance toward peace in Colombia in nearly four decades of war.

On 20 January 2002 representatives of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, signed an agreement with the government of President Andres Pastrana that sets a timetable for peace negotiations. Less than four hours before the deadline for an agreement set by President Pastrana was to expire, the rebels and government negotiators announced their timetable and plan for talks. The last-minute accord prevented what many feared would be an escalation of the 38-year civil conflict. The timetable included a number of target dates for completing discussions of such issues as a cease-fire, kidnappings and other action that harm civilians, and the dismantling of anti-rebel para-military groups. The timetable set 7 April 2002 as the deadline for reaching an accord on these issues.

On 12 February, 2003 a plane tasked to the program working on eradicating Colombia's coca plantations and flying on a routine reconnaissance mission, crash landed in FARC territory. The plane was carrying a Colombian sergeant and four American contractors. Once located it was discovered that the Colombian soldier and one of the American passengers had been shot by FARC rebels and the three other Americans were taken captive. The three American hostages were accused of being CIA spies and were used as bargaining leverage to negotiate a prisoner exchange with the Colombian government. As of July 2006, no exchange had been made. This event exemplifies the abduction and ransom tactics the FARC has used to extort money and power for their cause. The FARC are believed to be in possession of hundreds of kidnapping victims ranging from Colombian politicians, policemen and other prominent figures.

In 2004 President Uribe launched a large military operation called "Patriot Plan" involving 15,000 government soldiers who pushed into FARC controlled territory in an attempt to wrest part of the countryside from rebel hands and capture key Guerilla leaders. The plan was partially successful causing the FARC to retreat and lose territory they had controlled for decades. The Patriot Plan was limited in its success of capturing key FARC leaders producing few apprehensions and driving most of the group's top leaders into deeper hiding.

By 2005 President Uribe's efforts to increase pressure on FARC appeared to have some partial success, decreasing the intensity of attacks on Government forces. However, statistics demonstrated that while the intensity of attacks had decreased the frequency of clashes remained the same. There was a resurgence of violence in early 2005 when 50 Colombian soldiers were killed in the month of February. Also in 2005, 3 Irish Republican Army (IRA) members who were awaiting final sentencing for training the FARC on IRA bomb tactics fled Colombian parole and resurfaced in Ireland. They were detained and questioned by the Irish national police and released without charge. The Colombian government requested their extradition. Ireland does not have an extradition treaty with Colombia; the case remained under review and the three fugitives at large.

In August 2005, the Brazilian Federal Police arrested Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) "spokesman" Francisco Antonio Cadena Collazos under an international warrant. In August 2006, the Government of Brazil granted him political asylum and denied Colombia's extradition request.

On 3 September and 25 October 2007, Colombian authorities announced the deaths of commanders Tomas Medina Caracas "El Negro Acacio," and Gustavo Rueda Diaz, “Martin Caballero,” respectively, noting that they represented serious blows to the FARC.

In November 2007, President Alvaro Uribe agreed to a request of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez and Colombian Senator Piedad Cordoba, to act as intermediaries for a possible "humanitarian exchange" of FARC-held hostages for FARC prisoners in Colombian jails. The Colombian government-sanctioned effort ended in November after Chavez and Cordoba repeatedly failed to adhere to Colombia's guidelines. Nevertheless, Chavez continued his efforts to gain the release of hostages including a failed effort at year's end involving the promised release of three Colombian hostages (Clara Rojas, her son Emmanuel, and Consuelo Gonzales de Perdomo) to an international delegation that included former-Argentine President Nestor Kirchner. The Government of Colombia revealed that the FARC had turned over Emmanuel to a sympathizer, who had in turn placed the child in Colombian social services. Confusion over Emmanuel's whereabouts coupled with FARC allegations that the Colombian military was operating in the area led the FARC to temporarily call off the release. The FARC, under intense public pressure, eventually turned over Rojas and Gonzales to President Chavez.

In March 2008 Colombia forces mounted a raid against the FARC in Ecuador, leading to the capture of laptop computers and other intelligence. The raid resulted in an immediate regional crisis over the apparent Colombian violation of Ecuadoran sovereignty, with both Ecuador and Venezuela mobilizing military forces. The Colombian authorities intially suggested that the raid had been conducted with Ecuadoran approval, but later appeared to back away from this assertion. In return Colombian authorities claimed the intelligence recovered proved links between the governments of both Ecuador and Venezuela and the FARC. The crisis and potential military confrontation were later resolved, but an investigation continued into the allegations of regional support for the FARC.

Capture of Rodrigo Granda in Venezuela, 13 December 2004

The FARC found itself in late 2004 in the middle of a growing diplomatic crisis between Colombia and Venezuela. On 12 January 2005, Colombia's defense minister acknowledged that the Colombian government had paid bounty hunters to seize Rodrigo Granda, a member of the FARC, from neigboring Venezuela. President Hugo Chavez of Venezuela subsequently described the capture, which occured on the streets of Caracas, as a violation of his country's sovereignty and demanded an explanation.

The Colombian government refused to divulge any information pertaining to the capture. For weeks the government had claimed the capture had occured in the Colombian border city of Cucuta. Any details relating to who was involved in the operation and how much they were paid is still unknown. A Venezuelan lawmaker, Luis Tascon, claimed that the amount was $1.5 million-an amount the Colombian government later denied. Defense Minister Jorge Alberto Uribe has asserted that Colombian agents were not involved, while a close ally of President Alvaro Uribe has claimed that "Venezuelan agents" had carried out the operation.

Adding to the mystery was the detainment of four Colombian officers in Venezuela just days before the capture. The four officers were suspected of taking photographs of military installations in the central city of Maracay, but were later released without being charged.

In a 14 January 2005 communique, the Colombian government claimed "The United Nations prohibits member nations to provide safe haven to terrorists in an “active or passive” manner... Mr. Granda participated in a Bolivarian Congress held in Caracas on December 8 and 9 of 2004, in representation of the FARC."

Rodrigo Granda, a senior FARC member, was reportedly responsible for garnering international support for the FARC. This, in sum, could be described as the source of the current conflict between Colombia and Venezuela. Colombia has often complained about the lack of cooperation from the Chavez government in cracking down on leftist rebels.

On 16 January 2005, the Colombian government released this 9-point statement:

    * 1. The right of the people to be free of terrorists needs the efficient and resolute cooperation of all democratic governments.
    * 2. Colombia pays rewards to informants who allow the capture of terrorists. It does not bribe. Venezuela must present proof supporting the alleged bribe to government officials.
    * 3. We cannot be cynically deceived by the FARC which presents the capture of kidnappers like kidnapping.
    * 4. Colombia will present proof to the Venezuelan Government regarding the protection provided by officials of that country to Mr. Granda. The safe haven provided to terrorists violates the sovereignty of Colombia, an offended country, for it increases the risk of terror against its citizens.
    * 5. Colombia does not accept that representatives of terrorist organizations be admitted in a political event sponsored by official Venezuelan institutions. Political opposition is one thing, another very different one is terrorism.
    * 6. With surprise it is read in the Foreign Affairs Office in Venezuela communiqué, the intention of involving 4 Colombian police officers in the Granda case. The Venezuelan authorities timely new that it concerned another antinarcotics operation. They were investigated and released.
    * 7. Colombia has used the diplomatic and official channels. What is demanded is that such channels operate in an efficient manner. Once again, information will be delivered to that Government concerning the presence of Colombian terrorists on Venezuelan soil. The name of 7 high ranking terrorist leaders and the location of various camps will be included.
    * 8. The will of the Colombian Government to work in harmony with the Government of Venezuela is reiterated and according to the procedure defined by the Offices of Foreign Affairs.
    * 9. Terrorism cannot harm the unity of our nations.

As of 17 January 2005, the crisis between the two countries continued. President Hugo Chavez agreed to meet with President Alvaro Uribe in a bilateral meeting. By the end of January 2005 the diplomatic standoff between the two countries appeared to be improving. On January 28 representatives from Colombia and Venezuela met in Lima, Peru. Tensions with the countries reached even more serious levels, following a 2008 Colombian raid against the FARC in Ecuador, with President Hugo Chavez mobilizing military forces before a meeting with Alvaro Uribe appeared to defuse the situation. Major economic links between Colombia and Venezuela, as well as Colombia and Ecuador were said to be a factor in resolving the crisis. 

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kan'da si se malo zajeb'o.

Da greskom,ali reseno od strane supervizora,desava se...

Dobra tema kao i izbor slika. Moje izvinjenje ali sam morao da uklonim dve fotografije decaka preklanog kanapom, mislim da moze nekog da uznemiri.

 

Ok,ja sam to stavio vise kao primer brutalnosti FARC-a,mada sam pomislio koliko moze biti potresno za  forumase!

Kolumbija Republika Kolumbija
Glavni grad: Bogota
Površina: 1,41 miliona km2
Broj stanovnika: 44,9 miliona
Struktura stanovništva: mestici (potomci miješanih Evropljana, uglavnom Španaca, i domorodaca) - 58 odsto, bijelci - 20 odsto, mulati (potomci miješanih crnaca i bijelaca) -14 odsto
Zvanični jezik: španski
Religije: rimo-katolici - 95 odsto
Bruto dohodak (per capita): 1.810$

Narko-rat pod plaštom revolucije

Nakon eliminacije narko-bosa Pabla Eskobara u prazan prostor «poslovanja» sa drogom uplivao je FARC - jedna od najbolje organizovanih i opremljenih pobunjeničkih grupa u svijetu, za koju se pretpostavlja da ima oko 18 hiljada boraca pod oružjem. FARC je sredinom 90-ih počeo da se bavi proizvodnjom i prometom kokaina, heroina i marihuane i danas im je to glavni izvor finansiranja. Mnogi se slažu da su nakon ovoga oni potpuno izgubili vezu sa svojim idejama uspostavljanja komunističkog režima i da sada samo žele obaranje vlasti i postavljanje na te pozicije svojih ljudi koji su stekli finansijsku i političku moć novcem od prodaje droge

Iako je Kolumbija prepoznatljiva kao zemlja značajnih prirodnih bogatstava i bogate kulture koja oslikava indijansko, špansko i afričko porijeklo njenog stanovništva, ona je isto, ako ne i više, poznata i kao zemlja nekoliko decenija dugog građanskog rata u koji su umiješane Vlada, gerilci i narko-kartel. U medijima i svjetskoj javnosti građanski rat u Kolumbiji se naziva «četrdesetogodišnjim sukobom», jer se njegov početak povezuje sa formiranjem nekoliko gerilskih grupa sredinom 60-ih. Međutim, korijene današnje najveće pobunjeničke organizacije, FARC, koja je glavni «nosilac» tog sukoba, treba tražiti u samoorganizovanim seoskim oružanim formacijama nastalim u periodu između 1948. i 1958. godine, u kolumbijskoj istoriji poznatom kao «La Violencia».

onzervativci i liberali : U drugoj polovini XIX vijeka na političkoj sceni Kolumbije profilisale su se dvije političke partije – Liberalna i Konzervativna. U suštini, bile su to interesne grupe koje je sačinjavala bogataška elita. Svojom propagandom oni su stekli pristalice u svim slojevima društva, čak i među seljacima u izolovanim andskim selima. Njihovi sukobi interesa i ideologija često su izazivali oružane sukobe među stanovništvom podijeljenog politikom. Prvi takav veliki sukob, nazvan «Rat od hiljadu dana», trajao je između 1899. i 1903. godine i u njemu je život izgubilo preko 120.000 ljudi. Ni nakon okončanja tog rata konzervativci i liberali nisu pronašli način da svoje političke razlike rješavaju mirnim putem, tako da su oružani sukobi bili sastavni dio političkog života tadašnje Kolumbije.
Krajem 40-ih godina kao političar sa najviše ugleda nametnuo se lijevo orijentisani liberal Horhe Elieser Haitan. Predviđalo se da će on pobijediti na predsjedničkim izborima koji su trebali biti održani 1950. Ali on taj dan nije dočekao. U aprilu 1948. ubijen je u Bogoti. Njegovo ubistvo pokrenulo je "Bogotazo", val nasilja, pljačke i sveopšte anarhije u Bogoti. Ovakva situacija odrazila se i na ostatak zemlje. Uskoro su počeli oružani obračuni između pristalica liberala i konzervativaca u čitavoj Kolumbiji, uglavnom pripadnika nižih društvenih klasa. Iako su tenzije među njima bile velike, liberali su podržali agresivne mjere Vlade, koju su tada činili konzervativci, da bi suzbili nerede. Bojali su se da bi čitava situacija mogla da preraste u sveopšti seljački ustanak protiv političke elite, iako je to tada bilo gotovo nemoguće. U stvari, i jedni i drugi pribojavali su se da bi iz situacije sveopšteg haosa mogla da se profiliše nova ličnost ili politička opcija koja bi ugrozila njihove pozicije. I pored novouspostavljenog savezništva, nakon ubistva svoja dva visoka funkcionera liberali bojkotuju predsjedničke izbore 1950. godine na kojima pobjeđuje kandidat Konzervativne partije Laureano Gomez.
Tokom ranih 50-ih Gomezov režim, podržavan od crkve i Sjedinjenih Država, pojačava represiju nad pristalicama liberala, posebno u ruralnim područjima. Godine 1953. predsjednik Gomez je zbačen vojnim pučem pod vođstvom generala Gustava Rohasa Pinjile. U namjeri da zaustavi građanski rat Pinjila je obećao seljacima da će izvršiti agrarnu reformu ukoliko odlože oružje. Zbog toga je osnovao posebno tijelo koje je tu reformu trebalo da sprovede, ali je u praksi malo toga učinjeno. Zbog toga su se seljaci ponovo digli na oružje i rat je nastavljen. Liberalna i Konzervativna stranka optužile su Pinjila da je direktno odgovoran za ponovno rasplamsavanje sukoba i uz višenedjeljne demonstracije i štrajkove, primorali su ga da podnese ostavku. Nakon toga su, početkom 1958. godine, formirali Nacionalni front, sporazum prema kojem su podijelili vlast među sobom.
Time je završena "La Violenca", rat između suprotstavljenih bogataških političkih elita koji su za njih vodili siromašni seljaci bezemljaši. U njemu je izginulo između 200.000 i 300.000 ljudi, tačan broj nikada nije utvrđen.

Formiranje gerilskih organizacija: Iako je rat zaustavljen, nagomilani problemi nisu nestali. Dvije političke partije koje su započele rata sada su zajedno dijelile izvršnu i zakonodavnu vlast, pa nije bilo izgleda da ponovo bukne sukob između njihovih pristalica. Za to vrijeme ništa nije preduzimano da se sprovede agrarna reforma. Zbog toga su seljaci-bezemljaši odlučili da stvar preuzmu u svoje ruke. Počeli su masovno da se sele u viša, planinska područja Anda koja su bila prekrivena prašumom. Krčenjem, oni su dobijali obradivu zemlju. Odbijali su priznati bilo kakvu vlast Bogote na toj teritoriji jer su smatrali da su sami sebi stvorili obradivo zemljište, bez ikakve pomoći države. Međutim, i država je htjela da se okoristi novim zemljištem. Zahtijevali su od novopečenih zemljoposjednika da plaćanju visoke poreze i druge dažbine što ovi nikako nisu htjeli da prihvate. Onda je Vlada reagovala oružjem zauzevši veliki procenat raskrčene prašume, sada plodnog zemljišta, dajući ga na upravljanje zemljoposjednicima koji su joj bili bliski. Ovakvo ponašanje je razbjesnilo seljake koji su bili primorani da ponovo bježe u prašume. Osjećali su se i izdano zbog nesprovedene agrarne reforme, a Vlada im je sada oduzimala zemlju koju su oni stvorili svojim trudom. Zbog toga se u andskim prašumama formiraju male grupice naoružanih seljaka. Početkom 1964. godine one se ujedinjuju i osnivaju Revolucionarne oružane snage Kolumbije, poznatije pod španskim akronimom FARC.
Glavni osnivač FARC-a bila je Komunistička partija Kolumbije. Poneseni oružanim komunističkim revolucijama koje su se u to vrije dešavale u čitavoj Latinskoj Americi i oni su odlučili osnovati svoje vojno krilo. Glavni cilj te ljevičarske pobunjeničke organizacije je zbacivanje «kapitalističke, proameričke vlasti» i uspostavljanje «komunističke republike, socijalne pravde i jednakosti».
FARC danas predstavlja jednu od najbolje organizovanih i opremljenih pobunjeničkih grupa u svijetu. Pretpostavlja se da imaju oko 18.000 boraca pod oružjem. Od svog nastanka pa do danas zadavali su velike glavobolje zvaničnoj Bogoti. Svoje akcije su izvodili uglavnom uspješno, sa malim brojem žrtava u svojim redovima, napadajući političare i vladine objekte, strane radnike, naftovode... Što se tiče finansiranja, do okončanja Hladnog rata primali su veliku pomoć od komunističkih država, posebno od Kube. Danas su im osnovni izvori novca trgovina drogom i otmice.
Vlada je do sada nekoliko puta nastojala da izdejstvuje mir. Najbliže tome bili su 1998. godine. Tad su uspostavljena područja, tzv. «sigurni raj», u koja nisu smjela da ulaze vojne i policijske snage. To su uglavnom bile teritorije na zapadu zemlje pod kontrolom FARC-a. Međutim, pregovori su propali 2002. kada je Vlada optužila FARC da demilitarizovanu zonu koristi za pripremanje napada na vojsku.
Sredinom 1965. godine, iz problematičnog perioda nakon završetka «La Violence» izrodila se još jedna ljevičarska gerilska organizacija – Nacionalna oslobodilačka organizacija ili skraćeno ELN. Za razliku od FARC-a nju su osnovali građanski intelektualci inspirisani ideologijom Fidela Kastra i Če Gevare. Međutim, i pored znatno veće podrške izvana, oni nikada nisu uspjeli da dostignu snagu FARC-a. Danas ta gerilska organizacija broji između 3.000 i 5.000 boraca. Uglavnom operišu na sjeveru i sjeveroistoku zemlje i granici sa Venecuelom. Napadaju Vladine zgrade i službenike, vojsku i policiju. U avgustu 2001. izveli su svoj najžešći napad. U kontejner su postavili 35 kilograma eksploziva, koji je u potpunosti uništio dvije zgrade. U toku posljednje tri godine raznijeli su preko 100 trafo-stanica, zahtijevajući od vlasti da prekine sa privatizacijom elektroenergetskog sistema.
Sredinom 1999. godine Vlada je započela mirovne pregovore sa ELN-om, ali su oni propali krajem 2001. Iako su slični po svojim ideološkim i političkim ubjeđenjima, ELN i FARC su međusobno suprotstavljeni. Analitičari smatraju da je osnovni razlog neprijateljstva - teritorija.
Za razliku od te dvije gerilske organizacije, koje su po svojoj prirodi ljevičarske, Ujedinjene samoodbrambene snage Kolumbije (AUC) su desničarska, paramilitarna oružana grupa. AUC je nastao u aprilu 1997. godine da bi okupio lokalne oružane grupice čiji je zadatak da štite ekonomske interese od FARC-a i ELN-a na područjima na kojima su djelovale. Tokom 2002. godine rukovodstvo AUC-a raspustilo je, a potom i ponovo organizovalo, većinu tih lokalnih organizacija sa namjerom da ukloni one koji su bili povezani sa trgovinom drogom. Tu desničarsku grupu podržavaju krupni zemljoposjednici, bogataši i lokalne zajednice u kojima nije ostvareno dovoljno prisustvo državnih organa reda. Kako oni kažu, njihov osnovni cilj je da zaštite svoje «sponzore» od pobunjenih ljevičara. AUC je dobro opremljen i redovno daje platu svojim članovima, za koje se pretpostavlja da ih ima oko 8.000.
U decembru 2002. oni su započeli pregovore sa Vladom, koji će se, čini se, okončati uspješno. Vođe AUC-a pristale su na potpunu demobilizaciju i razoružavanje te organizacije do kraja 2005. U zamjenu, dobiće potpunu amnestiju i novčane beneficije.
FARC, ELN i AUC su tri glavne gerilske oružane organizacije u Kolumbiji. Pored njih postoje još deseci naoružanih grupa, grupica, organizacija i bandi koje se bore za različite ciljeve. Međutim, one nemaju gotovo nikakvu snagu i nisu neki bitan politički ili vojni faktor u zemlji.
Možda bi građanski rat u Kolumbiji bio znatno lakše rješiv kada ona ne bi imala dva prirodna «bogatstva» koji za sobom povlače i uplitanje drugih zemalja u konflikt. Ta dva «bogatstva» su nafta i biljka koke.

Droga i nafta: Kolumbija je danas najveći izvoznik droge u svijetu. Godišnje se iz te zemlje prokrijumčari oko 800 tona kokaina i 10 tona heroina. Na hiljade i hiljade hektara obradive zemlje zasađeno je biljkom koke iz koje se dobija kokain. Andske visoravni su prirodno stanište te biljke, pa nije čudno što je na svjetskom tržištu droge najcjenjeniji kokain iz Kolumbije. Malo ko danas u svijetu nije čuo za ime Pabla Eskobara, jednog od najvećih narko-bosova u istoriji mafije. Nakon eliminacije Eskobara i propasti Mendelinskog kartela koji je on vodio i koji je pokrivao većinu poslova povezanih sa drogom, nastala je praznina. Nastao je veliki broj manjih grupa koje su preuzele poslove sa drogom, a koje su prije bile u sklopu Eskobarovog kartela, ali one nikada nisu uspjele da dostignu nivo svog bivšeg šefa. U prazan prostor uplivao je i FARC. Ta organizacija je sredinom 90-ih počela da se bavi proizvodnjom i prometom kokaina, heroina i marihuane i danas im je to glavni izvor finansiranja. Mnogi se slažu da su nakon toga oni potpuno izgubili vezu sa svojim idejama uspostavljanja komunističkog režima i da sada samo žele obaranje vlasti i postavljanje na te pozicije svojih ljudi, koji su stekli finansijsku i političku moć novcem od prodaje droge.
Većina kokaina i heroina koji napusti Kolumbiju stigne u SAD. Zapravo, 90 odsto droge na američkom tržištu je porijeklom iz Kolumbije. Zbog toga su Amerikanci odlučili da podrže «Plan Kolumbija», strategiju donesenu 1998. godine čiji je cilj uništavanje polja zasađenih kokom kao i razbijanje narko-mafije. Od početka Bušovog mandata 2000. pa do sada oni su u taj plan uložili preko tri milijarde dolara. Pored toga, pružaju i logističku potporu kolumbijskoj vojsci. Oko 100 američkih pilota zaprašuje polja zasađena kokom. Američka Vlada opremila je i obučila nekoliko hiljada kolumbijskih specijalaca čiji je cilj borba protiv FARC-a i lokalnih narko-bandi.
Međutim, ovdje dolazimo do drugog prirodnog bogatstva – nafte. Naftne rezerve Kolumbije procjenjuju se na oko 2,6 milijarde barela, u dosada sedam istraženih bazena. Pretpostavlja se da je to samo 20 odsto od ukupne količine kolumbijskog naftnog potencijala. Ta zemlja dnevno proizvede 880.000 barela, od čega se 296.000 barela naftovodima transportuje u rafinerije u Teksasu i Luizijani na finalnu obradu. Upravo zato se smatra da je vojna i logistička pomoć Kolumbiji usmjerena na očuvanje naftnih bušotina i naftovoda, koji su česta meta pobunjenika. Uostalom to potvrđuju i činjenice. Samo je mali broj kolumbijskih specijalaca upućen na područja na kojima nema naftnih bušotina. Većina njih koncentrisana je oko bušotina, da bi spriječila njihovo nesmetano funkcionisanje. Uostalom, nekoliko američkih naftnih kompanija se nalazi u Kolumbiji i one su, za gerilce, legitimna vojna meta.
Građanski rat u Kolumbiji je izuzetno komplikovan i po mnogo čemu specifičan oružani sukob u današnjem svijetu. Začet u obračunu političkih i bogataških elita, rasplamsao se u vremenu svjetske ideološke bipolarnosti, te nesmanjenom žestinom bukti u današnjem, postmodernom svijetu koji ratuje zbog ekonomskih i energetskih izvora. Sve se to odrazilo na Kolumbiju koja, začudo, nije doživjela potpuni kolaps. Njena privreda stoji prilično dobro u poređenju sa ostalim latinoameričkim privredama. Ali ipak postoji veliki broj siromašnih i obespravljenih koji jedinu nadu vide u oružanoj borbi. S druge strane, svijet je «svjestan» ovog sukoba, ali ne želi ili neće da se miješa. Čini se da postupa po nepisanom pravilu po kojem su oba američka kontinenta ekskluzivne interesne zone Sjedinjenih Država.

Kolumbija - smrtonosna za novinare
Kolumbija je jedno od najopasnijih mjesta na svijetu za novinare jer su oni suočeni sa stalnim prijetnjama gerilaca i trgovaca drogom. Tokom 90-ih godina u toj zemlji ubijeno je preko 120 novinara, od kojih je većina pisala o trgovini drogom i korupciji. Organizacija za slobodu medija «Reporteri bez granica» okvalifikovala je vođe tri glavne oružane grupe u zemlji kao «predatore na slobodu medija».

Svala cast za temu .

 jedna od najprljavijih operacija CIA se vodi bash u kolumbiji ,oko kontrole proizvodnje i distribucije kokaina . tu je naravno ukljuchen i FARC (koji je odavno prestao da bude revolucionarna gerila ,a postao obichna kriminalana  banda  ) ,kolumbijske vlasti i druge "gerilske" grupe ,a naravno i narko-karteli  .

 za razliku od nafte ,koja je gotovo potpuno u rukama amerikanaca , trgovina i vlasnishtvo nad distribucijom koke je izdelejno medju raznim stranama .svaka od njih pokushava da unishti konkurenciju koristeci razna sredstva . npr , CIA zaprashuje samo ona polja koke koja ne kontrolishe zajedno sa kolumbijskom vladom  ,dok FARC ubija policajce ,sudije i tuzioce - ali samo ako ne saradjuju u distribuciji koke  .

 u poslednje vreme FARC je delimichno potisnut ,ali chak i da bude unishten ,bez sumnje ce neke nove ili stare organizacije uskochiti na njegovo mesto . jednostavno ,kolumbija iako je prirodno veoma bogata , nema kvalitetno stanovnishtvo -rasni meshanci koji tamo zive nisu sposobni da se organizuju i urade neshto sa onim shto im je priroda dala bez medjusobnog unishtavanja.

AFEUR-Agrupación de Fuerzas Especiales Antiterroristas Urbanas-Jedna od Kolumbijskih spec. jedinica koju su prvo obucavalae Britanske specijalne snage,a potom i Americke zelene beretke,za antiteroristicke operacije,i direktne sukobe sa gerilom(FARC-m)

The Agrupación de Fuerzas Especiales Antiterroristas Urbanas ("Urban Counter-Terrorism Special Forces Group", AFEUR) is an elite unit of the Colombian Army, whose primary mission is to perform counter-terrorist operations and hostage rescues based on stealth, surprise and team work.

VIP protection is another task of the unit. For example, they protect the Colombian President when he travels, and provided protection for President Bill Clinton's (Army group) and President George W. Bush visits to Cartagena, in 2000, 2004 respectively. They also provided the second security ring to Bush visit to Bogotá in 2007.

This unit answers directly to the Commando General de las Fuerzas Armadas (Armed Forces Joint Staff), and they are allowed to use any military air transportation to guarantee mobility, and to use any weapon or additional equipment as required to accomplish their missions.

History

Due to terrorist acts conducted in cities by guerrilla groups, the Colombian Army needed a specially trained unit to deal with this threat. This unit was required to be able to both operate and co-ordinate operations with other units of the army, or from other military branches.

Although Colombia's 40-year long conflict with guerrilla groups had given many reasons for such a unit to exist, two terrorist acts in particular worked as catalysts in the formation the unit: the Dominican embassy siege in 1980 and the Palace of Justice siege (Colombian Supreme Court) in 1985.

As the unit's experience grew, and its rate of success increased, in 2003 the Colombian Government decided to establish other units assigned to main cities across the nation. Such units are smaller in size, and trained by the main group, and all operate under the AFEUR name.

In the same year, the Colombian Navy also deployed its own AFEUR unit attached to the Marine Corps. Although trained by the Army unit, the Navy unit specialises in underwater infiltration training akin to its amphibious nature. This unit is intended to have the same capabilities as its Army counterpart, and so far their main task has been to support Special Forces or other conventional Marine Corps units when operating in semi-urban areas. However it is likely that the unit also took part in the operation to provide protection to President George W. Bush during his visit to Cartagena in December 2004, and his visit to Bogotá in March 2007 (200 units AFEUR will handle the second security ring, the first one will be from Secret Service.

Recruitment and training

Members of all branches of the Military of Colombia and the National Police are eligible to join AFEUR. Such personnel are required to have no criminal record, and have likely to have already received previous special training such as Colombian Army’s Lancero course, or other training abroad.

Training takes place at the Colombian Army’s Communications School in Facatativá near Bogotá (which also serves as unit headquarters), and includes airborne operations, night operations, and close quarters combat. It is divided in two phases: the first focuses on team work, whilst the second focuses on special skills such as explosives training, paramedic training, sharpshooting and marksmanship, amongst others.

The main AFEUR group also shares training with Special Forces units from other countries - mostly likely with the U.S., due to the military cooperation agreement established between the two governments, and also perhaps with the UK (although this is less known due to the low profile the UK military like to keep in their operations).

Commando Forces tournaments

The full effectiveness of this unit is not known, however due to the constant training and exposure to live operations, AFEUR should be regarded as a top class operation. Reports from the media and official sources states that this unit has been involved in every top profile operation against guerrilla groups, in both preventive strikes and emergency response actions in urban and semi-urban areas all across Colombia, though details are kept in secret.

On the other hand AFEUR won the "Fuerzas Comando 2005" (Commando Forces 2005) contest, that took place in Chile in June 2005 lasting two weeks.

This yearly contest sponsored by the US South Command and the US Special Operations Command with similar teams from Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, U.S., Guatemala, Honduras, Jamaica, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Dominican Republic, Peru and Uruguay.

The AFEUR team was made up of six operators, two from the Army, three from the Navy, one from the Air Force, two of them snipers. All operators were selected from the actual Army and Navy AFEUR groups performing real operations.

Though having a hard time on the physical fitness test, they performed outstandingly in sharpshooting, being the only team shooting targets beyond 1Km, assault force, stalking hunt, and marksmanship tests.

The following year 2006, and by second time in a row, the team won the same contest, this time "Fuerzas Comando 2006" in Paraguay. The team, three operators from the Army, two from the Air Force and two from the Navy, showed a similar performance compared to the previous year, with sniping and team work courses as their main strengths.

Again in 2007, they overcame 18 other delegations to win the contest for the third consecutive time. This time "Fuerzas Comando 2007" in Honduras. The seven representatives (two from the Army, three from the Air Force and two from the Navy) overwhelmed the judges with their resistance and their sharp shooting skills. Army lieutenant Diego León Grimaldos was one of the judges